Linking National Politics to Europe
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En En Draft Report
European Parliament 2019-2024 Committee on Constitutional Affairs 2020/2220(INL) 1.7.2021 DRAFT REPORT on the reform of the electoral law of the European Union (2020/2220(INL)) Committee on Constitutional Affairs Rapporteur: Domènec Ruiz Devesa PR\1235563EN.docx PE693.622v03-00 EN United in diversityEN PR_INL CONTENTS Page MOTION FOR A EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT RESOLUTION.............................................3 ANNEX TO THE MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION..............................................................11 PE693.622v03-00 2/31 PR\1235563EN.docx EN MOTION FOR A EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT RESOLUTION on the reform of the electoral law of the European Union (2020/2220(INL)) The European Parliament, – having regard to the Declaration of 9 May 1950 that proposed the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) as a first step in the federation of Europe, – having regard to the Act concerning the election of the members of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage ("the Electoral Act") annexed to the Council decision of 20 September 1976, as amended by Council Decision 2002/772/EC, Euratom, of 25 June and 23 September 2002, and by Council Decision (EU, Euratom) 2018/994 of 13 July 2018, – having regard to the Treaties and in particular to Articles 9, 10, 14 and 17(7) of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and to Articles 20, 22, 223(1) and 225 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), and to Article 2 of Protocol No 1 on the role of national parliaments in the European Union, – having regard to Protocol -
The European Parliament – More Powerful, Less Legitimate? an Outlook for the 7Th Term
The European Parliament – More powerful, less legitimate? An outlook for the 7th term CEPS Working Document No. 314/May 2009 Julia De Clerck-Sachsse and Piotr Maciej Kaczyński Abstract At the end of the 6th legislature, fears that enlargement would hamper the workings of the European Parliament have largely proved unfounded. Despite the influx of a large number of new members to Parliament, parties have remained cohesive, and legislative output has remained steady. Moreover, after an initial phase of adaptation, MEPs from new member states have been increasingly socialised into the EP structure. Challenges have arisen in a rather different field, however. In order to remain efficient in the face of increasing complexity, the EP has had to streamline its working procedures, moving more decisions to parliamentary committees and cutting down time for debate. This paper argues that measures to increase the efficiency of the EP, most notably the trend towards speeding up agreements with the Council (1st reading agreements) run the risk of undermining the EP’s role as a forum of debate. Should bureaucratisation increasingly trump politicisation, the legitimacy of the EP will be undermined, and voters will become ever more alienated from its work. For the 7th legislature of the European Parliament therefore, it is crucial to balance efficiency of output with a more politicised policy style that is able to capture public interest. CEPS Working Documents are intended to give an indication of work being conducted within CEPS research programmes and to stimulate reactions from other experts in the field. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed are attributable only to the authors in a personal capacity and not to any institution with which they are associated. -
Towards a More Transparent and Coherent Party Finance System Across Europe
Emilie Bartolini, Yvonne Milleschitz & Zociana Stambolliu College of Europe Transparency Group Towards a more transparent and coherent party finance system across Europe The theme of Party Finance is key to determine funding for EU political parties. If, in fact, EU the transparency of a political system. As many parties were indirectly funded through practices cases in the past have demonstrated, party which lack satisfactory levels of disclosure and finance can serve as an important source of transparency, this could have potential illegitimate influence over political actors repercussions over the transparency discipline of through donations and contributions by EU party funding as a whole. individual members as well as larger interest The new regulation builds on the European groups or firms. Parliament evaluation report, which stated the Only since 2003 European Parties are granted a need to reform certain areas of the former public subsidy coming from the EU budget. To regulation. The report followed the adoption of design the EU party finance system, great a report by the Secretary General of the inspiration was taken by national regulations. European Parliament on party funding at EU The first regulation was reformed in 2007 with the level. The EP evaluation report emphasizes the aim of ensuring a greater institutionalization of need for the following reforms: Firstly they stated parties within the EU political system. In 2014 a the need to provide parties with a legal status as new regulation was approved, introducing a symbolic way to reinvigorate their status within substantial reforms such as the establishment of the European Political system. European political an ‘Authority for European political parties and parties should have legal personality to foundations’ in charge of “registering, overcome the gap between fiscal treatment controlling and imposing sanctions on governing European political parties and European political parties and European European Institutions. -
