The Macedonian Question and the Macedonians

This book is a comprehensive and dispassionate analysis of the intriguing Macedonian Question from 1878 until 1949 and of the Macedonians (and of their neighbours) from the 1870s until today, with the two themes intertwining. The Macedonian Question was an offshoot of the wider Eastern Question – i.e. the fate of the European remnants of the Ottoman Empire once it dissolved. The initial protagonists of the Macedonian Question were Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia, and a Slav-speaking population inhabiting geographical Macedonia in search of its destiny, the largest segment of which ended up creating a new nation, comprising the Macedonians, something unacceptable to its three neighbours. Alexis Heraclides analyses the shifting sands of the Macedonian Question and of the gradual rise of Macedonian nationhood, with special emphasis on the Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia (1870s–1919); the birth and vicissitudes of the most famous Macedonian revolutionary organization, the VM(O)RO, and other organizations (1893–1940); the appearance and gradual establishment of the Macedonian nation from the 1890s until 1945; Titos’s crucial role in Macedonian nationhood-cum-federal status; the Greek-Macedonian naming dispute (1991–2018), including the ‘skeletons in the cupboard’– the deep-seated reasons rendering the clash intractable for decades; the final Greek-Macedonian settlement (the 2018 Prespa Agreement); the Bulgarian-Macedonian dispute (1950–today) and its ephemeral settlement in 2017; the issue of the Macedonian language; and the Macedonian national historical narrative. The author also addresses questions around who the ancient Macedonians were and the international fascination with Alexander the Great. This monograph will be an essential resource for scholars working on Macedonian history, Balkan politics and conflict resolution.

Alexis Heraclides is Emeritus Professor of International Relations and Conflict Resolution at the Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences (Athens) and author of several books on self-determination, secession, the CSCE, humanitarian intervention, the Middle East conflict, the Cyprus Problem, the Greek-Turkish antagonism with emphasis on the Aegean dispute, the Macedonian Question and others. Routledge Histories of Central and Eastern Europe

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The Macedonian Question and the Macedonians A History Alexis Heraclides www.routledge.com/Routledge-Histories-of-Central-and-Eastern-Europe/ book-series/CEE The Macedonian Question and the Macedonians A History

Alexis Heraclides First published 2021 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 Alexis Heraclides The right of Alexis Heraclides to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN: 9780367218263 (hbk) ISBN: 9780429266362 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by Apex CoVantage, LLC To Argyris and his generation

Contents

Preface and acknowledgements ix

1 Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia 1

2 The war of ethnographic maps 20

3 The VM(O)RO and other Macedonian organizations (1893–1940) 36

4 Tracing the birth of a new Balkan nation 63

5 Tito and the Macedonians: the crucial 1940s 83

6 The ‘New Macedonian Question’: the Greek-Macedonian naming dispute 111

7 Bulgaria’s stance towards Macedonia 139

8 The Macedonian language 150

9 The Macedonian national historical narrative 167

10 The charm of Alexander the Great: who were the ancient Macedonians? 193

11 The crux of the Greek-Macedonian dispute: the skeletons in the cupboard 213 viii Contents 12 The settlement of the Greek-Macedonian dispute: the Prespa Agreement 224

13 The ephemeral Macedonian-Bulgarian rapprochement 243

Select bibliography 250 Index 261 Preface and acknowledgements

The Macedonian Question is the most complex and multifaceted Balkan problem, with a troubled history of almost 150 years. This international question entered the Balkan landscape in the late 1870s, then as an offshoot of the wider Eastern Ques- tion, that is the fate of the European remnants of the Ottoman Empire (the ‘Sick Man’) when it would dissolve, which was regarded as inevitable. Yet the Mace- donian Question outlived the Eastern Question. During these 150 years the Mac- edonia Question changed in shape like a kaleidoscope but its original protagonists remained by and large the same, though with certain shifts in view of changing circumstances: they were Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia and Serb-dominated Yugoslavia, and a Slav-speaking population initially swinging among three assertive nations, in search of its destiny, the larger part of which ended up creating a new Balkan nation, the Macedonians, something not acceptable to its three neighbours, all three known for their chauvinism. In the 1940s, the main actors in the conflict were Tito’s Yugoslavia, Greece, Bulgaria and the People’s later Socialist Republic of Macedonia, as one of the six constituent states of Yugoslavia under Tito. During the Cold War, the Serbs had, nolens volens, accepted Yugoslavia’s approach regarding the Macedonians, but with Macedonia’s independence in late 1991, rump Yugoslavia, headed by Milošević’s Serbia, disputed the country’s right to become and remain an independent state. The Macedonian Question lato sensu can be divided into two phases: the Mac- edonian Question stricto sensu from the 1870s until 1949 and conflicts that have arisen to a lesser extent between Macedonia (as a constituent federal unit of Yugo- slavia, 1950–1991) and in particular by the independent Republic of Macedo- nia, now Republic of North Macedonia, and two of its neighbours, Greece and Bulgaria. The Macedonian Question stricto sensu can be divided into three periods:

1 1870–1913: National claims and conflicts among Greece, Bulgaria and Ser- bia, with the Ottoman Empire in danger of losing one of its most vital regions and evicted from Europe after five centuries. From 1893 onwards there was a new actor to reckon with: a revolutionary organization eventually named VMRO (the Internal Secret Revolutionary Organization) sought autonomy x Preface and acknowledgements for Macedonia and resisted attempts at annexation by the three claimants, including Bulgaria, despite the existing ethnic links with the latter. 2 1913–1940: The division of geographical Macedonia following the two Bal- kan Wars (1912–1913) with the Treaty of Bucharest (August 1913), with two aggrieved parties from the division, Bulgaria (defeated in the Second Balkan War) and the Macedonian revolutionary organizations, which in the interwar swayed between a Bulgarian identity (and eventual union with Bulgaria) and a new distinct national identity, as Macedonians. Comintern’s key involvement weighed in favour of the second option, though under a communist aegis. 3 1941–1949: The Macedonian Question from the advent of the Second World War until the end of the Greek Civil War (1946–1949), with the official formation of the Macedonian nation, shepherded by Tito, and the creation of the People’s, from 1963 onwards, Socialist Republic of Macedonia (SRM) within Yugoslavia, with Bulgaria under Georgi Dimitrov acquiescent from 1944 until 1948.

