Ephemeral Performances Under the Komnenoi Margaret Mullett

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Ephemeral Performances Under the Komnenoi Margaret Mullett CHAPTER EIGHTEEN TENTED CEREMONY: EPHEMERAL PERFORMANCES UNDER THE KOMNENOI Margaret Mullett Studies of Byzantine ceremony focus almost exclusively on the court in Constantinople. Yet campaigning emperors spent as much or more time away from Constantinople than in it, and some of that time was spent under canvas. Can anything be said about the ceremony of the court on campaign? This chapter will concentrate largely on the eleventh and twelfth centuries, with tenth-century prescriptive texts, and insights from outside the empire as well as from within. Tents in the Texts The Comnenian emperors were no strangers to this idea of a mobile court. As Emperor John II says in Niketas Choniates, “I remained but little in the palace. Nearly my whole life was lived out of a tent, and I have always dili- gently sought the open air.”1 We think of him as a soldier-emperor, trav- elling with his army. But what we might forget is that with the emperor went his household; he travelled panoiki.2 The Anonymous On Tactics has it all laid out: The imperial tent should be pitched in the middle with a courtyard around it. Let an empty space be marked off large enough to allow the men remaining on duty at night to move about and to allow people to enter the courtyard during the day. Outside this space off to the left the tent of the protovestiarios would be pitched and to the right of it the epi tes trapezes. Behind the tent of the protovestiarios should be that of the guard and then 1 Niketas Choniates, Historia, ed. J. L. van Dieten, 2 vols., Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 11 (Berlin and New York, 1975), p. 43; O City of Byzantium, Annals of Niketas Choniates, trans. H. Magoulias (Detroit, 1984), p. 25. 2 Nicholas Kataskepenos, Βίος καὶ πολιτεία καὶ μερικὴ θαυμάτων διήγησις τοῦ ὁσίου πατρὸς ἡμῶν Κυρίλλου τοῦ Φιλεώτου 47.1 (hereafter Kataskepenos, VCyrilPhil), ed. E. Sargologos, La vie de saint Cyrille le Philéote, moine byzantine (+1110), Subsidia Hagiographica 39, (Brussels, 1964), p. 225. 488 margaret mullett in order the chamberlains, the hebdomaries and the rest of those engaged in the personal service of the emperor. In this way the three sections, the right, the left and the west will be filled up. Then on the side to the east, in front of the courtyard, erect the archontareion. In front of this the officers in charge of the stable should be stationed, along with the imperial horses. The manglavitai, in turn should be placed to the left, in front of the tent of the protovestiarios. Farther east off to the right are the pantheotai of the epi tes trapezes. The proximos and the count of the trumpets would be stationed with the manglavitai. The doukatores should be located with the proximos or with someone else in who the holy emperor has full confidence. After the officers of the stable and the constables are situated, then the great het- aireia should encamp to the east. To the north the logothete of the great hetaireia, the protasekretis and their subordinates should encamp. To their south should be the officers of the Imperial Men.3 Constantine Porphyrogennetos tells us what had to be brought on cam- paign by the minsourator. For a start, two pavilions4 and double the num- ber of tents, so that, within the empire at least, an advance party can get ahead and set up. The minsourator must also have folding benches, long enough for three men to sit on each; likewise folding tables of the same length, utensils and napkins sufficient for the imperial table; also thick tufted rugs for reclining upon; thick and thin double-bordered cushions for reclining on [. .] other flax-blue cushions with their pile combed up, each of 30 pounds, for invited guests, and goats’ hair mats in accordance with the numbers of invited guests. When the emperor marches into Syria [. .] the minsourator also brings a Turkish bath called in Scythian tzerga with a hide cistern of red leather, 12 3-measure pitchers. 12 grates for the bath, bricks for the hearth, folding couches, an imperial chapel with sacred furniture—note that the primikerios of the vestiarion should transport the latter.5 This does not include food, vessels encased in purple leather, robes, gift- robes, or books (liturgy, military manuals, siegecraft, histories, an onei- rokritikon, a book of chances and occurrences, weather-lore, treatise on thunder, treatise on earthquakes). There were to be eight silver coolers for scented wine, rose-water and water, copper pails, sacred vessels for the chapel, a medicine chest of theriac, serapium juice, antidotes against 3 Three Byzantine Military Treatises: Text, Translation and Notes, ed. and trans. G. T. Dennis, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 25, Dumbarton Oaks Texts 9 (Washington, D.C., 1985), pp. 250–52. 4 The word is “κόρτη”. “Tent” renders “τέντα”, usually synonymous with “σκηνή”. 5 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Three Treatises on Imperial Military Expeditions, Text C, ed. and trans. J. F. Haldon, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 28 (Vienna, 1990), pp. 104–6..
