Bookv Apprehended Who Are Planning to Carry out Your Murder

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Bookv Apprehended Who Are Planning to Carry out Your Murder BookV apprehended who are planning to carry out your murder." After the emperor read the note, he ordered the chamberlain Michael 64 to make a careful search for the men. But either out of respect for the augusta, or because he procrastinated, or was led astray by divine madness, he left unsearched the room in which the band of murderers 65 was sitting. As night had already fallen, the empress, as was her custom, went in to the emperor, and spoke of the maidens who had recently arrived from Mysia, saying, "I am leaving to give some instructions 66 about their care, and then I will come back to you. But leave the bedchamber open and don't lock it now; for I will lock it when I come back." With these words she left. During a whole watch of the night the emperor made his usual prayers to God and devoted himself to study of the Holy Scriptures. When the need for sleep came upon him, he lay down on the floor, upon the leopardskin and scarlet felt cloth, before the holy icons of the theandric image of Christ and of the Mother of God and of the Holy Forerunner and Herald. 67 |p. 87] 7. Meanwhile John's retainers, who had been admitted by the augusta, had emerged from the room, armed with swords, and were awaiting his arrival, watching closely from the terrace of the upper rooms of the palace.The clock was just indicating the fifth hour of the night, 68 a fierce north wind filled the air, and snow was falling heavily. Then John arrived with his fellow conspirators, sailing along the shore in a light boat and disembarking on land where the stone Hon is seizing the bull (traditionally 64 The Greek phrase is τω τοΰ κοιτώνος κατάρχοντι, literally, "the one in charge of the bedchamber," which should be equivalent to chamberlain, the parakoimomenos. Apparently Leo is referring to Michael, the former protovestiarios , promoted to chamberlain (to whom the protovestiarios was subordinate) and brother of the droungarios Niketas; see above, Book IV, n. 64, and Guilland, Institutions, 1:172, 184, 220 and esp. 362. Skylitzes (Skyl. 281.36) says he gave the order to the protovestiarios. 65 Reading φονώντων for φόνων των, as suggested by Panagiotakes. 66 Reading έπισκήψουσα for έπισκήψασα, as suggested by Panagiotakes. 67 Note that this assemblage of three icons forms a Deesis scene, on which see ODB 1:599-600. 68 The Greek term translated as "clock" is γνώμων, literally "indicator," used specifically of the pointer on a sundial. In this case it must refer to a waterclock, on which see ODB 2:947, s.v. Horologion. For a parallel to Leo's usage see Athenaeus, Deipnosophists 2.42b (G. Kaibel, ed., Athenaei Naucratitae deipnosophistarum libri xv, 3 vols. [Leipzig: 1887,1890; repr. Stuttgart, 1965—66]): έν τοΐςγνώμοσι ρέον <ΰδωρ> ούκ άναδίδωσι τάς ώρας έν τώ χειμώνι, apparently the only other such usage. The fifth hour of the night was about 11:00 P . M . 137 Book V the place is called Boukoleon); 69 whistling to his retainers, who were leaning out from the terrace above, he was recognized; for this was the signal he had given to the murderers.They let down from above a basket attached to ropes, and hauled up first all the conspirators one at a time, and then John himself. After thus ascending without being detected, they entered the imperial bedchamber with swords drawn. When they reached the bed and found it empty with no one sleeping in it, they were petrified with terror and tried to hurl themselves into the sea [from the terrace]. But a dastardly 70 fellow 71 from [the staff of] the women's quarters led them and pointed out the sleeping emperor; they surrounded him and leapt at him and kicked him with their feet. When Nikephoros was awakened and propped his head on his el- bow, Leo, called Balantes, 72 struck him violently with his sword. And the emperor, in severe pain [p. 88] from the wound ([for] the sword struck his brow and eyelid, crushing the bone ,73 but not injuring the brain), cried out in a very loud voice, "Help me, Ο Mother of God!";74 and he was covered all over with blood and stained with red. John, sitting on the imperial bed, ordered [them| to drag the emperor over to him.When he was dragged over, prostrate and collapsing on the floor (for he was not even able to rise to his knees, since his gigantic strength had been sapped by the blow of the sword), [John] questioned him in a threatening man- ner, saying, "Tell me, you most ungrateful and malicious tyrant, wasn't it through me that you attained the Roman rule and received such power? Why then did you disregard such a good turn, and, driven by envy and evil frenzy, did not hesitate to remove me, your benefactor, from the 69 The Boukoleon palace had its own small port on the Sea of Marmara. It took its name from a statue of a lion attacking a bull that survived until the earthquake of 1532: see Janin, CP byz., 101; R. Guilland,"Le palais du Boukoleon. L'assassinat de Nicephore II Phokas," BSl 13 (1952/53): 101-36; Berger, Untersuchungen, 258-60; and Mango, "The Palace of the Boukoleon." 70 Reading ίταμόν with Panagiotakes instead of the ιταμών of the Hase ed. 71 Άνδράριον, literally "little man"; elsewhere in Leo (7.4, 39.4) the word is always used of a eunuch, and surely that is the implication here. See Ringrose, The Perfect Servant, 35-39. 72 In Skylitzes (Skyl. 279.4,280.17,285.30) his name is twice rendered Abalantes and he is called a taxiarch.The Balantai were an aristocratic family from Asia Minor: see Cheynet, "Les Phocas," 309, and idem, Pouvoir, 328. 73 See Homer, Iliad 16.324. 74 On the prayer, cf.Theoph. 1:442.30-31: και ε'ί πού τις συμπίπτων ή αλγών την συνήθη Χριστιανοΐς άφήκε φωνήν, τό Θεοτόκε βοήθει. 138 Book V command of the troops? Instead you dismissed me to waste my time in the countryside with peasants, like some alien without any rights, 75 even though I am more brave and vigorous than you; the armies of the en- emy fear me, and there is no one now who can save you from my hands. Speak then, if you have any grounds of defense remaining against these charges." 8. The emperor, who was already growing faint and did not have anyone to defend him, kept calling on the Mother of God for assistance. But John grabbed hold of his beard and pulled it mercilessly, while his fellow conspirators cruelly and inhumanly smashed his jaws with their sword handles [p. 89] so as to shake loose his teeth and knock them out of the jawbone. When they had their fill of tormenting him, John kicked him in the chest, raised up his sword, and drove it right through the middle of his brain, ordering the others to strike the man, too. They slashed at him mercilessly, and one of them hit him in the back with an akouphion 7h and thrust it right through to the breast. This is a long iron weapon that very much resembles a heron's beak. But it differs from the beak in its shape, inasmuch as nature bestowed a straight beak on the bird, whereas the akouphion gradually extends in a moderate curve, end- ing in a rather sharp point. Such was the end of the life of the emperor Nikephoros, who lived fifty-seven years, but held the imperial power for only six years and four months. 77 He was a man who unquestionably surpassed every man of his generation in courage and physical strength, and was very experi- enced and energetic in warfare; unyielding in every kind of undertak- ing, not softened or spoiled by physical pleasures, a man of magnanimity and of genius in affairs of state, a most upright judge and steadfast legis- lator, inferior to none of those who spend all their lives on these matters; he was strict and unbending in his prayers and all-night standing vig- ils 78 to God, and kept his mind undistracted during the singing of hymns, 75 See Homer, Iliad 9.648 and 16.58-59, where the angry Achilles indicates his view of how Agamemnon had treated him. 76 According to Trapp, LBG, s.v. (no doubt following Kolias, Waffen , 172) the akouphion is a Hakenhammer , a hooked hammer. M. Parani, on the other hand, has suggested that it may have been a curved saber: see Parani, Reconstructing the Reality of Images, 131—32. 77 Leo is evidently calculating the length of Nikephoros's reign from August 963, when he entered Constantinople (after being proclaimed emperor by his troops in Cappadocia the previous month), until December 969. 78 A common ascetic practice; see ODB 1:203, s.v. "Asceticism." 139 .