From 1950 onwards, following the 1948 Tito-Stalin split (Yugoslavia- Cominform split) and the end of the Greek Civil War in 1949, the Macedonian Question was dormant, within the reigning spirit of the Cold War, with the occasional minor turbulence, due mainly to statements by representatives of the SRM, with Greece and Bulgaria not recognizing the Macedonians as a nation with a distinct language, and rejecting the existence of a ‘Macedonian minority’ in their midst, in Greece’s northwestern Macedonia and in Bulgaria’s Pirin Macedonia. From 1991 onwards, the Macedonian Question is not the appropriate term to use, though some have called it the ‘New Macedonian Question’, to distinguish it from its classical phase until 1949.1 The drawback with such an approach is that it might imply that independent Macedonia, now North Macedonia, is to be placed within an ‘international question’, which could suggest that its very existence or future is still in doubt as seen in the attitude of two of its Balkan neighbours (or to be more exact by the many unremitting nationalists among its neighbours). I would argue that from 1950 until today the Macedonian Question, as we knew it has ceased to exist. As put almost six decades ago by Balkan historian Evan- gelos Kofos, in his classic book on the Macedonian Question: ‘the “Macedonian Question” can and should be considered a subject for the student of history rather than an issue for the policymaker’.2 Since 1991 what we are faced with is not the ‘Macedonian Question’ per se, but an acute dispute between Macedonia as a state and two of its bigger, more powerful and often bullying neighbours, Greece, Bul- garia and Milošević’s Serbia. The conflict between Athens and Skopje was in the limelight internationally and lasted for 27 years until the Prespa Agreement (2018), although there are still a number of loose ends and the full implementation of the agreement and its hopefully positive repercussions are not assured. The lesser known conflict between Sofia and Skopje remains in a state of adversity, despite a Friendship Treaty reached in 2017, which seemed to have resolved their differences. Preface and acknowledgements xi The conflict between Athens and Skopje of almost three decades may be mys- tifying to outsiders or even bizarre, but it touches ‘existential nerves’ in both countries.3 It is not a classic interstate dispute involving contested borders or irredentism (irredentism is the purview of a minority of ultra-nationalists), as many tend to regard it especially in Greece. It is an emotional symbolic conflict involving national historical narrative-cum-identity, which made it impervious to a settlement for almost three decades, despite extended third party mediation. In the course of these years, in what came to be known as the ‘Macedonian naming dispute’, the two parties were at loggerheads not only regarding the present or the interpretation of the recent past (notably the turbulent 1940s), but strongly disa- greed, in all seriousness, as regards the ethnic identity of the ancient Macedonians and who were entitled to the heritage of Philip II and Alexander the Great, and on that basis buttressing their claim to the use of the name Macedonia. The ongoing antagonism between Sofia and Skopje is again not a tussle over borders or an irredentist conflict, but an emotional symbolic rivalry over national narratives and national identity, which by its nature is far more difficult to cope with and resolve than the Greek-Macedonian dispute. Here Alexander the Great and the ancient Macedonians do not come into play; the apple of discord is the last phase of the first Bulgarian Empire under the great Tsar Samuil, the Cyrillic alphabet and Church Sla- vonic, with Skopje regarding them all part and parcel of its own Macedonian heritage and not Bulgarian and Sofia regarding this Medieval package Bulgarian and a fundamental aspect of Bulgaria’s history and glorious heritage. The Bulgarians reject any notion of a Macedonian nation or language, and consider Macedonian a mere Bulgarian dialect. An even more acute clash of historical narratives-cum-identities exists with regard to the events that had occurred – and in the name of whom they had occurred – in the years 1893–1903, the heroic period of the Macedonian struggle against the Sublime Porte and the Greek and Serbian incursions. The literature on the Macedonian Question and the Macedonians is legion and can be divided into three categories: (a) engagé nationalist tracts however cloaked as scientific; (b) balanced and to the degree possible objective works; and (c) an in-between category of works by acclaimed scholars, mostly Macedonians, Bul- garians and Greeks, who present subtle bias with a strong dose of self-censorship. This book aims to be a comprehensive and dispassionate analysis of the famous Macedonian Question from 1878 until 1949 and of the Macedonians from the late nineteenth century until today, with the two themes intertwining, including a reference to the ancient Macedonians (Alexander the Great) and their appeal. My ambition apart from presenting the overall picture in a balanced manner, high- lighting its more pertinent aspects, is twofold: to have something worthwhile to offer to the cognoscenti who have been labouring for years to make sense of this complex and multifaceted problem (mainly by providing another angle, lesser known information and perhaps most of all, new insight); and that if the book were read without the knowledge of the author’s name, one would not spring to the conclusion that it is written by a Greek analyst. In preparing the book, I have benefitted from the generosity, advice and information provided by several individuals. I owe special thanks above all to xii Preface and acknowledgements Professor Denko Maleski, independent Macedonia’s first foreign minister. Spe- cial thanks are also due to Dr. Tchavdar Marinov (for his valuable comments on three chapters of the book), Dr. Evangelos Kofos (for our many discussions in the early 1990s) and Dr. Dimitar Bechev. Regarding more recent events, I would like to thank Professor Biljana Vankovska, Professor Marilena Koppa, Profes- sor Petros Liacouras, Ambassador Dimitris Yiannakakis, Dr. Ioannis Armakolas, adviser François Lafond, Dr. Yorgos Christidis, Dr. Vemund Aarbakke, Dr. Nico- laos Tzifakis and Dr. Athena Skoulariki. In addition, on the Macedonian side, thanks are due, in alphabetical order, to minister-counsellor Lidija Boshkovska, Dr. Αna Chupeska, Ambassador Victor Gaber, Professor Natasha Gaber Dam- janovska, Professor Zoran Ilievski, Professor Mirjana Maleski, special advisor Bojan Maricik, Zoran Nechev, counsellor Dragan Tilev, Dr. Petar Todorov and Dr. Anastas Vangeli. Thanks are also due to Professor Dimitris Christopoulos, Profes- sor Ada Dialla, Ambassador George Kaklikis, counsellor Evangelos Kalpadakis, journalist Spyros Kakouriotis, journalist Takis Michas and Ambassador Dimitris Moschopoulos.

Notes 1 See, e.g. James Pettifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999). 2 Evangelos Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia: Civil Conflict, Poli- tics of Mutation, National Identity (New York: Aristide D. Karatzas Publisher, 1993) [1964], 226. 3 Evangelos Kofos, ‘A Review of ICG’s Report “Macedonia’s Name: Breaking the Dead- lock’, Macedonian Studies Journal, 2:1 (2015), 92. 1 Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia

Macedonia: geography, history, ethnography The geographical region of the Balkans known as Macedonia was not fixed but changed shapes and sizes from its first appearance in Antiquity in the seventh century BC. In the second century AD, the great geographer and astronomer Claudius Ptolemy included a map of Macedonia in his famous book Geography, which is roughly half the size of geographical Macedonia as understood today, to which he chose to add Thessaly. In the Roman Empire it was larger, split into two parts and under the Byzantines (eastern Roman Empire) it depicted various regions, all of them smaller, between the great cities of Constantinople and Thes- saloniki. By the ninth century, Macedonia was a region of Thrace from where the Byzantine Macedonian dynasty hailed, while geographical Macedonia as we know it today corresponded to the ‘themes’ (Byzantine administrative regions) of Thessaloniki and Strymon.1 In the Renaissance, Ptolemy’s map was reproduced and the Europeans perceived Macedonia on that basis, but the Ottomans who seized the region in the mid-fourteenth century did not call it Macedonia.2 Macedonia as the name of a political entity had appeared only once prior to 1944, in Antiquity, as the Kingdom of Macedonia or Macedon. The ancient Mac- edonians gave the Balkans its first large state and ‘Europe its first intercontinental empire’.3 The Macedonian name ‘disappeared from the historical stage and consciousness’,4 with the battle of Pydna (168 BC) when the Romans under Aemilius Paullus (to be known as Macedonicus) defeated the Macedonians under King Perseus.5 Thereafter, Macedonia was ‘merely a geographical expression describing a disputed territory of indeterminate boundaries’ under medieval states and ‘a little known land, virtual terra incognita, until the nineteenth century’.6 In lieu of example, as late as 1870 it was believed in the West that there existed an ‘impass- able’ chain of mountains splitting Macedonia into two parts, the ‘savage and inhospitable’ north and the ‘agreeable and polished’ south (this misconception was largely due to Ptolemy’s map).7 Geographical Macedonia (as it is known internationally from the mid- nineteenth century onwards) was from 395 AD until the ninth century under Byz- antine rule, and then under Bulgarian rule (First Bulgarian Empire) until 1014, 2 Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia to revert to the Byzantines from 1014 (with Tsar Samuil’s defeat at the Battle of Kleidion) to 1230, to then again become Bulgarian (Second Bulgarian Empire) until 1250, followed until 1371 by a division of the region among the Serbs (Ste- fan Dušan’s Empire), the Epirote Byzantines and the Byzantines of Nicea, con- cluding with the Ottoman conquest of the entire region in 1389 (Battle of Kosovo) with the Ottoman rule lasting until 1912.8 This central region of the Balkans also witnessed many a Völkerwanderung (migration), but the most decisive one, which led to permanent settlement, was that of the Slavs in the course of the sixth and seventh centuries.9 From the mid-nineteenth century onwards Macedonia is defined as the area with the Shar Mountain to the north, Mountain Olympus to the south, the Rho- dope Mountains to the east and Lake Ohrid to the west. Contemporary Macedo- nian authors tend to regard the territory of their present state as part of ancient Macedon, while Greek authors regard the ancient kingdom roughly corresponding to the region acquired by Greece in 1913, with the ‘Republic of Macedo- nia’ part of the ancient state of Paionia or Paeonia.10 In fact, ancient Macedon comprised present-day Greek Macedonia in addition to the southernmost parts of today’s Republic of North Macedonia, while most of the latter’s territory was part of the ancient states of Paeonia and Dardania.11 Geographical Macedonia was one of the first regions of the Balkans to form part of the Ottoman Empire and one of the last to be ‘liberated’ from the Ottoman rule in 1912–1913.12 In the Ottoman Empire, Macedonia did not comprise an administrative unit, but in Europe it was understood as comprising three provinces (vilâyet), those of Thessaloniki (Selânik), Bitola (Monastir or Manastir), and Kosovo centred in Skopje (Üsküb),13 amounting to 68,000 square kilometres, about 15 percent of the Balkan Peninsula.14 In fact, during the reign of Sultan Abdulhamid II, the Ottoman bureaucracy ‘was not allowed to use the word Macedonia (along with many others considered harmful and seditious) in its official correspondence’ for its ‘mere designation’ was considered a ‘concession to all the parties, especially the insurgents fighting in the region, that anticipated the Ottomans’ imminent and complete departure from Europe’.15 The population of Macedonia (three districts) was strikingly heterogeneous linguistically, ethnically and religiously. By and large, the cities and towns were dominated by Muslims and Greeks (the latter mostly in southern Macedonia) and the countryside by Slavs.16 The various communities were well over a hundred. The largest groups were the Muslims (divided into Turkishspeakers, Alba- nianspeakers, Greekspeakers, Bulgarianspeakers, Romanian-Vlachspeakers, Romaspeakers and other smaller groups), the Slavs (Bulgarians, Slavspeakers and Serbs), Greeks, Christian Romanian-Vlachs, Christian Albanians, Roma and the Jews of Thessaloniki. The Muslims as a whole and the Slavs were the two largest groups, and among the Slavs, the Bulgarians or Slavspeakers (mainly speakers of western Bulgarian dialects) were the most numerous. In fact, the largest single group was the Muslims, despite the tendency of several ethnographic maps to limit their numbers for obvious reasons, to ‘throw the Turks’ out of Europe.17 Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia 3 From the 1840s until the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), there were an astounding number of ethnographic maps depicting ‘Turkey in Europe’ or Macedonia (see Chapter 2). If the map-maker happened to be from the Balkans (Greek, Serb, Bulgarian or Romanian), the aim was to highlight the dominant presence of one’s own group, at the expense of the ‘Turks’ and other groups regarded as rivals in the region. Most present-day scholars are of the view that the great majority of ethnographic maps should be discarded as unreliable.18 Yet most maps had something to offer one way or another. If a map was considered authoritative, it had impact, influencing international diplomacy, as seen during the 1875–1878 Balkan Crisis. As for maps by the Balkan contenders they were useful as primary sources and gave rise to rebuttals. Several introduced a new parameter, for instance greater emphasis on religion instead of language, the discovery of a new ethnic group or that the ‘Turks’ (Muslims) were more numerous after all. What all the ethnographic maps had in common was the astonishing ethnic variety, hence the humorous Orientalist label, ‘la salade macedoine’, for Macedo- nia, a mixed salad or fruit salad comprising an array of ingredients with each one retaining its distinct flavour.19 John Reed, the famous American journalist, had described Macedonia as ‘the most frightening mix of races ever imagined’.20 In fact, Macedonia was hardly unique in this respect; heterogeneity was the rule, not the exception, in many imperial settings not only of the Ottoman Empire but also of other land empires, such as Austria-Hungary or Russia.21 From the 1870s onwards and until the division following the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), the main contenders for Macedonia were Greece and Bulgaria almost simultaneously, followed by Serbia, with Romania as a lesser contender, in view of the Vlachs (Romanian-speakers) residing mainly in the Pindos Moun- tain range.