Recommended publications
  • Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (Ca
    Conversion and Empire: Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (ca. 300-900) by Alexander Borislavov Angelov A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor John V.A. Fine, Jr., Chair Professor Emeritus H. Don Cameron Professor Paul Christopher Johnson Professor Raymond H. Van Dam Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes © Alexander Borislavov Angelov 2011 To my mother Irina with all my love and gratitude ii Acknowledgements To put in words deepest feelings of gratitude to so many people and for so many things is to reflect on various encounters and influences. In a sense, it is to sketch out a singular narrative but of many personal “conversions.” So now, being here, I am looking back, and it all seems so clear and obvious. But, it is the historian in me that realizes best the numerous situations, emotions, and dilemmas that brought me where I am. I feel so profoundly thankful for a journey that even I, obsessed with planning, could not have fully anticipated. In a final analysis, as my dissertation grew so did I, but neither could have become better without the presence of the people or the institutions that I feel so fortunate to be able to acknowledge here. At the University of Michigan, I first thank my mentor John Fine for his tremendous academic support over the years, for his friendship always present when most needed, and for best illustrating to me how true knowledge does in fact produce better humanity.
    [Show full text]
  • Venetian Judges and Their Jurisdiction in Constantinople in the 12Th Century
    VENETIAN JUDGES AND THEIR JURISDICTION IN CONSTANTINOPLE IN THE 12TH CENTURY Some observations based on information drawn from the chrysobull of Alexios III Angelos to Venice in 11981 § 1. Introduction In 1198 the Byzantine emperor Alexios III Angelos issued a privilege act, a so-called chrysobull, in favour of the maritime city-republic of Venice.2 As is the case with all Byzantine imperial acts bestowing privileges upon Venice, the original chrysobull in Greek has been lost. Fortunately, however, a copy of a Latin translation of it has been preserved in two manuscripts that are today kept in the State Archives of Venice.3 The Venetians are granted the privilege to trade freely within the entire empire, on sea or on land.4 The last part of the chrysobull includes detailed provisions concerning many legal issues, including the competence of judges in civil law and in ‘criminal law’, as well as law of succession. Venetian judges are granted the right to judge mixed cases, namely cases between Venetians and Byzantines. However, does this jurisdiction of Venetians cover both civil and criminal cases or not? And under which particular conditions are the Venetian judges allowed to judge such cases? I shall try in this paper to answer briefly these questions. 1 This paper is based on a lecture delivered in June 2007 in Groningen, at a symposium organised by the department of Legal History of the University of Groningen on the occasion of Bernard Stolte’s departure for Rome to take up his new position as director of the Royal Netherlands Institute.