Recommended publications
  • Byzantine Conquests in the East in the 10 Century
    th Byzantine conquests in the East in the 10 century Campaigns of Nikephoros II Phocas and John Tzimiskes as were seen in the Byzantine sources Master thesis Filip Schneider s1006649 15. 6. 2018 Eternal Rome Supervisor: Prof. dr. Maaike van Berkel Master's programme in History Radboud Univerity Front page: Emperor Nikephoros II Phocas entering Constantinople in 963, an illustration from the Madrid Skylitzes. The illuminated manuscript of the work of John Skylitzes was created in the 12th century Sicily. Today it is located in the National Library of Spain in Madrid. Table of contents Introduction 5 Chapter 1 - Byzantine-Arab relations until 963 7 Byzantine-Arab relations in the pre-Islamic era 7 The advance of Islam 8 The Abbasid Caliphate 9 Byzantine Empire under the Macedonian dynasty 10 The development of Byzantine Empire under Macedonian dynasty 11 The land aristocracy 12 The Muslim world in the 9th and 10th century 14 The Hamdamids 15 The Fatimid Caliphate 16 Chapter 2 - Historiography 17 Leo the Deacon 18 Historiography in the Macedonian period 18 Leo the Deacon - biography 19 The History 21 John Skylitzes 24 11th century Byzantium 24 Historiography after Basil II 25 John Skylitzes - biography 26 Synopsis of Histories 27 Chapter 3 - Nikephoros II Phocas 29 Domestikos Nikephoros Phocas and the conquest of Crete 29 Conquest of Aleppo 31 Emperor Nikephoros II Phocas and conquest of Cilicia 33 Conquest of Cyprus 34 Bulgarian question 36 Campaign in Syria 37 Conquest of Antioch 39 Conclusion 40 Chapter 4 - John Tzimiskes 42 Bulgarian problem 42 Campaign in the East 43 A Crusade in the Holy Land? 45 The reasons behind Tzimiskes' eastern campaign 47 Conclusion 49 Conclusion 49 Bibliography 51 Introduction In the 10th century, the Byzantine Empire was ruled by emperors coming from the Macedonian dynasty.
    [Show full text]
  • “A Translation and Historical Commentary of Book One and Book Two of the Historia of Geōrgios Pachymerēs” 2004
    “A Translation and Historical Commentary of Book One and Book Two of the Historia of Geōrgios Pachymerēs” Nathan John Cassidy, BA(Hons) (Canterbury) This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Western Australia. School of Humanities Classics and Ancient History 2004 ii iii Abstract A summary of what a historical commentary should aim to do is provided by Gomme and Walbank in the introductions to their famous and magisterial commentaries on Thoukydidēs and Polybios. From Gomme: A historical commentary on an historian must necessarily derive from two sources, a proper understanding of his own words, and what we can learn from other authorities . To see what gaps there are in his narrative [and to] examine the means of filling these gaps. (A. Gomme A Historical Commentary on Thucydides vol. 1 (London, 1959) 1) And from Walbank: I have tried to give full references to other relevant ancient authorities, and where the text raises problems, to define these, even if they could not always be solved. Primarily my concern has been with whatever might help elucidate what Polybius thought and said, and only secondarily with the language in which he said it, and the question whether others subsequently said something identical or similar. (F. Walbank A Historical Commentary on Polybius vol. 1 (London, 1957) vii) Both scholars go on to stress the need for the commentator to stick with the points raised by the text and to avoid the temptation to turn the commentary into a rival narrative. These are the principles which I have endeavoured to follow in my Historical Commentary on Books One and Two of Pachymerēs’ Historia.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Sinopsis Historiarum' of John Scylitze Declares the Stances of Byzantine
    The ‘Sinopsis Historiarum’ of John Scylitze declares the stances of Byzantine hoplomachia of the 11th century By George E.Georgas , fencing coach and historical fencing instructor With this article I have to introduce our new member of the Academy of Historical European Martial Arts ‘Leontes’ as historical researcher, Mr. Foteinos Staveris who is student of archeology at the University of History and Archeology of Ioannina. I have to thank the Byzantine and Ecclesiastical Museum of Kefallinia for sharing to our Academy the copy of Scylitze ‘s book of 11th century ‘Sinopsis Historiarum’ for the purpose of studding. The Greek version of this essay added at the archives of the Byzantine and Ecclesiastical Museum of Kefallinia. John Scylitze was a Greek historian of the 11th century. He has the title of kouropalates of the imperial palace. This title was one of the highest from the time of Justinian the Great until the Komninian dynasty. The title means he who is in charge in the imperial palace. Also Scylitze was former Magnus Droungarios of the Vigla. Droungarios was a military rank of late Roman and Byzantine Empire and signifying the commander of the Droungos formation. The Droungarios of the Vigla or The Droungarios of the Watch, means the commander of the elite Vigla regiment. The Vigla regiment was responsible for guarding the emperor’s campaign. So as we understand except of politician and historian, Scylitze was also a man trained in weapons of his age. The cover of ‘Sinopsis Historiarum’ of John Scylitze He wrote the ‘Sinopsis Historiarum’ which cover the reigns of Byzantine emperors from 811 until 1057.