Greece and Macedonia For Greece, the first independent state to emerge in the Balkans in 1830–1832, the territorial claims were limited to securing Thessaly, with Mount Olympus and the River Aliakmon as the northern limits. These were regarded ‘the northern limits of the Greek language and learning’.22 According to Greece’s first head of state, Ioannis Capodistrias, a revered figure in European diplomacy since the days he was the co-foreign minister of the Russian Empire, this was a ‘defensible frontier’ for the new state; and it had ‘separated Greece from the northern neighbouring countries in ancient times. . . . Thessaly was always kept Greek, while Macedonia was conquered by the Slavs and other races’.23 Yet the Greeks ‘pushed their northern national frontier deep into Slav-speaking Macedonia and made themselves part of the Macedonian Question – with considerable delay but with a vengeance’.24 What had caused it? Two things: the appearance and predominance of the irredentist Megali Idea (Great Idea) and the concomitant striving for a ‘Greek Empire’, and the Bulgarian claim to the very same region.25 4 Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia Ironically, given today’s clash between Athens and Skopje regarding the identity of the ancient Macedonians and Alexander the Great, the original Greek national narrative that dominated the scene until the early 1850s did not regard the Macedonians as Greeks. According to scholar Adamantios Korais, the doyen of what came to be known as the Greek or Neo-Hellenic Enlightenment,26 and his disciples who held high positions in the new state, the Macedonians were a ‘barbarian people’ who had conquered the Greeks in the battlefield (at the Bat- tle of Chaeronea in 338 BC) and through bribery (Macedon was known for its gold).27 In those days, this was also the dominant view of intellectuals in Europe and the Americas, echoing the assessment of Edward Gibbon in The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1788–1789).28 Even historian Constantine Paparrigopoulos, the father of the Greek historical narrative (which has dominated the scene from the 1850s until today), had written, before becoming professor at the University of Athens, that the Macedo- nians were a mixture of Greeks and Illyrians, and that Chaeronea was a battle between Greeks and Macedonians, adding that the Macedonian epoch is to be distinguished from the Greek one.29 But in the 1850s and 1860s, within his concept of an uninterrupted Greek history, he placed Macedonia within Greek history, as ‘Macedonian Hellenism’, claiming the unity and continuity of ‘the Greek nation’ from the Homeric days until the modern era. As with Gibbon, this Greek shift was bolstered by a foreign historian, the Ger- man Johann Gustav Droysen, with his 1833 magnum opus, Geschichte Alexan- ders des Grossen (History of Alexander the Great). Droysen claimed that when the Macedonians arrived on the scene, Greek values were in decline, especially in view of their obsessive attachment to local autonomy, and the ‘racially Greek Macedonians’ initiated a ‘national’ war against Persia, ‘a goal that eventually united all Greeks into a free and powerful sovereign state’, and as for Alexander he ‘advanced a war of unity and the liberation of all Hellenes’.30 Droysen’s views were of course music to the ears of Paparrigopoulos and other Greeks, but his stance did not go unchallenged, being disputed by one of the fore- most scholars of ancient Greece, the British historian George Grote. For Grote in his seminal 12-volume History of Greece (1846–1856), the Athenian and Greek golden period was regrettably interrupted by Macedonian expansionism; the Mac- edonians were not Greeks, and Alexander was a Macedonian and Epirot barbarian prince only ‘partially imbued with Grecian sentiment and intelligence’.31 Paparrigopoulos was greatly disturbed for he held Grote in high esteem and a rebuttal on his part was called for. According to Paparrigopoulos, Grote’s mistake was that he was so attached to an idealized image of political autonomy and Athe- nian (Hellenic) democratic rule and individual liberty, that he jumped to the conclusion that the Macedonians (in view of their autocratic rule) were not Hellenes.32 For the national Greek historiographer, Macedonian rule ‘succeeded in purging the Greek nation of the curse of centuries, namely, disunion’ and ‘Alexander opened the gates of Hellenism to the East, paving the way for dissemination of Christian- ity’ and for the coming of the Byzantine Empire as a Greek empire.33 Macedonia was central to Paparrigopoulos’s idea of ‘the progressive continuity of the Greek Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia 5 nation’, with the Greek Macedonians ‘pioneers in promoting the national cause’.34 This approach, and not the one by Grote, was to gain ascendency in Europe due also to the contribution of the Oxford historian Edward Augustus Freeman and in particular to the works of an array of distinguished German historians specializing on ancient Macedonia from the 1880s until the first decades of the twentieth century.35 The incorporation of the Macedonia by Paparrigopoulos as well as of Byzan- tium was aimed at affirming and justifying ‘the legitimacy of irredentism’,36 the new notion of a ‘Greater Greece’ founded on the Megali Idea, which dominated the Greek landscape from the second part of the 1850s until 1922 (until the ‘Asia Minor Catastrophe’ as it is known to the Greeks). This concept was the brainchild of statesman Ioannis Kolettis, in a speech he delivered to the Greek Parliament in January 1844. However, it took a decade to sink in, but when this occurred, it became the Greek idée fixe and main axis of Greece’s foreign policy for seventy years by all shades of opinion until 1922, save for the Communist Party of Greece (KKE)37 established in 1918.38 The Megali Idea in its most extreme rendition amounted to the resurrection of the Byzantine Empire, with Constantinople as the capital, as a ‘Greek Empire’ and in doing so Hellenizing the south Slavs. In its more realistic version, it sought to ‘liberate’ those regions of the Ottoman Empire where the Greek element either was in the majority (Thessaly, Crete and the eastern Aegean islands) or had made its mark in the economic, educational and intellectual spheres (as in southern Macedonia and Epirus).39 Within the concept of the Megali Idea, Greece claimed, from the 1860s until most of the 1870s, the whole of geographical Macedonia, but thereafter, with the dynamic involvement of the Bulgarians and the realization by the Greeks that the Slavic presence was considerable in the middle and northern parts of Macedonia, Greece tempered its claims to what it called ‘historical Macedonia’, roughly corresponding to Macedon under Philip II, before his northern conquests.40 The initial Greek position of acquiring the whole of Macedonia was not grossly far-fetched as it seems to us today. Until the 1850s Greek influence in the region of Macedonia was unassailable, with hundreds of Greek schools (under the Patri- archate of Constantinople). This had led to the Hellenization of a portion of the Slavs, mainly of the Bulgarians and other Slavspeakers (though not the Serbs), who studied in Greek schools in the Ottoman Balkans or at the prestigious Uni- versity of Athens, the first university in the Balkans. This voluntary individual assimilation of Slavspeakers into Greek culture was aimed on their part at upward social mobility, a process that had also taken place among many of the Orthodox Albanianspeakers and Orthodox Vlachs (speakers of a Romanian dialect).41 Until the mid-nineteenth century most affluent Slav Macedonians ‘tended to regard themselves, especially abroad, as Hellenes, for reasons of both prestige and material gain and well-being’.42 They believed that ‘they could express themselves in a “cultured” way only in Greek’ and that their native tongue was ‘common’ and was ‘not proper for a cultured man’.43 Put differently, ‘[r]egardless of the language that one spoke at home, becoming a member of the nascent bourgeoisie meant learning to speak Greek in public’.44 6 Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia A new generation of Bulgarian historians points out that for the educated Bul- garians until the 1860s, the Greeks had functioned as the mediators of the ideas of the Enlightenment and of Romanticism, and also as the harbingers of the idea of patriotism and of the concomitant need to struggle for the freedom of one’s nation. The educated Bulgarians were divided into three groups: those who ended up becoming Greeks, many thriving in Greece, attaining high positions in the University of Athens, in the administration or in politics; those who became fully- fledged Bulgarian patriots, having previously experienced, in the Greek schools of the Ottoman Empire or in the University of Athens, the scorn of their Greek teachers or fellow students for being ‘vulgar’ Slavs or Bulgarians (hence the Bul- garian narrative of the Greek ‘spiritual yoke’ from Greece and the Patriarchate)45; and those who took a, however precarious, middle position, having become Bul- garians but with no resentment towards the Greeks to whom they felt indebted for bringing them into modernity.46