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantine Legal Culture and the Roman Legal Tradition, 867-1056 1St Edition Download Free
    BYZANTINE LEGAL CULTURE AND THE ROMAN LEGAL TRADITION, 867-1056 1ST EDITION DOWNLOAD FREE Zachary Chitwood | 9781107182561 | | | | | Byzantine Empire See also: Byzantine Empire under the Heraclian dynasty. Retrieved February 23, Theophylact Patriarch of Constantinople With the exception of a few cities, and especially Constantinoplewhere other 867-1056 1st edition of urban economic activities were also developed, Byzantine society remained at its heart agricultural. Born in at ArabissusCappadocia. The Persian Empire is the name given to a series of dynasties centered in modern-day Iran that spanned several Byzantine Legal Culture and the Roman Legal Tradition the sixth century B. Amorian dynasty — [ edit ] See also: Byzantine Empire under the Amorian dynasty. After becoming the emperor's father-in-law, he successively assumed higher offices until he crowned himself senior emperor. Named his sons MichaelAndronikos and Konstantios as co-emperors. In: L. Only son of Andronikos III, he had not been crowned co-emperor or declared heir at his father's death, a fact which led to the outbreak of a destructive civil war between his regents and his father's closest aide, John VI Kantakouzenoswho was crowned co-emperor. Imitating the Campus in Rome, similar grounds were developed in several other urban centers and military settlements. The city also had several theatersgymnasiaand many tavernsbathsand brothels. The "In Trullo" or "Fifth-Sixth Council", known for its canons, was convened in the years of Justinian II — and occupied itself exclusively with matters of discipline. Live TV. Inthe barbarian Odoacer overthrew the last Roman emperor, Romulus Augustusand Rome had fallen. They never absolutized natural rights or Roman law or even the Roman people.
    [Show full text]
  • The Byzantino-Latin Principality of Adrianople and the Challenge of Feudalism (1204/6–Ca
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Ghent University Academic Bibliography The Byzantino-Latin Principality of Adrianople and the Challenge of Feudalism (1204/6–ca. 1227/28) Empire, Venice, and Local Autonomy Filip Van Tricht n the aftermath of the conquest of Constantinople in designated or recognized by Venice as ruler of the city I1204 during the Fourth Crusade, one of many new of Adrianople, the author convincingly argues that political entities that took shape was a relatively short- the principality was no independent state, but a feu- lived principality centered on the city of Adrianople in dal principality within the framework of the (Latin) Thrace. Until recently not much attention had been Empire of Constantinople, a conclusion that for non- devoted to its history or position within the Byzantine Greek authors such as Jean Longnon had been rather space in the first decades of the thirteenth century.1 A self-evident.3 few years ago, however, Benjamin Hendrickx wrote an Along the way Hendrickx also makes some state- article with as starting point the observation that most ments that in my opinion raise new questions and war- Greek scholars until then had always maintained that rant further investigation. First, the author considers the principality in question was an independent state the mentioned Pactum to be an illustration of “Venice’s in the sense of a so-called Territorialstaat or toparchia independent policy in Romania” vis-à-vis the Latin as defined by Jürgen Hoffman.2 Through a renewed emperors.4 I will argue however that there are good rea- analysis of the so-called Pactum Adrianopolitanum sons to challenge this proposition.
    [Show full text]
  • MARKOPOULOS 1.7.2020.Indd
    https://doi.org/10.26262/par.v10i0.7724 THEOPHANES CONTINUATUS AND MICHAEL PSELLOS A DISCREET RELATIONSHIP ATHANASIOS MARKOPOULOS – CHRISTINA SIDERI As is widely known, during the tenth century, the “official history” of the rul- ing house of the Macedonians, conventionally called Theophanes Continuatus (henceforth ThCont), was composed at the court of Constantine VII Porphyro- gennetos (945-959), most probably at the behest of the emperor himself. This historical work – being certainly a great innovation in Byzantine historiography, as it employs the biographical form – covers the years 813-886, encompassing the reigns of five emperors, i.e. Leo V (813-820), Michael II (820-829), Theophi- los (829-842), Michael III (842-867) (included in books I-IV respectively), and Basil I (867-886), the founder of the Macedonian dynasty, to whom is dedicated book V, the famous Vita Basilii (henceforth VB); the narrative of this last book acquires a clearly laudatory character.1 1 For the relevant bibliography, the reader can refer to the following works: Vita Basilii, ed. I. Ševčenko, Chronographiae quae Theophanis Continuati nomine fertur liber quo Vita Basilii Imperatoris amplectitur (CFHB, 42). Berlin/Boston 2011, 36*-55*; ThCont (I-IV), ed. M. Featherstone – J. Signes Codoñer, Chronographiae quae Theophanis Continuati nomine fertur libri I-IV (CFHB, 53). Boston/Berlin 2015, 33*-36*; Ch. Sideri, Νεωτερικές τάσεις στην ιστοριογραφία των Μακεδόνων: η περίπτωση της Συνέχειας Θεο- φάνη (βιβλία α´-δ´), Athens University 2017, 397-439 (unpublished doctoral thesis). See also more recently J. Signes Codoñer, The author ofTheophanes Continuatus I-IV and the Historical Excerpts of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, in: L.