    [Show full text]
  • (PART I) Pantelis CHARALAMPAKIS* This Paper1 Is the Outcome
    2016 2 / 2 (1-17) 12 SHORT NOTES ON THE PROSOPOGRAPHY OF THE BYZANTINE THEME OF KOLONEIA (PART I) * Pantelis CHARALAMPAKIS *Research Fellow, Centre for This paper1 is the outcome of a preliminary study re- Advanced Study, Sofia. lated to the TAKTIKON database developed at the [email protected] 2 Academy of Athens, Greece. The history and proso- pography of the Byzantine theme of Koloneia in the Pontos area have been so far discussed in a very few – yet important – works only, and this is not because of lack of interest, but because of the limited infor- mation provided by literary sources and the small number of seals discovered. The main objective is to publish two so far unknown lead seals issued by officials who served in the theme of Koloneia, as well as to provide the reader with up- dated prosopographical lists of the thematic offi- cials. Needless to say, the prosopographical lists pre- sented in this paper are incomplete, because there are more unpublished collections of seals – some of them hard to access – that have to be examined. In a future second part of this study we shall present the remaining offices, together with discussion on some -------------------------------------------------------- 1 I would like to thank Dr. Osman Emir for encouraging me to write for KAREN Studies and also for his warm hospitality in Trabzon in May 2016. Moreover, I am indebted to Dr. Harald Schulze (Archäologische Staatssammlung München) and Dr. Vassa Kontouma (IFEB), for granting me permission to publish the seals, and, of course, to Prof. Jean-Claude Cheynet, who shared information and provided me with photos of the IFEB and BnF specimens.
    [Show full text]
  • The Byzantino-Latin Principality of Adrianople and the Challenge of Feudalism (1204/6–Ca
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Ghent University Academic Bibliography The Byzantino-Latin Principality of Adrianople and the Challenge of Feudalism (1204/6–ca. 1227/28) Empire, Venice, and Local Autonomy Filip Van Tricht n the aftermath of the conquest of Constantinople in designated or recognized by Venice as ruler of the city I1204 during the Fourth Crusade, one of many new of Adrianople, the author convincingly argues that political entities that took shape was a relatively short- the principality was no independent state, but a feu- lived principality centered on the city of Adrianople in dal principality within the framework of the (Latin) Thrace. Until recently not much attention had been Empire of Constantinople, a conclusion that for non- devoted to its history or position within the Byzantine Greek authors such as Jean Longnon had been rather space in the first decades of the thirteenth century.1 A self-evident.3 few years ago, however, Benjamin Hendrickx wrote an Along the way Hendrickx also makes some state- article with as starting point the observation that most ments that in my opinion raise new questions and war- Greek scholars until then had always maintained that rant further investigation. First, the author considers the principality in question was an independent state the mentioned Pactum to be an illustration of “Venice’s in the sense of a so-called Territorialstaat or toparchia independent policy in Romania” vis-à-vis the Latin as defined by Jürgen Hoffman.2 Through a renewed emperors.4 I will argue however that there are good rea- analysis of the so-called Pactum Adrianopolitanum sons to challenge this proposition.
