A Comparative Study of Women in Local Government in India and Pakistan

Journal of International Politics Volume 2, Issue 2, 2020, PP 24-32 ISSN 2642-8245 A Comparative Study of Women in Local Government in India and Pakistan Nadeem Malik* Development Studies Program, School of Social and Political Sciences, The University of Melbourne, Australia. *Corresponding Author: Nadeem Malik, Development Studies Program, School of Social and Political Sciences, The University of Melbourne, Australia ABSTRACT Women's participation and representation in politics at the local level is considered important for gender equity and women’s empowerment. The recent wave of decentralisation in the late 1990s in India and Pakistan promised to solve women-related community problems at the grass-root level and more importantly, to empower them socially, economically and politically. This article demonstrates the extent to which such aspirations could be realized. Keyword: women’s political representation, local government, India, Pakistan INTRODUCTION institutions and the donor countries. With few exceptions, this is most vividly illustrated by the The decade of the 1980s saw an increasing rise of political gangsters in the leadership of enthusiasm for decentralisation in developing parties, parliaments and executive bodies at the countries. The concept itself was part of the good local level in most countries1. The failure of governance agenda of the World Bank and decentralizing was due to inadequate local donor countries in the first world (Malik, 2016). It was thought that the failure of earlier government framework, ineffective implementation development paradigms (especially the structural or capture of local government by interest groups or adjustment program) was due to bad institutional a combination of these factors (Malik, 2009). arrangement, corruption, and lack of accountability There are, of course, limits to the way the examples of government institutions (Malik, 2016). It was of local governance experiments can be generalised believed that unless more inclusive, appropriate across all countries within the less-developed world. and modern market-oriented institutions were Local officials can certainly be found who have introduced in developing countries, people’s performed relatively well compared to other empowerment, economic growth and poverty governments in developing countries such as in the reduction was not possible (Malik, 2016). cases of Karnataka in India and Porto Alegre in The decentralisation approach was based on the Brazil (Dickovick, 2011; Heller, 2001; Manor & assumption that bringing decision making closer Crook, 1998;). However, in most cases in to grassroots communities, would strengthen developing countries, the reforms that took place, in electoral institutions, democracy and civil the absence of any reforms in the power structures, society making bureaucracy more efficient and did not allow for them to be sustained (Malik, less corrupt. Also, priority was given to more 2016). They were dissipated under pressures of female representation in local government money politics and political thuggery, which institutions. It was believed that decentralisation underpinned the working of democracy in most of would empower women as well (Malik, 2016). these countries at the local and national levels. However, what the empirical evidence suggests 1For example, see: Paul S (2001); Paul S, Lewis BD is that the predatory interests had managed to (1996) Rondinelli D, McCullough J and Johnson R reinvent themselves in the new democracy at the (1989); Rosenau JN (1995); local level. Thus, decentralisation could not produce Schonwalder G (1997); Smith BC (1985); Souza C ‘good governance’ idealized in the neo-institu (1998) of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs tionalist scheme of the international financial 40: 145-148. Journal of International Politics V2 ● I2 ● 2020 24 A Comparative Study of Women in Local Government in India and Pakistan In some cases, this has led to the re-centralisation of Rana, 2019).Such a situation existed because of governance. continuous and long periods of military rule that systematically weakened political parties and The cases of decentralisation in India and democratic political culture that could bring any Pakistan present an interesting comparison. meaningful change (Malik & Rana, 2019).. After independence, India formed a republican polity with the universal adult franchise and In this context, despite a long history of women’s initiated the process of political modernisation struggle in Pakistan since the pre-partition period, and democratisation in the country. However, women were not given significant representation political modernisation remained confined to the in the national and provincial assemblies or local state and national level politics. The rural governments. The few women in the national and society was mostly feudal. The first challenge provincial assemblies have been usually from the was, therefore, to transform rural society into a upper classes and inherited their seats in the more democratic one. This necessitated the national and provincial legislatures from families implementation of democratic decentralisation or because of the blessings of male political in the country. The democratic decentralisation leaders (Khattak, 1996). Moreover, women’s was conceived in the form of panchayat raj issues were never given precedence in their institutions2. This provided opportunities to agenda. In local governments, women hardly had rural women to take leadership roles in the any significant representation. However, in 2000, panchayats. This, however, did not mean that the military regime of General Musharraf provided women were necessarily politically empowered substantial representation (33 percent) to women throughout India. in local governments. This was an outcome of the long-standing demand and struggle of women’s In most cases, they were used as proxies for their organisation, such as Women Action Forum, Aurat male members of the family who represented them Foundation, Shirkat Gah, and the Human Rights in panchayats. Nevertheless, the process provided Commission of Pakistan along with a worldwide space for women to learn politics and achieve a trend towards decentralisation and gender empo- certain level of independence gradually. The state werment and international donors’ pressures of Karnataka, for the reasons given in the next section, became exemplary in terms of more Overall, one of the major reasons for keeping women representation and empowerment. women away from the corridors of state institutions and politics was due to Pakistan’s identity as a Unlike India, the case of Pakistan demonstrates Muslim state, which the military (according to that right from the outset, the purpose of decen- the notion of Two Nation Theory)3 tried to tralisation was not to decentralize power and maintain to distinguish Pakistan’s identity from authority but to meet two prime objectives. First, India (Jalal: 1991). It was professed that the strengthening of civil and military bureaucracies Islamic interpretation of social relations stressed to establish the most centralized and coercive women’s role within the household (ibid: 1991). government structures through the political Women’s participation outside the home, therefore, marginalisation of mainstream political parties was always considered to be against the very and; second to co-opt newly emerging politicians identity of the Muslims of Pakistan (ibid: 1991). from local councils who could act as conduits between the local constituencies and military established governments (Malik & Rana, 2019). 3 The Two Nation Theory was an ideological weapon used by the Muslim League during its struggle for the The history of decentralisation in Pakistan formation of a separate homeland for the Muslims of reveals that the central tendency underlying the subcontinent. It was professed that Hindus and major experiments with local governments Muslims are two different nations, as they have different primarily conducted by military regimes was to religions and therefore could not live together. This accumulate power further (Malik & Rana, theory had no utility after the formation of Pakistan for 2019). The civilian governments, on the other the Muslims as the other nation was no more. However, hand, were reluctant to establish strong local the first military government in Pakistan revived this governments because provincial ministers and theory in order to subvert the very concept of Pakistan members of provincial parliaments wanted to keep as a federation having different nationalities. According to the Two Nation Theory, it was emphasized that development funds in their hands to build their Pakistan is not a federation but one nation as the majority networks of personalised patronage (Malik & of population is Muslim. The concept of a nation was thus explained in communal terms. This also had a 2 Local government institutions are known as ‘panchayat significant impact on women’s rights and political raj institutions’ in India representation. 25 Journal of International Politics V2 ● I2 ● 2020 A Comparative Study of Women in Local Government in India and Pakistan WOMEN IN LOCAL GOVERNMENTS IN INDIA Table1. Membership Representation of Women in Karnataka PRIs It is generally acknowledged that democratic decentralisation has widened the base of No. Panchayat Total members Women democracy in India by involving the marginalized 1 Zilla Panchayat 1005 373 and the women in the process of governance 2 Taluk Panchayat

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