    [Show full text]
  • © in This Web Service Cambridge University
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-00962-2 - Land and Privilege in Byzantium: The Institution of Pronoia Mark C. Bartusis Index More information Index Aaron on Zavorda Treatise, 35 archontopoulos, grant recipient, 348 Aitolia, 231 Theodore, apographeus, 627 Akapniou, monastery in Thessaloniki, 307, Achaia, 234, 241 556, 592–94, 618 Acheloos, theme of, 233 Akarnania, 333, 510 Achinos, village, 556, 592–94 akatadoulotos, akatadouloton, 308, 423–24, 425 Achladochorion, mod. village, 451 akc¸e, 586, 587 acorns, 228, 229, 364, 491, 626 Akindynos, Gregory, 255 Adam akinetos (k©nhtov) see dorea; ktema; ktesis Nicholas, grant recipient, xxi, 206, 481 Aklou, village, 148 official, xv, 123 Akridakes, Constantine, priest, 301 syr, kavallarios,landholder,206, 481 Akropolites, George, historian, 15, 224, 225, Adam, village, 490, 619 284, 358 adelphaton,pl.adelphata, 153 Akros see Longos Adrian Akroterion, village, 570, 572, 573 landholder in the 1320s, 400 aktemon (ktmwn), pl. aktemones, 70, 85, 86, pronoia holder prior to 1301, 520 139, 140, 141–42, 143, 144, 214, 215, Adrianople, 330, 551 590 Adriatic Sea, 603, 604 Alans, 436, 502 Aegean Sea, 502, 510, 602, 604 Albania, 4, 584 aer, aerikon see under taxes, specific Alexios I Komnenos, emperor (1081–1118), xl, agridion, xxii, 466, 540–42, 570 xlii Ahrweiler, Hel´ ene,` 7 chrysobulls of, xv, xvi, 84, 128, 129, 134, on Adrian Komnenos, 137 140, 160, 255 on Alopos, 197 and coinage, 116 on appanages, 290, 291, 292, 293 and gifts of paroikoi, 85 on charistike, 155 and imperial grants, 29, 30, 58, 66, 69,
    [Show full text]
  • Icons and Saints of the Eastern Orthodox Church Pdf, Epub, Ebook
    ICONS AND SAINTS OF THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Alfredo Tradigo | 384 pages | 01 Sep 2006 | Getty Trust Publications | 9780892368457 | English | Santa Monica CA, United States Icons and Saints of the Eastern Orthodox Church PDF Book In the Orthodox Church "icons have always been understood as a visible gospel, as a testimony to the great things given man by God the incarnate Logos". Many religious homes in Russia have icons hanging on the wall in the krasny ugol —the "red" corner see Icon corner. Guide to Imagery Series. Samuel rated it really liked it Jun 21, It did not disappoint on this detail. Later communion will be available so that one can even utilize the sense of taste during worship. Statues in the round were avoided as being too close to the principal artistic focus of pagan cult practices, as they have continued to be with some small-scale exceptions throughout the history of Eastern Christianity. The Art of the Byzantine Empire — A Guide to Imagery 10 , Bildlexikon der Kunst 9. Parishioners do not sit primly in the pews but may walk throughout the church lighting candles, venerating icons. Modern academic art history considers that, while images may have existed earlier, the tradition can be traced back only as far as the 3rd century, and that the images which survive from Early Christian art often differ greatly from later ones. Aldershot: Ashgate. In the Orthodox Church an icon is a sacred image, a window into heaven. Purple reveals wealth, power and authority. Vladimir's Seminary Press, The stillness of the icon draws us into the quiet so that we can lay aside the cares of this world and meditate on the splendor of the next.