    [Show full text]
  • MARKOPOULOS 1.7.2020.Indd
    https://doi.org/10.26262/par.v10i0.7724 THEOPHANES CONTINUATUS AND MICHAEL PSELLOS A DISCREET RELATIONSHIP ATHANASIOS MARKOPOULOS – CHRISTINA SIDERI As is widely known, during the tenth century, the “official history” of the rul- ing house of the Macedonians, conventionally called Theophanes Continuatus (henceforth ThCont), was composed at the court of Constantine VII Porphyro- gennetos (945-959), most probably at the behest of the emperor himself. This historical work – being certainly a great innovation in Byzantine historiography, as it employs the biographical form – covers the years 813-886, encompassing the reigns of five emperors, i.e. Leo V (813-820), Michael II (820-829), Theophi- los (829-842), Michael III (842-867) (included in books I-IV respectively), and Basil I (867-886), the founder of the Macedonian dynasty, to whom is dedicated book V, the famous Vita Basilii (henceforth VB); the narrative of this last book acquires a clearly laudatory character.1 1 For the relevant bibliography, the reader can refer to the following works: Vita Basilii, ed. I. Ševčenko, Chronographiae quae Theophanis Continuati nomine fertur liber quo Vita Basilii Imperatoris amplectitur (CFHB, 42). Berlin/Boston 2011, 36*-55*; ThCont (I-IV), ed. M. Featherstone – J. Signes Codoñer, Chronographiae quae Theophanis Continuati nomine fertur libri I-IV (CFHB, 53). Boston/Berlin 2015, 33*-36*; Ch. Sideri, Νεωτερικές τάσεις στην ιστοριογραφία των Μακεδόνων: η περίπτωση της Συνέχειας Θεο- φάνη (βιβλία α´-δ´), Athens University 2017, 397-439 (unpublished doctoral thesis). See also more recently J. Signes Codoñer, The author ofTheophanes Continuatus I-IV and the Historical Excerpts of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, in: L.
    [Show full text]
  • © in This Web Service Cambridge University
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-00962-2 - Land and Privilege in Byzantium: The Institution of Pronoia Mark C. Bartusis Index More information Index Aaron on Zavorda Treatise, 35 archontopoulos, grant recipient, 348 Aitolia, 231 Theodore, apographeus, 627 Akapniou, monastery in Thessaloniki, 307, Achaia, 234, 241 556, 592–94, 618 Acheloos, theme of, 233 Akarnania, 333, 510 Achinos, village, 556, 592–94 akatadoulotos, akatadouloton, 308, 423–24, 425 Achladochorion, mod. village, 451 akc¸e, 586, 587 acorns, 228, 229, 364, 491, 626 Akindynos, Gregory, 255 Adam akinetos (k©nhtov) see dorea; ktema; ktesis Nicholas, grant recipient, xxi, 206, 481 Aklou, village, 148 official, xv, 123 Akridakes, Constantine, priest, 301 syr, kavallarios,landholder,206, 481 Akropolites, George, historian, 15, 224, 225, Adam, village, 490, 619 284, 358 adelphaton,pl.adelphata, 153 Akros see Longos Adrian Akroterion, village, 570, 572, 573 landholder in the 1320s, 400 aktemon (ktmwn), pl. aktemones, 70, 85, 86, pronoia holder prior to 1301, 520 139, 140, 141–42, 143, 144, 214, 215, Adrianople, 330, 551 590 Adriatic Sea, 603, 604 Alans, 436, 502 Aegean Sea, 502, 510, 602, 604 Albania, 4, 584 aer, aerikon see under taxes, specific Alexios I Komnenos, emperor (1081–1118), xl, agridion, xxii, 466, 540–42, 570 xlii Ahrweiler, Hel´ ene,` 7 chrysobulls of, xv, xvi, 84, 128, 129, 134, on Adrian Komnenos, 137 140, 160, 255 on Alopos, 197 and coinage, 116 on appanages, 290, 291, 292, 293 and gifts of paroikoi, 85 on charistike, 155 and imperial grants, 29, 30, 58, 66, 69,
    [Show full text]
  • Constantinople 1 L Shaped H
    The Shroud of Turin in Constantinople? Paper I An analysis of the L Shaped markings on the Shroud of Turin and an examination of the Holy Mandylion and Holy Shroud in the Madrid Skylitzes © Pam Moon Introduction This paper begins by looking at the pattern of marks on the Shroud of Turin which look like an L shape. The paper examines [1] the folding patterns, [2] the probable cause of the burn marks, and argues, with Aldo Guerreschi and Michele Salcito that it is accidental damage from incense. [3] It compares the marks with the Hungarian Pray manuscript. [4] In the second part, the paper looks at the historical text The Synopsis of the Histories attributed to Ioannes (John) Skylitzes. The illustrated history is known as the Madrid Skylitzes. It is the only surviving illustrated manuscript for Byzantine history for the ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries. The paper looks at images from the Madrid Skylitzes which relate to the Holy Mandylion, also known as the Image of Edessa. The Mandylion was the most precious artefact in the Byzantine empire and is repeatedly described as an image ‘not-made-by-hands.’ [5] The paper identifies a miniature in the Madrid Skylitzes (fol.26v; see below) which apparently shows the procession of a beheaded emperor Leon V in AD 820 and suggests that there could be a scribal error. The picture seems to show the Varangian Guard who arrived in Constantinople after AD 988, 168 years later. The picture may instead depict the procession of AD 1036, where the Holy Mandylion (and in some translations Holy Shroud) were carried though the streets of Constantinople.