The Bulgarian challenge and the Greek response The rise of Bulgarian nationalism in the course of what is known as the Bulgarian National Revival (Balgarsko natsionalno vazrazhdane or simply Vazrazhdane), from the 1830s until 1878,47 by the 1870s put an end to Greek wishful thinking and to the belief that somehow all the Slav Christians of Macedonia were in fact Greeks (even if they were not aware of it) or could be Hellenized. Bulgarian nationalism was also alarming for another reason: it interrupted the northeastern imagined onward march of the Greeks to Constantinople.48 Bulgarian nationalism regarded as its main spiritual rival the Greeks and the Patriarchate in Constantinople. Hence ‘[e]cclesiastical autonomy was considered as the first step toward Bulgarian nationalism’.49 Bulgarian churchmen called for an independent Church (initially flirting with the Catholic Church) and the Patri- archate seemed willing to allow Bulgarian metropolitans and the use of Bulgar- ian liturgical language in Bulgaria proper, but was not prepared to make such concessions in Macedonia, where the population was more mixed.50 The Bul- garian Exarchate (the autocephalous Bulgarian church) under an Exarch (a rank between Archbishop and Patriarch) was recognized by an imperial fireman of Sul- tan Abdülaziz in 1870 (with the parallel recognition of a Bulgarian millet, distinct from the Rum millet).51 Antim (Anthimos), the first Bulgarian Exarch, who unlike the other candidates for the position had kept his ties with the Patriarchate, tried to earn the Patriarch’s endorsement but was turned down.52 Thus, in May 1872 Antim proclaimed the independence of the Bulgarian Church and the Ecumenical Patriarchate declared it ‘schismatic’.53 In a major synod convened by the Ecumen- ical Patriarch in 1872, the Bulgarian initiative was branded as an expression of phyletism (in essence nationalism) contrary to the brotherhood of Christ founded on all peoples.54 Clearly this was seen as a clash of authority within the Orthodox Church which the Ecumenical Patriarchate could not tolerate. It was also a historical juncture: from then on the Constantinople Patriarchate, even though officially ‘ecumenical’, became the organ of Greek irredentism in the Ottoman Balkans, Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia 7 though the Patriarchate was at times more subtle trying to also meet – or rather to seem as meeting – its ecumenical mission, as when it was headed by the astute Joachim III (in 1878–1884 and 1901–1912), who also tried, unsuccessfully, to find a solution to the Bulgarian schism.55 There followed the Bulgarian ‘April Uprising’ (Aprilsko vǎstanie) of 1876 against the Ottoman rule, which was a cause of concern for Greece. For the Greeks, the shock reached nightmarish proportions two years later, when a Greater Bul- garia seemed imminent, following the end of the devastating Russo-Ottoman War (April 1877–March 1878), with the Russians within a short distance from the Ottoman capital.56 The Preliminary Treaty of San Stefano (3 March 1878) between Russia and the Sublime Porte envisaged a Greater Bulgaria, covering Bulgaria proper, Eastern Rumelia and almost the whole of Macedonia (but for the city of Thessaloniki and the Chalkidiki Peninsula), which would have made it the largest state in the Bal- kans (albeit autonomous and not independent).57 San Stefano was the handiwork of Nikolay Ignatiev (a pan-Slavist Russian diplomat, then serving as the Russian ambassador in Constantinople, who had been instrumental in the Sultan’s recognition of the Bulgarian Exarchate).58 The Bulgarian gains were so astounding (the Bulgarians had been subdued following the April Uprising) that, as Evange- los Kofos has humourlessly put it, ‘[e]ven the most ardent Bulgarian nationalists were pleasantly surprised’.59 For the Bulgarians, San Stefano was seen ‘as a short term fulfillment of the national idea’.60 By contrast, in Macedonian historiography San Stefano is depicted as an expression of ‘Great Bulgarian chauvinism and annexation desires’.61 In any event, the San Stefano Treaty was rendered null and void within a few months at the risk of war with Britain, and the final outcome was the Treaty of Berlin (see Chapter 2). In the Bulgarian narrative the revision of San Stefano is denounced as a ‘great injustice’ and a ‘national catastrophe’62 (though these claims are not very convincing for the Russians had done all the fighting after the April Uprising). According to Maria Todorova, ‘[t]he San Stefano Treaty became the sui generis metahistorical event in the development of Bulgarian nationalism, a dream almost come true, and an idée fixe for decades to come’.63 Note that Bulgaria’s National Day is 3 March (the date of the signing of the San Stefano Treaty) officially known as the ‘Day of Liberation of Bulgaria from the Ottoman Dominion’. As for the Greeks, even though the idea of a Greater Bulgaria was stillborn, they could not get over their shock, and from then on until the first decade of the twentieth century, the Bulgarians were regarded as their worst enemies, branded as ‘Tatars’, ‘immoral’, ‘barbarian’, ‘bloodthirsty’ and ‘worse than the Turks’. And it was from then onwards that the ‘bogey of Pan-Slavism’ made its entry into the Greek public domain, with the Bulgarians seen as the spearhead of Pan-Slavism orchestrated by Russia.64 However, potentially more ominous for the Greek cause in Macedonia was the justification for a Greater Bulgaria, which was based on the radical new principle of nationalities (known as national self-determination in the early twentieth century), which was founded on ethnic and linguistic definitions of nationhood, with 8 Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia the speakers of Bulgarian dialects in Macedonia the most populous single ethno- linguistic group in the whole of Macedonia.65 The language aspect was ‘the Achil- les heel of the Greek theory about the Greekness of Macedonia’.66 The Greeks reacted by claiming that the real ‘sentiments’ (phronima) and ‘consciousness’ of the Christian Orthodox people of Macedonia were Greek and that Greece had ‘historical rights’ to the land, and they also referred to the ‘superior’ Greek education and attachment of many whose mother tongue was not Greek to the powerful and omnipresent Ecumenical Patriarchate.67 Here a parenthesis is in order. The principle of nationalities, though popular in Europe, especially since 1848 (‘Spring of Nations’) had not been incorporated into international law in the nineteenth century. But it was championed by a minority of influential international lawyers, notably Italians,68 as well as by political think- ers of all political shades, including Giuseppe Mazzini, John Stuart Mill, Ernest Renan, Otto Bauer and many others. Moreover, from the 1850s onwards a number of plebiscites were conducted to ascertain the will of the people, which amounted to an indirect acceptance of the principle.69 In 1877–1881, the apprehensive Greek Government chose to bend with the wind, opting for a ‘small idea’, namely to acquire Thessaly, Epirus (southern Albania) and Crete, and this was the Greek request to the great powers at the Ber- lin Congress.70 Despite this momentary switch, the dominant perception in Greece continued to be, well into the first decade of the twentieth century, that the ‘Slav- speakers’ living in the three Ottoman provinces of Macedonia were ‘Greeks’ and had Greek sentiments, but had forgotten their mother tongue, having been forced to learn the language of their Bulgar conquerors in the Middle Ages.71 At the turn of the century, there were even attempts to prove that their Slavic spoken language had a mixed vocabulary with Greek roots,72 implying that they were descendants of the ancient ‘Greek Macedonians’ and spoke a version of ancient ‘Greek Macedonian’! The Greek teachers of the Greek-speaking schools in Ottoman Macedonia were instructed to teach their Slav and Bulgarian-speaking pupils the glory of Alexander the Great, trying to make them identify with him and convince them that they were his true descendants.73 They were also supplied with books of Greek nationalist content from which to teach, such as a volume titled The Prophesies of Alexander, written by Athanasios Souliotes-Nikolaidis, a prominent activist, which included a prediction by Alexander the Great that Macedonian was bound to become part