    [Show full text]
  • Constantinople 1 L Shaped H
    The Shroud of Turin in Constantinople? Paper I An analysis of the L Shaped markings on the Shroud of Turin and an examination of the Holy Mandylion and Holy Shroud in the Madrid Skylitzes © Pam Moon Introduction This paper begins by looking at the pattern of marks on the Shroud of Turin which look like an L shape. The paper examines [1] the folding patterns, [2] the probable cause of the burn marks, and argues, with Aldo Guerreschi and Michele Salcito that it is accidental damage from incense. [3] It compares the marks with the Hungarian Pray manuscript. [4] In the second part, the paper looks at the historical text The Synopsis of the Histories attributed to Ioannes (John) Skylitzes. The illustrated history is known as the Madrid Skylitzes. It is the only surviving illustrated manuscript for Byzantine history for the ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries. The paper looks at images from the Madrid Skylitzes which relate to the Holy Mandylion, also known as the Image of Edessa. The Mandylion was the most precious artefact in the Byzantine empire and is repeatedly described as an image ‘not-made-by-hands.’ [5] The paper identifies a miniature in the Madrid Skylitzes (fol.26v; see below) which apparently shows the procession of a beheaded emperor Leon V in AD 820 and suggests that there could be a scribal error. The picture seems to show the Varangian Guard who arrived in Constantinople after AD 988, 168 years later. The picture may instead depict the procession of AD 1036, where the Holy Mandylion (and in some translations Holy Shroud) were carried though the streets of Constantinople.
    [Show full text]
  • Bookv Apprehended Who Are Planning to Carry out Your Murder
    BookV apprehended who are planning to carry out your murder." After the emperor read the note, he ordered the chamberlain Michael 64 to make a careful search for the men. But either out of respect for the augusta, or because he procrastinated, or was led astray by divine madness, he left unsearched the room in which the band of murderers 65 was sitting. As night had already fallen, the empress, as was her custom, went in to the emperor, and spoke of the maidens who had recently arrived from Mysia, saying, "I am leaving to give some instructions 66 about their care, and then I will come back to you. But leave the bedchamber open and don't lock it now; for I will lock it when I come back." With these words she left. During a whole watch of the night the emperor made his usual prayers to God and devoted himself to study of the Holy Scriptures. When the need for sleep came upon him, he lay down on the floor, upon the leopardskin and scarlet felt cloth, before the holy icons of the theandric image of Christ and of the Mother of God and of the Holy Forerunner and Herald. 67 |p. 87] 7. Meanwhile John's retainers, who had been admitted by the augusta, had emerged from the room, armed with swords, and were awaiting his arrival, watching closely from the terrace of the upper rooms of the palace.The clock was just indicating the fifth hour of the night, 68 a fierce north wind filled the air, and snow was falling heavily.
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantine Critiques of Monasticism in the Twelfth Century
    A “Truly Unmonastic Way of Life”: Byzantine Critiques of Monasticism in the Twelfth Century DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Hannah Elizabeth Ewing Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Professor Timothy Gregory, Advisor Professor Anthony Kaldellis Professor Alison I. Beach Copyright by Hannah Elizabeth Ewing 2014 Abstract This dissertation examines twelfth-century Byzantine writings on monasticism and holy men to illuminate monastic critiques during this period. Drawing upon close readings of texts from a range of twelfth-century voices, it processes both highly biased literary evidence and the limited documentary evidence from the period. In contextualizing the complaints about monks and reforms suggested for monasticism, as found in the writings of the intellectual and administrative elites of the empire, both secular and ecclesiastical, this study shows how monasticism did not fit so well in the world of twelfth-century Byzantium as it did with that of the preceding centuries. This was largely on account of developments in the role and operation of the church and the rise of alternative cultural models that were more critical of traditional ascetic sanctity. This project demonstrates the extent to which twelfth-century Byzantine society and culture had changed since the monastic heyday of the tenth century and contributes toward a deeper understanding of Byzantine monasticism in an under-researched period of the institution. ii Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my family, and most especially to my parents. iii Acknowledgments This dissertation is indebted to the assistance, advice, and support given by Anthony Kaldellis, Tim Gregory, and Alison Beach.
