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Did the Rabbis Reject the Roman Public Latrine? 1980-09_Babesch_13_Wilfand 24-08-2009 11:38 Pagina 183 BABESCH 84 (2009), 183-196. doi: 10.2143/BAB.84.0.2041644. Did the Rabbis Reject the Roman Public Latrine? Yael Wilfand Abstract This study examines archaeological evidence and rabbinic texts in order to challenge recent scholarly claims that the rabbis in Palestine rejected the Roman public latrine because of the lack of privacy during ‘bodily exertion’. By reevaluating both the written and material evidence within the appropriate geographical context (differenti- ating between Babylonian and Palestinian), I argue that there is no evidence that suggests rabbis living in Palestine rejected Roman public latrines. However, the evidence does suggest that in Babylonia, where Roman public latrines were not used, such a rejection did exist. In order to explain the different attitudes towards public latrines, I sug- gest that the Zoroastrian cultural environment may have influenced the Babylonian rabbis to develop their rejection.* INTRODUCTION modesty in the toilet in order to deter the Jewish population from using these facilities.4 They imply In his article ‘Slums, Sanitation, and Mortality in that for this reason, Roman public latrines were the Roman World’, Alex Scobie pointed out the found mainly in cities with a majority of gentiles, relation between privacy concerns and the design while in areas with a majority of Jews different of latrines: latrines were used.5 Privacy is ... felt to be a normal necessity in If such a rejection of the Roman latrine pre- modern Western societies, both for defecation vailed among the rabbis in Palestine, it may affect and sexual intercourse…. No extant Roman scholarly understanding of Jewish concepts of author gives his impression of a Roman forica privacy and modesty related to relieving oneself. where as many as sixty or more people, men In addition, a rabbinic rejection of the Roman pub- and women, sitting on stone or wooden seats, lic latrine may also suggest important differences relieved themselves in full view of each between Jews and Romans at that time and would other… contribute to an understanding of Jewish and rab- It seems reasonably clear that Romans did not binic attitudes towards Roman city life. feel embarassment or shame in foricae; other- Baruch and Amar base their claim on archaeo- wise different design features such as cubicles logical findings and a variety of rabbinic texts that with doors would have been standard in these were developed over a long period.6 While the facilities.1 archaeological finds are from Palestine, the rabbinic texts stem from two different centers: Babylonia Since 1986, when Scobie wrote these lines - sug- and Palestine. One has to consider the possibility gesting the plausible relation between certain that in these two centers of Jewish learning dif- design features of toilets and the lack of embar- ferent norms existed concerning toilet habits. rassment or shame - scholarly interest in the However, Baruch and Amar failed to consider this Roman public latrine (forica) has increased and possibility and did not distinguish between the recently has been extended to Judaic studies.2 evidence from each center. The first and only article, ‘The Latrine (Latrina) In contrast, the present study reevaluates the in the Land of Israel in the Roman-Byzantine evidence (written and material remains) while Period’ that deals with the Roman latrine in Pal- distinguishing between rabbinic texts from Pales- estine was published in 2004. In this comprehen- tine and those from Babylonia. Thus, the goal of sive paper, Eyal Baruch and Zohar Amar illumi- this study is to reexamine Baruch and Amar’s nate many aspects of toilet habits in this period claims and to ask: did the rabbis in Palestine real- by using archaeological evidence and rabbinic lit- ly reject the Roman public latrine? And if it was erature.3 One of their claims is that the rabbis rejected by the rabbis, can we find any archaeo- rejected the Roman latrine mainly because of the logical remains or written texts that suggest a dif- public display and lack of privacy during ‘bodily ferent design for a public latrine in Palestine? In exertions’. According to Baruch and Amar, the order to answer these questions, I will first consider rabbis in Palestine emphasized the importance of some of the aspects that were discussed among 183 1980-09_Babesch_13_Wilfand 24-08-2009 11:38 Pagina 184 scholars in relation to the acceptance of the Roman charge water flushing, must have made the bath by the Jews. Some of these issues are relevant association a logical one.12 as background to the question of the acceptance of the Roman latrine. Secondly, I will briefly review This association of bath and latrine is also com- Jewish and rabbinic views concerning nudity. mon in rabbinic texts.13 In addition, many of the Thirdly, I will reexamine the archaeological evi- archaeological findings of latrines from Palestine dence. Then, I will discuss