Rules on Political Groups in the EP
Briefing June 2015 Rules on political groups in the EP SUMMARY Members of the European Parliament may form political groups; these are not organised by nationality, but by political affiliation. At the start of the current parliamentary term there were seven political groups in the Parliament, as there were throughout the 2009-14 period. The formation of a new, eighth, political group, to be called Europe of Nations and Freedoms, has been announced recently. To form a political group, a minimum of 25 MEPs, elected from at least one quarter (currently seven) of the EU's Member States is required. Those Members (MEPs) who do not belong to any political group are known as 'non-attached' (non-inscrits) Members. Although the political groups play a very prominent role in Parliament's life, individual MEPs and/or several MEPs acting together also have many rights, including in respect of the exercise of oversight over other EU institutions, such as the Commission. However, belonging to a political group is of a particular relevance for the allocation of key positions in Parliament's political and organisational structures, such as committee and delegation chairs and rapporteurships on important dossiers. Moreover, political groups receive higher funding for their collective staff and parliamentary activities than the non-attached MEPs. Political-group funding is however to be distinguished from funding granted to European political parties and foundations, which, if they comply with the requirements to register as such, may apply for funding from the European Parliament if they are represented in Parliament by at least one Member. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Relations Between the European Council and the European Parliament
Relations between the European Council and the European Parliament Institutional and political dynamics STUDY EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Author: Desmond Dinan European Council Oversight Unit PE 630.288 – November 2018 EN Relations between the European Council and the European Parliament Institutional and political dynamics This study explores the development of relations between the European Council (of Heads of State or Government) and the European Parliament, two institutions that have become increasingly central to the operation of the European Union political system, especially since the 2009 Lisbon Treaty. It explains the Treaty framework for relations between the two institutions and traces their practical evolution over time, including an analysis of the roles of the presidents of each institution in such interaction. It also examines points of contention in the relationship to date, including in relation to 'legislative trespassing' by the European Council and the Spitzenkandidaten process. EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service AUTHOR This study has been written by Desmond Dinan, Ad Personam Jean Monnet Chair and Professor of Public Policy at George Mason University, Virginia, United States, at the request of the European Council Oversight Unit of the Directorate for Impact Assessment and European Added Value of the European Parliamentary Research Service (EPRS). Professor Dinan completed this work during his half-year as a Visiting Fellow at EPRS. ADMINISTRATOR RESPONSIBLE Astrid Worum, European Council Oversight Unit, EPRS To contact the publisher, please e-mail [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN Manuscript completed in September 2018. DISCLAIMER AND COPYRIGHT This document is prepared for, and addressed to, the Members and staff of the European Parliament as background material to assist them in their parliamentary work. -
The European Parliament Following the 2009 Elections New Tasks in Light of the Lisbon Treaty