    [Show full text]
  • Looking for Interpreter Zero: (14) the First Crusade & the Byzantine Story
    Looking for Interpreter Zero: (14) The First Crusade & the Byzantine Story A body of interpreters & translators was active during the reign of Alexios I Komnenos', a ruler open to foreigners and diplomacy. Christine ADAMS. Published: April 16, 2017 Last updated: April 16, 2017 "Lord aid Sphenis, patrikios (patrician) and interpreter of the English."[1] After Alexios I Komnenos (reigned 1081-1118) seized power in Byzantium1081 he became involved in a series of negotiations, understandings and alliances as he sought to protect his land from depredations and conquest from all sides. His agreements with Normans and Turks in the 1080s can be read as a prelude to his most significant rapprochement: the embassy he sent to Pope Urban II in the spring of 1095 which led to the First Crusade. His manifest openness to foreigners and willingness to engage in the niceties of diplomacy characterised his turbulent reign. One reason for the Emperor’s open-mindedness could well be the fact that he was raised with a Turk – Tatikios - who was the son of one of his father’s captives. It may have been felt useful to provide him with some exposure to Turkish as it was expected that he would have contact with Turkish mercenaries later in life. It has even been suggested that for an emperor “not to have to rely on interpreters was obviously important”[2] but that was probably a minor consideration in a land that depended heavily on mercenaries and had a large immigrant community. The need to address foreigners was built into the structures of Byzantium.
    [Show full text]
  • 6 X 10.Long.P65
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-85703-1 - Imperial Ideology and Political Thought in Byzantium, 1204-1330 Dimiter Angelov Index More information Index abiotikion 288–89, 297, 302–03 Aphthonios 18, 54–55, 56, 73, 92, 200 Agapetos theDeacon 154, 185–87, 194–95, 230 Apokaukos, John 187, 192, 357 Ahrweiler,He´le`ne 5–6, 10–11 Apros, battle of (10 July 1305) 292, 316 Akindynos, Gregory 297 Aquinas, Thomas 24 Akropolites, George 43, 49, 50, 57, 67, 69, 84, Argyropoulos, John 63 93, 99, 124, 136, 137–38, 167, 207–08, Aristides, Aelius 57, 58–59, 126 209, 246, 255, 257, 258, 345 aristocracy 9 Alanmercenaries 291, 303, 316 as constitutionalformofgovernment 200–01, Alexios I Komnenos, emperor 4, 62, 118, 119, 323 126, 167, 331 nature andpolitical clout of 4–5, 109–10 Alexios III Angelos, emperor 2, 119, 120, 125, 129, opposition against 5, 105–07, 179, 209–12, 412 234, 303 Andronikos I Komnenos, emperor 137, 282, 284 see also nobility (eugeneia), conceptof Andronikos II Palaiologos, emperor 7, 30, Aristotle 8, 9, 24, 69, 195, 227, 260, 345, 421 45–47, 56–57, 109, 118, 127, 130–32, 136, Nicomachean Ethics 23, 197, 220–22, 250 148, 169, 177, 262, 268, 278–79, 280, 282, Politics 23, 202–03, 251, 321 290–92, 299, 301, 302, 303, 311, 313, 314, Rhetoric 55 316, 318, 338–40, 342, 354, 369, 371, 395, Arsenios Autoreianos, patriarch of 397–401, 407, 412 Constantinople (in Nicaea during his portrait in court rhetoric 101–02, 103, 110–12, first term inoffice) 44, 296, 329, 366–69, 113–14, 136–40, 141–43, 152–53, 165, 170 374–75, 380–81, 382, 383, 393, 394–95
    [Show full text]