of Greece.74 Even the more realist Greeks were of the view that the Bulgarian or Slavspeak- ers who remained faithful to the Patriarchate (known as ‘Patriarchists’) – and not to the Exarchate (known as ‘Exarchists’) – had opted for Greek rather than Bulgarian or Serbian ‘national consciousness’.75 However Greece, after acquiring Thessaly peacefully in 1881, sought to secure ‘historical Macedonia’, that is some 60 percent and not almost the whole of Macedonia like the Bulgarians. The limits were to be Ohrid and Monastir, which was still overambitious given the limited Greek presence, in a majority only in the Chalkidiki Peninsula.76 The strength of Greek irredentism in the contested areas of Macedonia depended largely on ‘the loyalty of the Vlachs’, who, according to Evangelos Kofos, if ‘lost to an alien Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia 9 national idea, Greek positions in Macedonia would come under fire and would be seriously compromised’.77 Thus, the Greek Government put pressure on the Romanian Government and the Ecumenical Patriarchate to the head of the Roma- nian Church, to dissuade them from trying to instil the Vlachs of Macedonia with the Romanian national idea.78 From the 1870s until the eve of the Balkan Wars, the Greek arguments were the following: (a) that the ancient Macedonians were ethnic Greeks; (b) that the Slavs and Bulgarians of the Middle Ages had experienced considerable influence from the Byzantine Greeks and thus a substantial number of them had been assimilated; and (c) that the Slavspeakers of Macedonia were not necessarily Bulgarians or Slavs, and taking into consideration the loyalty of many of them to the Patriar- chate and their participation in the Greek national struggle of the 1820s, they were more Greek in their national consciousness than Slav or Bulgarian.79 Until the last decade of the nineteenth century, the main vehicle for expanding the Greek influence was education in the Greek-speaking schools, propaganda and the influence of the Patriarchate and Greek churchmen in Macedonia, all of them trying to stem the Bulgarian influence. In Athens the Society for the Propa- gation of Greek Literacy, assisted and funded by the Greek foreign ministry, was in the business of trying to Hellenize the Slav-speaking inhabitants.80 The schools in Macedonia from around 600 rose to 1400, with the Greek state spending more funds on education in Macedonia than in Greece. In Greece, apart from the government and the diplomats (the Greek diplomats in Macedonia included major figures such as Ion Dragoumis and Lambros Koromilas), an organization named National Society was formed in 1894, an ultra-nationalist outfit whose aim was the ‘liberation’ of all the Greeks living in the Ottoman Empire.81 The Ilinden Uprising of 1903 (see Chapter 3) had alarmed Greece, given that the Patriarchists had joined the Exarchists in the uprising and this was also the case with some of the Vlachs.82 Thus, 1904 saw the start, in earnest, of what is known in Greece as the ‘Macedonian Struggle’, a limited guerrilla warfare, pitting the Greek guerrilla fighters (many of them former officers of the Greek Army as volunteers) with the Bulgarians, at times with some assistance from the Ottomans who were keen to oblige, apparently fearing the Bulgarians more than the Greeks. The bulk of the Slavic-speaking inhabitants of Macedonia were faced with an acute dilemma, often changing sides depending on which guerrilla band had sojourned in their village intimidating them, for their imagined world was still the pre-modern era, hence they were unable to identify ‘with national ideologies, which others tried to impose upon them’.83 For them the only identity was Orthodox Christianity, distinguishing them from the Muslims, the Catholics or the Jews, and as Orthodox Slavspeakers they were split into Exarchists and Patriarchists.84 The Greek and Bulgarian Macedonian struggle ended in 1908 with the Young Turk Revolution. The overall assessment of the Greek Macedonian struggle is that the Greeks managed to curb the Bulgarian inroads and influence especially in the southern part of Macedonia. But this also happens to be the view of the Bulgarians that they were able to instil Bulgarian identity to the Slav- speaking Christians.85 10 Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia Bulgaria followed by Serbia For both the Bulgarians and the Serbs, Macedonia was the imagined cradle of their culture and nation, the points of reference being the first and second Bulgar- ian Empires, and the Serbian Empire of Stefan Dušan, respectively, this despite the fact that these empires were hardly national but multiethnic, as was the case with the Basileia Rhōmaiōn (the eastern Roman Empire, Byzantium) as well as the Ottoman Empire. Bulgaria, when established as a principality under Ottoman suzerainty with the 1878 Treaty of Berlin (which in practice amounted to de facto independence), claimed almost the whole of Macedonia, ‘undivided Bulgaria’ (Tselokupina Bǎlgariya) as it was called. It amounted to ‘San Stefano plus’, including Thes- saloniki though not Chalkidiki and a small part of Macedonia south of the Aliak- mon River.86 In order to secure it, Bulgaria initiated an impressive educational and propaganda campaign, headed by the Exarchate and the Cyril and Methodius Society (set up in 1884), and the main objective was to convince the Slavspeak- ers of the region who spoke various Slav dialects close to Bulgarian, that they are Bulgarians and that they would be saved from Ottoman misgovernment if their territory became part of Bulgaria.87 However, even though the Exarchate’s reach did expand considerably, the Slav-speaking inhabitants of Macedonia, surprisingly, did not all join the Bulgarian Church but many remained attached to the Patriarchate, despite the undeniable fact that most of the Slavspeakers of Mac- edonia did speak Bulgarian dialects and not a Serbo-Croatian dialect or Greek.88 The Bulgarian justification for eventually annexing the region was based on the ethnic composition that the majority of Christians spoke Bulgarian dialects, which gave them the edge by comparison to the other two contenders. Other justifications include the following: (a) the Bulgarians were basically Slavs and as for the original Bulgars (a Turkic ethnic group) they were totally Slavisized in the Middle Ages; (b) the Slavs of Macedonia had merged with the Bulgarians and not with the Serbs or with the Greeks; and (c) during the nineteenth century and despite the Patriarchate in Constantinople, which supported Greece’s Megali Idea, the Slavo- phone Macedonians remained a distinct group and the majority in Macedonia, whose elite favoured union with Bulgaria.89 Serbia initially stood aloof and did not seem concerned with Macedonia, but from 1878 onwards it joined the fray, putting its emphasis mainly on northwestern Macedonia, which it regarded as ‘Old Serbia’ (Stara Srbija), roughly the region incorporated into Serbia in 1913. And as we will see, at the end of the day the winners were Greece and Serbia, gaining more territory than their share of the population, with maximalist Bulgaria the net loser. The Serbian arguments were that (a) the Macedonian Slavs in the Middle Ages were Serbs and not Bulgarians, and had amalgamated with the Serbs, at the latest under the Serbian Empire of Stefan Dušan; (b) the Slav Macedonians retained their Serbian customs and traditions from the fourteenth century onwards and their Slavic dialect was closer to Serbian than to Bulgarian; and (c) their identification with the Bulgarians was non-existent until the mid-nineteenth century, and Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia 11 afterwards any such link was the product of the intense Bulgarian propaganda which was trying to persuade them that they were not Serbs or linked to the Serbs, but Bulgarians.90 We will now examine the Serbian claim to Macedonia for the Bulgarians, although very active in the region, were not prominent internationally presenting their case with ethnographic maps, texts and the like, as did Greece and Ser- bia. Until the end of the nineteenth century Bulgaria left this task to foreigners (or referred to those works in their exchanges with foreigners), for whatever the Greeks and Serbs did to present their case to Europe they could not match the Bulgarian cause presented by non-Bulgarians.