Friedrich Ebert Foundation, Representation in Poland The Independent Institute of International and European Law demosEUROPA – the Center for European Strategy Department of International Law and EU Law, Leon Kozmiński University The European Parliament following the 2009 elections New tasks in light of the Lisbon Treaty Edited by Jan Barcz and Barbara Janusz-Pawletta Warszawa 2009 1 Translated by: Karolina Podstawa and Philip Earl Steele Edited by: Philip Earl Steele 2 Contents: About our authors and editors………………………………………………………. 4 List of abbreviations ………………………………………………………………… 5 Foreword ……………………………………………………………………………. 7 Introduction: Peter Hengstenberg ………………………………………………………… 9 Part One: Political aspects of the elections to the European Parliament and the political challenges arising from the Lisbon Treaty concerning the European Parliament and national parliaments • After the elections to the European Parliament, June 9, 2009: Mikołaj Dowgielewicz ………………………………………………………………………………………… 13 • Time for a multilevel parliamentary system: for the sake of a citizen-friendly Europe: MichaelRoth,,AlexandraBrzezinski……………………………………………….. 18 • The new challenges before national parliaments: Edmund Wittbrodt .……… 33 • A few remarks from a political scientist in regard to the outcomes of the elections to the European Parliament in 2009: Robert Smoleń…………………………………. 38 Part Two: The Legal and Political Strengthening of the Status of the European Parliament in light of Lisbon Treaty provisions • National Parliaments in the Lisbon Treaty: Rainer Arnold…………………… -
Redalyc.Euroskepticism in European National Elections: the Rise Of
Brazilian Political Science Review E-ISSN: 1981-3821 [email protected] Associação Brasileira de Ciência Política Brasil Tostes, Ana Paula Euroskepticism in European National Elections: The Rise of Voter Support for New Radical Right Parties Brazilian Political Science Review, vol. 5, núm. 1, 2011, pp. 77-104 Associação Brasileira de Ciência Política São Paulo, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=394341997004 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Euroskepticism in European National Elections: The Rise of Voter Support for New Radical Right Parties Ana Paula Tostes Rio de Janeiro State University (UERJ), Brazil This article systematically investigates, in a comparative perspective, the support for new extreme right-wing political parties (ERPs) in national elections across the Western European Union countries (WEU). The objective of the research is not to explain why or how the ERPs platforms can be convincing and persuasive, but to describe conditions that contribute to identify when this has occurred. Since the reactionary nature of ERP discourse met the spreading phenomenon of Euroskepticism, a vote for ERP candidates and platforms is considered Euroskeptic voting behavior. Our hypothesis is that the greater the political power a member state enjoys in European Union institutions, the fewer the incentives for voters to support ERPs. To test this hypothesis, a great amount of data was organized and a set of econometric exercises was established using panel data with fixed effects. -
Politics, Legitimacy and Institutional Balance: What Is the EU and Why Is the Commission?
A Politics, Legitimacy and Institutional Balance: What is the EU and Why is the Commission? Dr Edward Best*, Head of Unit ‘European Decision-Making’, EIPA Maastricht 7 The 2014 European elections were intended to boost the legitimacy of both the European Parliament and the European Commission. The person nominated by the European Council as the next Commission President was the candidate of the European political party which won most seats, and was thus ‘elected’ by Parliament. This process may prove to have contributed to multi-level political participation in the long run. However, it has not (yet) halted the trend of an ever lower turnout in European elections, while the results produced a further weakening of the core centrist, and pro-integration groups in Parliament. Jean-Claude Juncker, the incoming President, stressed that his Commission would be political, not technocratic. He has also suggested that the democratic legitimacy of the Commission comes from the European Parliament. The Commission has always been institutionally accountable to the Parliament, but its role in promoting the general interest of the Union also depends upon its being seen as independent and impartial, and not directly linked to short-term party politics. The legitimacy of this role lies largely in the treaty which created the Commission. On the other hand, greater sensitivity to organised political opinion at EU level is a counterweight to politicisation by national influences, and the supranational appointment of the President is a balance to the composition of one member from each Member State, now including several former Prime Ministers. This may prove to be a new institutional hybrid which is actually rather well suited for the uncertain political times ahead. -
Chronicle of an Election Foretold: the Longer-Term Trends Leading to the ‘Spitzenkandidaten’ Procedure and the Election of Jean-Claude Juncker As European