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantine Critiques of Monasticism in the Twelfth Century
    A “Truly Unmonastic Way of Life”: Byzantine Critiques of Monasticism in the Twelfth Century DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Hannah Elizabeth Ewing Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Professor Timothy Gregory, Advisor Professor Anthony Kaldellis Professor Alison I. Beach Copyright by Hannah Elizabeth Ewing 2014 Abstract This dissertation examines twelfth-century Byzantine writings on monasticism and holy men to illuminate monastic critiques during this period. Drawing upon close readings of texts from a range of twelfth-century voices, it processes both highly biased literary evidence and the limited documentary evidence from the period. In contextualizing the complaints about monks and reforms suggested for monasticism, as found in the writings of the intellectual and administrative elites of the empire, both secular and ecclesiastical, this study shows how monasticism did not fit so well in the world of twelfth-century Byzantium as it did with that of the preceding centuries. This was largely on account of developments in the role and operation of the church and the rise of alternative cultural models that were more critical of traditional ascetic sanctity. This project demonstrates the extent to which twelfth-century Byzantine society and culture had changed since the monastic heyday of the tenth century and contributes toward a deeper understanding of Byzantine monasticism in an under-researched period of the institution. ii Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my family, and most especially to my parents. iii Acknowledgments This dissertation is indebted to the assistance, advice, and support given by Anthony Kaldellis, Tim Gregory, and Alison Beach.
    [Show full text]
  • 6 X 10.Long.P65
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-85703-1 - Imperial Ideology and Political Thought in Byzantium, 1204-1330 Dimiter Angelov Index More information Index abiotikion 288–89, 297, 302–03 Aphthonios 18, 54–55, 56, 73, 92, 200 Agapetos theDeacon 154, 185–87, 194–95, 230 Apokaukos, John 187, 192, 357 Ahrweiler,He´le`ne 5–6, 10–11 Apros, battle of (10 July 1305) 292, 316 Akindynos, Gregory 297 Aquinas, Thomas 24 Akropolites, George 43, 49, 50, 57, 67, 69, 84, Argyropoulos, John 63 93, 99, 124, 136, 137–38, 167, 207–08, Aristides, Aelius 57, 58–59, 126 209, 246, 255, 257, 258, 345 aristocracy 9 Alanmercenaries 291, 303, 316 as constitutionalformofgovernment 200–01, Alexios I Komnenos, emperor 4, 62, 118, 119, 323 126, 167, 331 nature andpolitical clout of 4–5, 109–10 Alexios III Angelos, emperor 2, 119, 120, 125, 129, opposition against 5, 105–07, 179, 209–12, 412 234, 303 Andronikos I Komnenos, emperor 137, 282, 284 see also nobility (eugeneia), conceptof Andronikos II Palaiologos, emperor 7, 30, Aristotle 8, 9, 24, 69, 195, 227, 260, 345, 421 45–47, 56–57, 109, 118, 127, 130–32, 136, Nicomachean Ethics 23, 197, 220–22, 250 148, 169, 177, 262, 268, 278–79, 280, 282, Politics 23, 202–03, 251, 321 290–92, 299, 301, 302, 303, 311, 313, 314, Rhetoric 55 316, 318, 338–40, 342, 354, 369, 371, 395, Arsenios Autoreianos, patriarch of 397–401, 407, 412 Constantinople (in Nicaea during his portrait in court rhetoric 101–02, 103, 110–12, first term inoffice) 44, 296, 329, 366–69, 113–14, 136–40, 141–43, 152–53, 165, 170 374–75, 380–81, 382, 383, 393, 394–95
    [Show full text]
  • Islamicizing Motifs in Byzantine Lead Seals: Exoticizing Style and the Expression of Identity Alicia Walker Bryn Mawr College, [email protected]