Serbia and Macedonia Serbia was a principality within the Ottoman Empire (1817–1878), following the partly successful ‘Serbian Revolution’ (Srpska revolucija) of 1804–1813 and 1815–1817. For Serbia prior to the 1860s, Macedonia was largely an unknown territory for which the Serbs showed little interest or so it seemed. But the short- lived Treaty of San Stefano, with its Greater Bulgaria, sent alarm bells to the Serbs, and they entered the scene as a serious contender for Macedonia, joining Greece and Bulgaria in rivalry.91 The spectre of Greater Bulgaria and the rising Bulgarian influence in the region were perceived as a blow to vital Serbian national interests, for Macedonia was seen as a region for landlocked Serbia to expand and find an opening to the sea, in the Aegean. The Adriatic via Bosnia-Herzegovina was closed after 1878, with the Austro-Hungarian occupation in 1878 (and annexation in 1908). As for reaching the Adriatic, by taking over the northern Albanian littoral, Serbia was to face firm Austro-Hungarian as well as Italian opposition (Vienna as well as Rome favoured Albanian independence so as to curb the Serbian ambitions).92 As in the case of Greece with its dream of the Great Idea and the Bulgarian dream of a Greater Bulgaria, the Serbs also had their concept of aggrandizement, Greater Serbia, with Serbia aspiring to become the Piedmont of Serbian nationalism, ‘liberating’ and ‘unifying’ all the Serbs or those regarded as Serbs in the Bal- kans. The groundwork for Greater Serbia had been set by Vuk Karadžić, the great Serbian language reformer, with the standardization of the Štokavian Serbian dialect and his ‘linguistic Serbianism’, according to which all who spoke Štokavian, irrespective of their religion, were in fact Serbs. As early as1814, Karadžić held that the Croats were Catholic Serbs and the Muslims who spoke Štokavian were Muslim Serbs.93 The Serbian grand design appeared in a secret text titled Načertanije (Out- line), a programme of foreign policy written in 1844 by Ilija Garašanin, the Serbian statesman who dominated the Serbian political scene from the 1840s until the 1860s. Načertanije94 (by a curious coincidence conceived in the same year as Greece’s Megali Idea) envisaged the liberation and unification of all the lands regarded as Serbian, with reference to the medieval empire of Stefan Dušan. It envisaged union with Montenegro, acquisition (‘liberation’) of Bosnia, 12 Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia Herzegovina, Kosovo, Vojvodina and Northern Albania with an outlet to the Adri- atic. Garašanin like Karadžić regarded the Croats and the Muslims of Bosnia- Herzegovina as Catholic and Muslim Serbs, respectively.95 Načertanije, contrary to Greece’s Megali Idea, which was widely known to the Greeks and to international diplomacy, remained secret until 1906,96 known only to a handful of Serbian insiders.97 Macedonia is not referred to in the Outline, but given the Serbian attachment to Old Serbia and to Stefan Dušan’s empire, with Skopje as its capital, Macedonia or at least its northern part was part of the Greater Serbian scheme of things.98 Characteristically, in 1848 Serbia published a motion to the Sublime Porte calling for elections and the nominations of Slav bishops and metropolitans in Macedonia, and Garašanin wrote a detailed study on the suffer- ing of the Slav populations in the region by the ‘Turkish rulers and the Greek bishops’.99 A few years later Garašanin sent the Croat folklorist Stjepan Verković (an advocate of the Serbian cause) to Macedonia, ostensibly to study Slavic folklore (he published a book of folksongs) but in fact on a mission to stem Greek influence and convince the Macedonian Slavs that they were Serbs. Verković resided in Serres from 1857 until the early 1870s, sending regular reports to the Serbian Government, and at the end of his mission, he felt confident that he had succeeded in not allowing the Macedonian Slavs to fall prey to Hellenism (as he had put it).100 However, the greater threat to Serbian interests in Macedonia came from the Bulgarians. One of the first to sense this danger was the Serb lawyer Miloš Milojević. Milojević, having studied law in Belgrade, pursued studies at Lomon- osov Moscow University. There he became acquainted with the Russian pan- Slavists who envisaged the creation of Greater Bulgaria from the Black Sea to the Adriatic. Milojević upon returning to Belgrade in 1865 made sure to inform Garašanin accordingly and the prime minister was duly alarmed.101 Thus, by the late 1860s Belgrade became active in trying to abet Bulgarian influence in Macedonia. It set up two committees for the establishment of Serbian schools in Macedonia, the protagonists being Milojević and the major historian and statesman, Stojan Novaković (President of the Serbian Academy of Science, three times minister of education, envoy to Constantinople, Paris, Vienna and St. Petersburg and twice prime minister). From the late 1870s onwards many person- alities became actively involved in the Serbian cause, with ethnographic and historical books and other texts. Among them were geographers Jovan Dragašević, Jefto Dedijer, Vladmir Karić and Milojko Veselinović, and the astronomer Spiri- don Gopčević, a Serb from Austria-Hungary.102 The first Serbian maps appeared in the 1880s and were grossly exaggerated, presenting the Serbs as dominant in most of Macedonia, with all the Macedonian Slavs presented as Serbs as seen by a map by Karić issued in 1887. But it was Gopčević’s 1889 map that caught the attention of Europe, due to his improved technical methods of depicting ethnographic distributions.103 Not surprisingly, these maps by Serbs failed to convince anyone outside Serbia. However, they managed to put the Serbian marker which few had anticipated until then in Europe, Bulgaria or Greece.104 In the 1890s and until the Balkan Wars among those involved in the efforts to Serbianize the Macedonian Slavs were historians, such as Vasilije Derić and Panta Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia 13 Srećković, political figures, such as Vladan Đorđević (writer, mayor of Belgrade, diplomat, foreign minister and prime minister), Stojan Protić (publicist, interior and economics minister and prime minister of Yugoslavia), and an array of diplomats and experts of the Serbian foreign ministry, where a Macedonian propaganda section had been set up.105 Various other state institutions and organizations were active, such as the Society of Saint Savva, set up by philologist Svetomir Nikolajević (professor at Belgrade University), historian Ljubomir Kovačević (dean of Belgrade University), Milojević, Veselinović, Gopčević and others. But the Serbian scientists, apart from Novaković, who were to leave their imprint on Serbia’s claim to Macedonia were, decades later, the ethnologist Jovan Cvijić and the linguist Aleksandar Belić (both with impeccable credentials as academics). Cvijić came up with the notion that the Macedonian Slavs had an unclear national identity and dubbed them ‘Macedoslavs’ (see Chapter 2). Belić presented the Slavic dialects of Macedonia as closer to Serbian than to Bulgarian, but not as Serbian dialects.106 There were two main schools of thought in Serbia as regards Macedonia and how to acquire it: the moderate line advocated by Novaković and later by Cvijić, which was a minority view, and the maximalist uncompromising approach, the view of the majority, which regarded all the Macedonian Slavs as Serbs. According to the more plausible approach, first voiced by Novaković (in a letter to the education minister when serving as the Serbian envoy to Constantinople), the Slavophone Macedonian population was not yet equipped with a national consciousness; these people were an in-between link between the Serbs and the Bul- garians. However, the Bulgarian idea was well established in Macedonia. Thus, Serbia did not stand a chance trying to convince the Slavophones, in Serbian schools in Macedonia and by propaganda, that they were in fact Serbs. And his proposal was that the best device for the Serbs to deal with the spreading of ‘Bul- garism’ was ‘Macedonism’ (Makedonizam).107 The Macedonism school of Novaković and Cvijić faced aheavy wind in Serbia by the maximalists whose views remained dominant. They branded it as an ‘Aus- trian scheme’, aimed at splitting the Serbian people, so as to allow the Austrians to move southwards; and as a ‘Bulgarian scheme’, with the Bulgarian often referring to those people as ‘Macedonians’, as if the term had an ethnic or national meaning, whereas it simply referred to the region wherein they lived. For the maximalist Serbians the Macedonian Slavs were simply ‘southern Serbs’.108 For either of the two trends to stand any chance of success, it had to convince not only the Macedonian Slavspeakers but also European audiences (academics, diplomats, governments and the press) whose interest for Macedonia had mark- edly increased from 1878 onwards. As regards the historical argument, it was based on Medieval Serbian Empire with Skopje as its capital. The language argument was trickier, given the affinity of the Macedonian Slavic dialects to Bulgar- ian. Predictably the emphasis was on the sound (phonemes) of their speech, which upon hearing it seemed closer to Serbian than to Bulgarian, and on some letters used by those who wrote in the Macedonian dialects, as argued, among others by Dragašević, Gopčević and others. Gopčević also referred to the placement of the 14 Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia accent, pointing out that in ‘the Macedonian dialects’ the accent is either antepe- nultimate or penultimate, as in Serbian, while in Bulgarian the accent falls mostly on the last syllable.109 The moderates Novaković and Cvijić acknowledged that the Macedonian Slav dialects were halfway between Serbo-Croatian and Bulgar- ian, having borrowed elements from both south-Slav languages. Ultimately, the main Serbian thrust was propaganda. Serbian propaganda went as far as to claim that the present Macedonian Slavs were descendants of the ancient Macedoni- ans, with the ancients depicted as non-Greeks. Within this context, the Bulgarians were depicted as Tatars or Turks and not as true Slavs.110 The Bulgarian influence in Macedonia made the Serbs come up with far- fetched justifications, which, though imaginative, run the danger of being seen as ludicrous. For instance, according to Gopčević, there also existed in Macedonia ‘crypto-Serbs’ or ‘Albanisized Serbs’, and as for the Muslim Slavspeakers they were Serbs who had espoused Islam to avoid the influence of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, which was more oppressive than the Ottomans, not allowing them to have their own Church.111 More plausible were two other Serbian forays by Milojević, Đorđević, Gopčević and others: the custom of slava, that every family had a protector saint, which is non-existent among the Bulgarians; and zadruga, that is the cooperation and support which exists within the extended family, again a Serbian and not a Bulgarian tradition.112 As for the term ‘Bulgarian’, widely used as a self-definition by the Macedonian Slavs, the Serbian reaction, based on the accent, was that there were two variants – ‘Bulgarians’ and ‘Bugarians’; both intended to dupe the Ottomans, who regarded the Bulgarians timid and docile, by comparison to the Serbs, a line taken by Đorđević, Dragašević, Veselinović and others. Novaković, Gopčević, Dragašević, Cvijić and others claimed that the term ‘Bulgarian’ was not an ethnic attribute, it merely referred to simple Christian peasants.113 According to Cvijić, ‘Bulgar’ was widely used in the Balkans with the meaning ‘country bumpkin [rustaud]’ and ‘before the establishment of the Exarchate and the establishment of present-day Bulgaria, the word Bulgar did not signify anything other than this pejorative sense [used by] the Greek people and Turkish functionaries’.114 As a result, ‘the travel- ers in the Balkans saw Bulgarians everywhere because this was what their Greek and Turkish guides called the peasant populations of the Balkans’.115 Cvijić also referred to anthropological features then in vogue internationally, such as that the standard Bulgarian type had a broad forehead and protruding cheekbones allud- ing to Tatar origins, while the Macedonian Slavs were similar to the Serbs, with Indo-European characteristics.116