the rabbinic evidence are connected to baths (as will be discussed later). suggesting methodological approaches for using In summary, since no rejection of the bath can these sources according to their place of origin, be found in rabbinic texts, rabbinic rejection of the namely Babylonia and Palestine. These approaches latrine, if it exists, should be explained separately will be used for exploring the issues of modesty from the attitude towards the bath. in the latrine and its different design features. JEWISH AND RABBINIC CONCEPTS OF NUDITY THE JEWS AND THE ROMAN BATH Another issue to deal with relating to acceptance The rise of studies concerning the Roman bath or rejection of the latrine is the Jewish and rab- and the bathing culture in the last two decades binic concept of nudity. The brief discussion here eventually extended to the field of Judaic studies. focuses on late antiquity.14 In his article ‘Jewish The first book about the Roman bath and the Constructions of Nakedness in Late Antiquity’ bathing culture in Palestine, by Stefanie Hoss, Michael Satlow suggests that nudity was only a published in 2005, contributes to the body of arti- problem in certain cases: cles dealing with the same issues.7 Jewish sources from antiquity construct male The flourishing of a public bathing culture in nakedness in a more or less consistent manner. Palestine goes back to 180 C.E. and later.8 This Male nakedness is an offense to the sacred. flourishing is late in comparison to other parts of Similarly, the divine - and his representatives the Roman Empire. Scholars suggest a few reasons here on earth, whatever they are king, priest, to explain this late acceptance: 1) scruples about or rabbis - does not reveal himself to social sub- public nakedness among Jews and others in the ordinates. In nonsacral and nonhierarchical con- area; 2) Jewish religious legislation such as pro- text male nakedness was not problematized. tection of the Sabbath, prohibition regarding rit- Working naked in a field, or going naked into ual purity, pictorial representation of divinities, as a bathhouse, for example, incurs little or no rab- well as nakedness; 3) the late Romanization and binic opprobrium.15 urbanization of the area.9 Scholars are not in agreement about these rea- For female nakedness, Satlow suggests a different sons and about the relevance of each of them to attitude: the ‘late’ popularity of the Roman bath in Pales- The Rabbis understand female nakedness in a tine.10 However, it is clear that by the time of the way that is radically different from the way Mishnah, the first rabbinic text (composed around that they understand male nakedness. Female 200 C.E.), the Roman bath was an integral part of nakedness, unlike male nakedness, is not seen Jewish life in Palestine. The presence of many baths as an offense against God. Nor does female in Palestine, dated to 180 C.E and later, seems to nakedness make any statement about relative confirm this assertion. In addition, rabbinic texts are social hierarchy: a woman appearing naked filled with details about the baths and there is no before another woman is not interpreted as a rabbinic text that rejects the Roman bath. Further, statement of social status. Rather, female naked- there are many stories about pious rabbis in the ness is understood by the rabbis entirely within bath.11 a context of female modesty or propriety before The existence of Roman baths and their accep- men .... tance may be related to questions of the acceptance ... Respectable Jewish woman should not go of the latrines since latrines were often part of the out in public naked; and conversely, if a naked Roman bathhouse, as Fikret Yegül points out: woman is seen in public, she must not be a Roman baths often house public latrines. The respectable Jewish woman. ‘In public’, of course, basic hygienic nature of the institution, the con- means in front of men.16 siderable time spent in the baths by large groups Scholars argue that this rabbinic view - that it is of people, and the very practical technical ad- immodest to display female nakedness in front of vantages of sharing drainage and using dis- men - has been widespread among the Jews.17 184 1980-09_Babesch_13_Wilfand 24-08-2009 11:38 Pagina 185 In summary, for the rabbis the nudity of males connected to bath complexes. One latrine was part appears as a problem of hierarchy and honor, or of the eastern bath that was rebuilt at the end of as ‘an offense to the sacred’. However, no objection the 4th century C.E., after the earthquake of 363 to nudity among the same gender in a bath set- caused a partial destruction of the city.28 The ting is evident in rabbinic texts.18 Thus, in order to latrine (14.7 x 12.5 m), consisting of 57 marble claim that the rabbis rejected the Roman public seats, ‘was built as a square peristyle court with latrine because of nudity concerns, a specific ex- a mosaic pavement and was surrounded by three planation is required.19 A closer look at rabbinic porticoes’.
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