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1 Habiter Et Construire En Pays Bushinengue Habiter et construire en pays bushinengue : l’architecture, l’une des clés de lecture des mutations de la vie matérielle (XVIIIe – années 1990)1 Le thème traité ici s’inscrit dans l’évolution de la culture matérielle d’un des groupes socioculturels de la Guyane française et du Surinam, les Bushinengue. Apparus à l’issue du marronnage en Guyane hollandaise (Surinam) au XVIIIe siècle, les Marrons organisent leur société et exploitent les ressources de l'espace dans lequel ils ont choisi de vivre. Dans les colonies du Surinam et de la Guyane française, ils connaissent une histoire différente de celle du monde des plantations, et fondent une identité collective aux facettes multiples, puisant leurs ressources dans la manière d’être et dans le savoir-faire de chaque marron. Cette manière d’être et ce savoir-faire sont étroitement imbriqués dans les pratiques culturelles portées depuis l’Afrique, ou empruntées à la vie menée dans les plantations. S'ajoutent également des éléments culturels venus des Amérindiens de la Guyane hollandaise et de la Guyane française. Parmi les éléments constitutifs de leur identité, l’architecture est révélatrice des changements qu’ont connus ces sociétés marronnes puis post-marronnes, entre la fin XVIIIe et le début des années 1990. L’étude relative au modèle architectural bushinengue, à son évolution et à la manière dont les Bushinengue pensent l’organisation de l’espace villageois n’a pas fait l’objet de travail approfondi. L’architecture est néanmoins présente dans les contributions des chercheurs qui nous ont précédé, tels que Richard et Sally Price (anthropologues), ou encore Jean Hurault (ingénieur-géographe) qui a décrit les techniques de construction des Boni, peu différentes de ce que nous pouvons observer ailleurs, parmi les autres groupes bushinengue. A ces auteurs, peuvent être ajoutés Anne Hublin2 (1987), Carole Aubert3, Jeanne Bianchi4, Marie-Pascale Mallé5 et plus récemment Martina Amoksi6, Clémence Léobal7. Le modèle architectural réalisé par les Marrons bushinengue et leurs descendants peut être interprété comme un héritage direct de leurs ancêtres, ouest-africains8 et centre-africains, devenus esclaves en Guyane hollandaise. Des données ethnographiques témoignent de cette origine, tels la forme architecturale (document 1 f g) adoptée jadis (base rectangulaire, carrée, circulaire ; forme conique de la toiture) et le savoir-faire technique. Par conséquent, l’origine africaine reste indéniable, comme le remarquait à juste titre Gabriel Debien à propos des cases d’esclaves de plantation (physionomie, plan des cases, silhouette). Mais il se pourrait que les Marrons bushinengue aient aussi épousé le style architectural des Amérindiens (document 1 a, 5) avec lesquels ils ont été durablement en contact. Sous certains aspects, des similitudes peuvent également être observées avec le modèle de construction coloniale dont les traces existent encore dans le paysage urbain de Paramaribo. La recherche d’une origine purement 1 Version longue de l’article sur « Les Bushinengue du Surinam et de la Guyane française : le modèle architectural développé, une clé de lecture de leur évolution », Emile Eadie (dir), L’esclavage de l’Africain en Amérique du 16e au 19e siècle- les héritages, Collection Etudes, Presse Universitaire de Perpignan et Association Dodine, 2011, p. 191-194. Ce nouvel article publié sur le site du GRENAL, avec un titre différent du premier, fait l’objet d’une étude plus approfondie de la question. N’étions pas en mesure de fournir le texte définitif après le colloque, seule la version orale a été publiée. 2 Hublin Anne, « La prolétarisation de l’habitat des Marrons de Guyane, MELATT, Bureau de la recherche architecturale, Paris, Ecole d’architecture de Paris-Villemin, 1987. Lire également son article sur « Marges urbaines et minorités ethniques. L’habitat marron de Guyane française », in Cahier de la recherche architecturale, n° 27-28, 1992, p. 183-196. 3 Aubert Carole. « L’habitat des bushi-nenge du Maroni en Guyane française », in P. Erny, (dir), Cultures et habitat. Douze contributions à une ethnologie de la maison. Coll. Culture et Cosmologie. Langres, 2000, p. 42-60. 4 Bianchi Jeanne, Modes de vie traditionnels et modernisme dans l’habitat en Guyane, Direction générale de l’urbanisme, de l’habitat et de la construction, Plan Urbanisme Construction Architecture Atelier de sociologie, Guyane, octobre 2002, 27 p. 5 Marie Pascale Mallet (Conservatrice en chef du patrimoine, Musée national des Arts et Traditions populaires-antenne de préfiguration du Musée des civilisations de l’Europe et de la Méditerranée, Marseille), « Les maisons des Noirs marrons de Guyane », In Situ n°5 - décembre 2004. 