Notes 1 M.B. Hatzopoulos, ‘Macedonian Studies’, in Robin J. Lane Fox (ed.), Brill’s Com- panion to Ancient Macedon: Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon, 650 BC–300 AD (Leiden: Brill, 2015) [2011], 35. 2 Ibid., 35–6; H. R. Wilkinson, Maps and Politics: A Review of the Ethnographic Car- tography of Macedonia (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1951), 1–2; Evan- gelos Livieratos, ‘On the Cartographic Placement of the Toponym “Macedonia” ’, in Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia 15 Ioannis D. Stefanidis, Vlasis Vlasidis and Evangelos Kofos (eds), Macedonian Iden- tities through Time: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Thessaloniki: Foundation of the Museum for the Macedonian Struggle, Epikentro, 2010) [2008], 11–20; Tchavdar Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander: Macedonian Identity at the Crossroads of Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian Nationalism’, in Roumen Daskalov and Tchavdar Marinov (eds), Entangled Histories of the Balkans, Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies (Leiden: Brill, 2013a), 277–80. 3 Stoyan Pribichevich, Macedonia: Its People and History (University Park: Pennsylva- nia State University Press, 1982), 48, 58. 4 Andrew Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians: A History (Stanford: Hoover Insti- tution Press, 2008), xviii. 5 Peter Green, Alexander the Great and the Hellenistic Age (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 2007), 111. 6 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, xviii. 7 Pribichevich, Macedonia, 4–5. 8 Vemund Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 1870–1913 (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 2003), 4. 9 Alexis P. Vlasto, The Entry of the Slavs into Christendom: An Introduction to the Medi- eval History of the Slavs (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970). 10 Zhidas Daskalovski, ‘Clashing Historical Narratives and the Macedonian Name Dis- pute–Solving the Unsolvable’, Trames Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences, 21:4 (2017), 335. 11 Dimitar Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, Second Edition (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2019), 4–5. 12 Hugh Poulton, The Balkans: Minorities and States in Conflict (London: Hurst & Com- pany, 1991), 46. 13 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 10. 14 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 1. 15 İpek K. Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties: Religion, Violence and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2014), Kindle Edition, location 286. 16 Nadine Lange-Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 1893–1908: From Western Sources (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1998), 13. 17 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 1, 7; Hugh Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians? (Lon- don: Hurst & Company, 1995), 67. 18 L.S. Stavrianos, The Balkans since 1453 (London: Hurst & Company, 2000) [1958], 517; Stephen Palmer and Robert R. King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedo- nian Question (Hamden: Archon Books, 1971), 3–4; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 8. 19 Tchavdar Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians: The Paths of Macedonian Supra-Nationalism (1878–1912)’, in Diana Mishkova (ed.), We, the People: Politics of National Peculiar- ity in Southeast Europe (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2013c), 112; Ivo Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993) [1984], 307. 20 Quoted in Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 266. 21 Ibid., location 266. 22 John S. Koliopoulos, Plundered Loyalties: Axis Occupation and Civil Strife in Greek West Macedonia, 1941–1949 (London: Hurst & Company, 1999), 14. 23 Quoted in ibid., 15. See also Basil C. Gounaris, ‘Greek Views of Macedonia: From the Enlightenment to the First World War’, in Ioannis D. Stefanidis, Vlasis Vlasidis and Evangelos Kofos (eds), Macedonian Identities through Time: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Thessaloniki: Foundation of the Museum for the Macedonian Struggle, Epikentro, 2010) [2008], 145–6. 24 Koliopoulos, Plundered Loyalties, 16. 16 Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia 25 Ibid., 13, 16. 26 K.Th. Dimaras, Neohellinikos Diafotismos [Neo-Hellenic Enlightenment] (Athens: Hermes, 2002) [1977]. 27 Alexis Politis, Romandica chronia: ideologies kai nootropies stin Ellada tou 1830–1880 [Romantic Years: Ideologies and Mentalities in the Greece of 1830–1880] (Athens: EMNE-Mnimon, 1993), 40–3; Yiannis Koumbourlis, ‘I idea tis synehias tou ellinikou ethnous stous ekprosopous tou Ellinikou Diafotismou’ [The Idea of the Continuity of the Greek Nation According to the Representatives of the Greek Enlightenment], Dokimes, 13–14 (2005), 153–5, 157, 175–80; K.Th. Dimaras, Ellinikos romantismos [Greek Romanticism] (Athens: Hermes, 1994), 339; Vangelis D. Karamanolakis, I sigrotisi tis istorikis epistimis kai i didaskalia tis istorias sto Panepistimio Athinon (1837–1932) [The Formation of Historical Science and the Teaching of History in the University of Athens (1837–1932)] (Athens: Institouto Neoellinikon Erevnon, 2006), 53, 102 fn. 234. 28 Karamanolakis, I sigrotisi tis istorikis epistimis kai i didaskalia tis istorias sto Panepis- timio Athinon, 53. 29 Politis, Romandica Chronia, 43; Koumbourlis, ‘I idea tis synehias tou ellinikou ethnous stous ekprosopous tou Ellinikou Diafotismou’, 188; Karamanolakis, I sigrotisi tis istorikis epistimis kai i didaskalia tis istorias sto Panepistimio Athinon, 102. 30 Kyriakos N. Demetriou, ‘Historians on Macedonian Imperialism and Alexander the Great’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 19:1 (2001), 30; Hatzopoulos, ‘Macedonian Studies’, 37. 31 Demetriou, ‘Historians on Macedonian Imperialism and Alexander the Great’, 31–2. 32 Ibid., 41, 47, 49. 33 Ibid., 50. 34 Ibid. 35 Ibid., 51–2. 36 Ibid., 24. 37 KKE was strongly opposed to Greece’s invasion in Asia Minor in 1919–22, which it considered (correctly) as an imperialistic war. 38 Elli Skopetea, To ‘Protypo Vasileio’ kai i Megali Idea [The ‘Prototype Kingdom’ and the Great Idea] (Athens: Polytypo, 1988). 39 Ibid., 269–324. 40 Gounaris, ‘Greek Views of Macedonia’, 149. 41 Stavrianos, The Balkans since 1453, 518; Roumen Daskalov, ‘Bulgarian-Greek Dis/ Entanglements’, in Roumen Daskalov and Tchavdar Marinov (eds), Entangled Histo- ries of the Balkans, Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 149, 151–61, 168. 42 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 84. 43 Pribichevich, Macedonia, 108. 44 Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 1416. 45 Maria Todorova, ‘Self-Image and Ethnic Stereotypes in Bulgaria’, Modern Greek Studies Yearbook, 8 (1992), 147–50. 46 See Daskalov, ‘Bulgarian-Greek Dis/Entanglements’, 149, 151, 159, 164–8, 178, 187–8. 47 Roumen Daskalov, The Making of a Nation in the Balkans: Historiography of the Bulgar- ian Revival (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2004); R.J. Crampton, A Short History of Modern Bulgaria (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 9–20. 48 Basil C. Gounaris, Ta Valkania ton Ellinon: apo ton Diafotismo eos ton Proto Pan- gosmio Polemo [The Balkans of the Greeks: From the Enlightenment Until the First World War] (Thessaloniki: Epikentro, 2007), 149. 49 Evangelos Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia: Civil Conflict, Poli- tics of Mutation, National Identity (New York: Aristide D. Karatzas Publisher, 1993) [1964], 14. 50 Ibid., 14. Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia 17 51 R.J. Crampton, A Concise History of Modern Bulgaria (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 2005) [1997], 66–76; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedo- nia, 14–15; Daniela Kalkandjieva, ‘The Bulgarian Orthodox Church’, in L.N. Leustean (ed.), Orthodox Christianity and Nationalism in Nineteenth Century Southeastern Europe (New York: Fordham University Press, 2014), 164–201. 52 Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 1571. 53 Anastasia N. Karakasidou, Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood: Passages to Nationhood in Greek Macedonia, 1870–1990 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 78. 54 Paschalis M. Kitromilides, “ ‘Imagined Communities” and the Origins of the National Question in the Balkans’, in Martin Blinkhorn and Thanos Veremis (eds), Modern Greece: Nationalism and Nationality (Athens: Sage–ELIAMEP, 1990), 55–6. 55 Evangelos Kofos, ‘Patriarch Joachim (1878–1884) and the Irredentist Policy of the Greek State’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 4:2 (1986), 107–20. 56 Basil C. Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona: istoriografikes prosengisis [The Macedonian Question from the 19th Until the 21st Century: Historiographical Approaches] (Athens: Alexandria, 2010), 185–6; Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 290, 295; Spyros Karavas, ‘Oi ethografikes peripeties tou “hellinismou’ ” [The Ethnographic Adventures of ‘Hellenism’], Ta Istorika, 36 (2002), 25–7. 57 Duncan M. Perry, ‘The Macedonian Question: An Update’, in Benjamin Stolz (ed.), Studies in Macedonian Language, Literature and Culture: Proceedings of the First North American-Macedonian Conference on Macedonian Studies, Ann Arbor, 1991 (Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Studies, 1995), 144. 58 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 14. 59 Ibid., 17. 60 Vemund Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart? Macedonia’s Place in Modern Bulgarian History’, in Ioannis D. Stefanidis, Vlasis Vlasidis and Evangelos Kofos (eds), Macedonian Identities through Time: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Thessalon- iki: Foundation of the Museum for the Macedonian Struggle, Epikentro, 2010) [2008], 187. 61 Ibid. 62 Ibid. 63 Maria Todorova, ‘The Course and Discourses of Bulgarian Nationalism’, in Peter F. Sugar (ed.), Eastern European Nationalism in the Twentieth Century (Washington, DC: American University Press, 1995), 77. 64 Gounaris, ‘Greek Views of Macedonia’, 156–7, 160–1; Ada Dialla, ‘ “Oi filoi tonVoul - garon oudepote dinandai na osi sinama filoi ton Ellinon” ’ [‘The Friends of the Bulgar- ians Can Never Be the Friends of the Greeks’], In the Year 1878/1922 (Athens: Etairia Spoudon Neoellinikou Politismou kai Genikis Paideias, 2008), 95–105. 