    Bryn Mawr College Scholarship, Research, and Creative Work at Bryn Mawr College History of Art Faculty Research and Scholarship History of Art 2012 Islamicizing Motifs in Byzantine Lead Seals: Exoticizing Style and the Expression of Identity Alicia Walker Bryn Mawr College, [email protected] Let us know how access to this document benefits ouy . Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.brynmawr.edu/hart_pubs Custom Citation Alicia Walker, "Islamicizing Motifs in Byzantine Lead Seals: Exoticizing Style and the Expression of Identity," Medieval History Journal 15.2 (2012): 381-408. This paper is posted at Scholarship, Research, and Creative Work at Bryn Mawr College. http://repository.brynmawr.edu/hart_pubs/61 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Medieval History Journal http://mhj.sagepub.com/ Islamicising Motifs in Byzantine Lead Seals: Exoticising Style and the Expression of Identity Alicia Walker The Medieval History Journal 2012 15: 385 DOI: 10.1177/097194581201500207 The online version of this article can be found at: http://mhj.sagepub.com/content/15/2/385 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com Additional services and information for The Medieval History Journal can be found at: Email Alerts: http://mhj.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://mhj.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations: http://mhj.sagepub.com/content/15/2/385.refs.html >> Version of Record - Mar 20, 2013 What is This? Downloaded from mhj.sagepub.com at BRYN MAWR COLLEGE on April 15, 2013 Islamicising Motifs in Byzantine Lead Seals: Exoticising Style and the Expression of Identity Alicia Walker* Among a relatively small number of ninth- to eleventh-century Byzantine lead seals with animal motifs, scholars have long recognised that some show Islamicising stylistic and iconographic features.
    [Show full text]
  • 3019-2625.Pdf
    Studia Ceranea 7, 2017, p. 9–25 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084–140X.07.01 e-ISSN: 2449-8378 Symeon Antonov (Veliko Tărnovo) The Byzantine Office of ἘΠῚ ΤῶΝ ΚΡΊΣΕῶΝ and Its Holders (in the Light of Sphragistic Evidence and Written Sources) the middle of the 11th century, the Byzantine Empire began to experience In the difficulties that eventually culminated in the catastrophe of the 1070s. Meanwhile, the state administration evolved in an attempt to adjust to the new conditions. One of the firm steps towards this goal was the creation of the office (σέκρετον) of ἐπί τῶν κρίσεων by emperor Constantine IX Monomachos (1042– 1055) somewhere between 1043 and 1047. This institution is the topic of the cur- rent paper, which aims to summarize the evidence from primary sources and the major contributions from the end of the 19th century to the present day. The main part, however, consists of a list of officials in this position, compiled using the available data from different sources – rhetorical, epistolary, documentary and sphragistic. The only historical source for the establishment of theepi ton kriseon and its initial functions is the History by Michael Attaleiates1. According to this account, the newly founded office was to deal with private legal cases (δικῶν ἰδιωτικῶν); furthermore, provincial judges (τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν δικασταί) were supposed to send copies or notes (τῶν σχεδαρίων) to inform the official about their decisions, in order to be free of any suspicion concerning their equity. The institution under discussion has been studied quite thoroughly for more than a century. Among the most important contributions are those by Karl Edu- ard Zachariä von Lingenthal2, Helene Ahrweiler3, Nikos Oikonomidès4, Michael 1 Michael Attaleiates, History, ed.
    [Show full text]