6 Amoksi Martina, De Marronvrouw in de stad, Een historische analyse van de gevolgen van de urbanisatie voor de Marronvrouwen in Suriname, NINSEE REEKS, Amrit, Amsterdam, 2009. 7 Léobal Clémence, Saint-Laurent du Maroni. Une porte sur le fleuve, Editions Ibis Rouge, Matoury, 2013, p. 84-95, 109-144. 8 Zones particulièrement pourvoyeuses de la traite négrière transatlantique hollandaise (Côte au vent, Côte de l’Or, Côte des esclaves, Loangos/Congo) : cf, Johannes Postma, « The Dutch Slave. A quantitative assessment », RFHOM, tome 62, n°226-227, 1975, p. 232-244 ; Curtin Philip. D, The Atlantic slave Trade : A census, University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, Milwaukee, 1969, p. 123. 1 africaine dans ce domaine peut être nuancée compte tenu du fait que les sociétés bushinengue sont nées de la rencontre entre l’Amérindien, l’Européen et l’Africain aux Amériques dans le cadre de la colonisation, de l’esclavage puis du marronnage. D’ailleurs, le modèle architectural bushinengue diffère peu de la case en bois que nous observons dans le monde rural des régions tropicales, parfois urbain du littoral guyanais, caribéen (document 1 e h). L’identité culturelle, artistique ou cultuelle des Marrons bushinengue, entre le XVIIIe et la première moitié du XIXe siècles, oscillait en effet entre africanisation et américanisation. Nous parlons, d’une part, d’africanisation chez les Marrons bushinengue dans la mesure où ils ont reproduit, adapté, juxtaposé, transformé parfois réinterprété [voire reconstitué à travers la mémoire collective, clanique, familiale des divers individus marrons et du savoir des wenti (divinité) par l’intermédiaire des cultes de possession] la culture, les savoirs et les savoir-faire de leurs Ancêtres du Centre et de l’Ouest africains. D’autre part, nous utilisons le terme américanisation par rapport au contexte des XVIIe, XVIIIe et XIXe siècles et non pas à celui d’aujourd’hui, en raison de la domination de la puissance états-unienne qui pourrait fausser notre analyse. En effet, au contact de la civilisation de leurs anciens maîtres de plantation et au contact des Amérindiens, ces groupes en ont épousé les caractéristiques culturelles. Parmi la population bushinengue du Maroni-Lawa, s’est opéré, entre la fin du XIXe et la première moitié du XXe siècles, un processus de créolisation dû aux relations entretenues avec les orpailleurs créoles du littoral guyanais, des Antilles française et anglaise. Enfin, depuis les années 1960 et aux cours des années 1990, de nouveaux « ingrédients » sont entrés en ligne de compte (scolarisation, politisation, urbanisation, christianisation, etc). N’étant pas expert du domaine, notre étude s’inscrit dans une perspective historique, anthropologique, voire sociologique et dans une analyse comparée des pratiques architecturales des Bushinengue du Maroni-Lawa. Il s’agit, à travers des sources croisées et souvent complémentaires, iconographies, documentaires, incluant notre enquête de terrain, notre propre expérience en tant que descendant de Marron, incluant la mémoire des sabiman9 et des sabiuman bushinengue, les récits de voyage du XVIIIe et de la première moitié du XXe siècles, d’étudier les mutations de l’architecture et de l’aménagement de l’espace des lieux de vie des Bushinengue, comme stratégie d’appropriation de l’espace, entre le XVIIIe siècle (époque du marronnage) jusqu’aux années 1990, années qui signent définitivement leur entrée dans la société urbaine du littoral guyanais et surinamien. L’insertion progressive des Bushinengue dans la société urbaine, qui commence dès la fin du XIXe siècle et s’accentue au cours des années 1950 et 1960, traduit également une appropriation lente, mais progressive du modèle architectural urbain (maison citadine). Conséquence de l’exode rural10, l’urbanité se diffuse à l’intérieur de leur village et génère une nouvelle manière d’utiliser l’espace et de nouveaux rapports sociaux. L’étude évoquera également la question liée à la représentation dont fait l’objet la maison dite « traditionnelle »11 (fositen osu ou fookitaosu : maison des temps passés ou maison aux ailes d’oiseau au repos) et celle dite « moderne » (bakaaosu, bakaa conde sama osu, keyoluosu ou dooseï-sama osu)12 aux yeux des Bushinengue. Elle s’intéressera à l’ensemble des sociétés bushinengue, plus particulièrement celles qui habitent le long du fleuve Maroni-Lawa et du Tapanahony. Néanmoins, entreprendre une démarche globalisante paraît très délicat, dans la mesure où les groupes n’évoluent pas au même rythme. La situation socio-économique d’un Bushinengue et la distance géographique entre son village et la ville peuvent représenter des facteurs explicatifs. Le cadrage chronologique varie également puisqu’il n’y a pas de décalque temporel exact d’un groupe à l’autre. Ainsi, nous avons préféré, à partir de l’exemple des Boni, élargir le sujet aux autres
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