LSE ‘Europe in Question’ Discussion Paper Series Chronicle of an Election Foretold: The Longer-Term Trends leading to the ‘Spitzenkandidaten’ procedure and the Election of Jean-Claude Juncker as European Commission President Martin Westlake LEQS Paper No. 102/2016 January 2016 LEQS is generously supported by the LSE Annual Fund Editorial Board Dr Joan Costa-i-Font Dr Vassilis Monastiriotis Dr Jonathan White Dr Katjana Gattermann Dr Sonja Avlijas All views expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the editors or the LSE. © Martin Westlake Chronicle of an Election Foretold: The Longer-Term Trends leading to the ‘Spitzenkandidaten’ procedure and the Election of Jean-Claude Juncker as European Commission President Martin Westlake* Abstract By focusing on the near-term campaign in the 2014 European elections analysts have tended to over-look a series of longer-term trends that were jointly and inexorably leading to the Spitzenkandidaten (lead candidate) process and to some at least of the subsequent structural reforms to the Commission. The paper argues that those longer-term trends continue and that the (s)election of Jean-Claude Juncker as President of the European Commission and the structural reforms he subsequently introduced are better understood as steps in ongoing processes rather than fresh departures. Thus, what will happen in 2019 will have been conditioned not only by 2014, but also by previous elections and previous developments, as considered in this paper. Keywords: European Commission Presidency, Jean-Claude Juncker, Spitzenkandidaten, European Parliament, Longer-Term Trends * Visiting Professor, College of Europe, Bruges Senior Visiting Fellow, European Institute, London School of Economics and Political Science Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE Email: [email protected] The Longer-Term Trends leading to the ‘Spitzenkandidaten’ procedure Table of Contents 1. -
Inga Rosińska Director of Information & Outreach, Council of the EU Inga Rosinska Is Currently Director of Information & Outreach at the Council of the European Union
LIST OF SPEAKERS (alphabetical order) Mina Andreeva Deputy Spokesperson of the European Commission Mina Andreeva is the Deputy Chief Spokeswoman of the Juncker Commission since 2014. She first obtained her Bachelor‘s degree in European Studies at the University of Maastricht with honors and then graduated from Edinburgh University with an LL.M. in European Law with distinction. Previously, Mina Andreeva pursued a traineeship at the European Commission, where she afterwards worked as press officer for Commissioner Viviane Reding, in charge of Information Society and Media and then continued as the Spokeswoman for Vice-President Reding in charge of Justice, Fundamental Rights and Citizenship. Moreover, before her current position she was the assistant to the Director General of DG Communication and then Spokeswoman to President-elect Jean-Claude Juncker in his transition team. Mina Andreeva is also a regular guest lecturer on “EU decision making” at Maastricht University. Sixtine Bouygues Deputy Director General, DG COMM, European Commission Sixtine Bouygues is Deputy Director-General for Communication at the European Commission. She is responsible for the Commission’s 35 Representations in the EU Member States as well as for outreach to citizens. In 2010, in her role as a Director in DG Communication, she shaped the Commission‘s corporate communication strategy and set up the institution’s first social media team. Previously, as the Head of Communication for the Commission’s DG for Communications Networks, Content and Technology, she designed and managed an ambitious campaign on the end of mobile roaming charges. From 2002 to 2003, she served as the Head of the Commission’s Representation in France. -
Special Dossier Justice/Notaries Pages 10-11 Europolitics
SPECIAL DOSSIER Justice/Notaries Pages 10-11 EUROPOLITICS The European affairs daily Tuesday 17 March 2009 N° 3715 37th year FOCUS AGRICULTURE Commission plans to ‘green’ KW takes over DG Agri and simplify CAP By Célia Sampol By Luc Vernet particular a revision of legislation at more regular intervals. Too much paperwork and too distant: This could include the question of The European Parliament has a new the most flagrant flaws of the Common whether existing measures should be secretary-general since 15 March. Agricultural Policy (CAP) are in the maintained and if so, in what form. It Klaus Welle of Germany takes over European Commission’s sights. will also try to simplify and harmonise from Harald Rømer of Denmark, who is It promises to correct them in a com- the legal framework applicable to the retiring in accordance with the Bureau’s munication on simplification of the CAP and to extend it to all communica- decision of 3 December 2008. This CAP, to be presented on 18 March. tions under agricultural policy. appointment is not expected to go Its idea of ‘greening’ all the officials Another project in the works is the unnoticed in Parliament, not because of the Agriculture DG is symbolic in adoption of a proposal this year to the former head of cabinet of President this respect. From 2010, a training pro- repeal several Council instruments that Hans-Gert Pöttering (EPP-ED, Ger- have lapsed. many) and ex-secretary-general of the The idea of making legislative EPP-ED likes to be in the limelight. On It will bring a 25% cut in changes at common dates will also be the contrary, Welle seems little inclined the CAP’s administrative explored, in order to facilitate moni- to draw attention to himself.