65 Todorova, ‘The Course and Discourses of Bulgarian Nationalism’, 81. 66 Gounaris, ‘Greek Views of Macedonia’, 153. 67 Koliopoulos, Plundered Loyalties, 17–8. 68 Angelo Piero Sereni, The Italian Conception of International Law (New York: Colum- bia University Press, 1943), 161, 163–4. 69 Alfred Cobban, The Nation State and National Self-Determination (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1969). 70 Spyros Karavas, ‘I Megali Voulgaria kai i “Mikri Idea” ’ [Greater Bulgaria and the ‘Small Idea” ’], In the Year 1878/1922, 11–12, 20–1, 35–7. 71 Gounaris, ‘Greek Views of Macedonia’, 153. 72 Ibid., 153–4, 159. 73 Kyril Drezov, ‘Macedonian Identity: An Overview of the Major Claims’, in James Pettifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question (Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 1999), 50; Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 284–5, 289, 291, 293, 329; Tasos Κostopoulos, I apagorevmeni glossa: kratiki katastoli ton slavikon dialekton stin 18 Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia elliniki Makedonia [The Forbidden Tongue: State Repression of the Slavic Dialects in Greek Macedonia] (Athens: Mavri Lista, 2000), 59–62. 74 Karakasidou, Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood, 96. 75 Koliopoulos, Plundered Loyalties, 17–8. 76 Evangelos Kofos, ‘National Heritage and National Identity in Nineteenth- and Twentieth- Century Macedonia’, in Martin Blinkhorn and Thanos Veremis (eds), Modern Greece: Nationalism and Nationality (Athens: Sage–ELIAMEP, 1990), 107–8; Basil C. Gou- naris, ‘Historiography on the Struggle for Macedonia 1904–8’, in Peter Mackridge and Eleni Yannakakis (eds), Ourselves and Others: The Development of a Greek Macedo- nian Cultural Identity since 1912 (Oxford: BERG, 1997), 11. 77 Kofos, ‘Patriarch Joachim (1878–1884) and the Irredentist Policy of the Greek State’, 116. 78 Ibid., 116. 79 Basil C. Gounaris, ‘Social Cleavages and National ‘Awakening’ in Ottoman Macedo- nia’, East European Quarterly, 29:4 (1995), 16–18. See also Lange-Akhund, The Mac- edonian Question, 20. 80 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 75. 81 Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 59; Poulton, The Balkans, 47; Karakasidou, Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood, 95–9; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 123. 82 Dimitris Lithoxoou, Ellinikos antimakedonikos agonas: apo to Ilinden sti Zagorit- sani [The Greek Anti-Macedonian Struggle: From Ilinden to Zagoritsani] (Athens: Megali Poreia, 1998), 38–9; Dimitar Ljorovski Vamvakovski, ‘Greek-Macedonian Struggle: The Reasons for Its Occurrence’, Macedonian Historical Review, 3 (2012), 117–22. 83 Dimitris Livanios, ‘Conquering the Souls: Nationalism and Greek Guerilla Warfare in Ottoman Macedonia, 1904–1908’, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 23 (1999), 196–7, 204–5. See also Koliopoulos, Plundered Loyalties, 22. 84 Livanios, ‘Conquering the Souls’, 197–205, 216. 85 Douglas Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia 1897–1913 (Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1966), 473–7; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 34–6; Koliopoulos, Plundered Loyalties, 19–22; Livanios, ‘Conquering the Souls’, 195–221; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 129–39. 86 Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 15–6. 87 Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia, 44; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 19–22. 88 Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia, 44. 89 Gounaris, ‘Social Cleavages and National “Awakening” in Ottoman Macedonia’, 19–20. 90 Ibid., 21–2. 91 Ibid. 92 Stavrianos, The Balkans since 1453, 507, 510–11; Basil Kondis, Greece and Albania, 1908–1914 (Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1976), 85–6. 93 Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, 80–1; Leonard J. Cohen, Broken Bonds: Yugoslavia’s Disintegration and Balkan Politics in Transition (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993), 4. 94 Garašanin was influenced by the exhortations to the Serbs by the Polish statesman Adam Czartoryski (foreign minister of Tsar Alexander I and President of the Pol- ish National Government during the 1830 Polish Uprising against Russia), in his Conseils sur la conduit à suivre par la Serbie of 1843, and by a related note given to him by the Czech military strategist, František Zach, who was initially Czartoryski representative in Belgrade and ended up being Serbia’s first general. See Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, 83; Miloš Mišić, ‘On a One-sided Interpretation of the Yugoslav Past’, Balcanica: Annual of the Institute of Balkan Studies, XLVI (2015), 353. Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia 19 95 Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, 82–5; Charles Jelavich and Barbara Jelavich, The Establishment of the Balkan National States, 1804–1920 (Seattle: Uni- versity of Washington Press, 1977), 63; Barbara Jelavich, History of the Balkans: Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 244–5; Stefan K. Pavlowitch, A History of the Balkans 1804–1945 (London: Longman, 1999), 57; Stavrianos, The Balkans since 1453, 255. 96 Cohen, Broken Bonds, 6. 97 Mišić, ‘On a One-sided Interpretation of the Yugoslav Past’, 353. 98 Konstantinos Katsanos, ‘Macedonia of the Serbs, 1870–1941: From Old Serbia to Southern Serbia’, in Ioannis D. Stefanidis, Vlasis Vlasidis and Evangelos Kofos (eds), Macedonian Identities through Time: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Thessa- loniki: Foundation of the Museum for the Macedonian Struggle, Epikentro, 2010) [2008], 14; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 75. 99 Slavenko Terzić, ‘The Serbs and the Macedonian Question’, The Serbian Question in the Balkans (Belgrade: Faculty of Geography, University of Belgrade, 1995), 66. 100 Spyridon Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas: mia epodyni diadikasia [The Formulation of the Slav-Macedonian Identity: A Painful Process] (Thessaloniki: Ekdoseis Vanias, 2003), 13–4, and 14 fn.5. 101 Ibid., 26; Katsanos, ‘Macedonia of the Serbs’, 165. 102 Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 36; Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, locations 2584–2591. 103 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 97–103; Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 2584. 104 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 93–103; Terzić, ‘The Serbs and the Macedonian Ques- tion’, 68; Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 2591. 105 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 29. 106 Katsanos, ‘Macedonia of the Serbs’, 163–7. 107 Ibid., 168; Bojan Aleksov, ‘Documentation. One Hundred Years of Yugoslavia: The Vision of Stojan Novaković Revisited’, Nationalities Papers, 39:6 (2011), 999; Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 307; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 15; Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 60–1. Novaković as the Serbian minister in Constantinople and St. Petersburg supported the activities of the Macedonian intellectuals who were seeking to establish a separate Macedonian identity from the previous Bulgarian one (see Chapter 4). See Aleksov, ‘Documentation’, 1007, note 7; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 76. 108 Katsanos, ‘Macedonia of the Serbs’, 180–1. 109 Tchavdar Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language: The Standardization of the Macedonian Language and the Bulgarian-Macedonian Linguistic Controversies’, in Roumen Daskalov and Tchavdar Marinov (eds), Entangled Histories of the Balkans, Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies (Leiden: Brill, 2013b), 428. 110 Katsanos, ‘Macedonia of the Serbs’, 174–7; Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 26–7. 111 Katsanos, ‘Macedonia of the Serbs’, 174–7. 112 Ibid., 178. 113 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 321. 114 Quoted in Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 2651. 115 Ibid. 116 Katsanos, ‘Macedonia of the Serbs’, 178–80. References 1 İpek K. Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties: Religion, Violence and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014), Kindle Edi- tion, location 2428. 2 H. R. Wilkinson, Maps and Politics: A Review of the Ethnographic Cartography of Macedonia (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1951), 33–68, 76–81; Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, locations 2453–2514, 2535–2548; Spyros Karavas, ‘Oi ethografikes peripeties tou “hellinismou’ ” (1876–1878) [The Ethnographic Adventures of ‘Hellenism’ (1876–1878)], Ta Istorika, 36 (2002), 29–30; Basil C. Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona: istoriografikes prosengisis [The Macedonian Question from the 19th Until the 21st Century: Historiographical Approaches] (Athens: Alex- andria, 2010), 26; Vemund Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 1870–1913 (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 2003), 9. 3 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 87; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Mac- edonia, 8. 4 B. H. Sumner, Russia and the Balkans, 1870–1880 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1937), 399–405. 5 Ibid., 419, 460; Miloš Ković, Disraeli and the Eastern Question (Oxford: Oxford Uni- versity Press, 2011), 242–6. 6 Elizabeth Barker, Macedonia: Its Place in Balkan Power Politics (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1950), 15. 7 Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 2514. 8 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 84–5, 98. 9 Ibid., 75–81; Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, locations 2535–2548; Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 32. 10 Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 30–1. 11 Robert Shannan Peckham, ‘Map Mania: Nationalism and the Politics of Place in Greece, 1870–1922’, Political Geography, 19 (2000), 79, 81. 12 Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, locations 3016–3024. 13 Ibid., location 3018. 14 Ibid., locations 3018–3023. 15 Peckham, ‘Map Mania’, 80; Karavas, ‘Oi ethografikes peripeties tou “hellinismou” (1876–1878)’, 34–56; Basil C. Gounaris, ‘Greek Views of Macedonia: From the Enlight- enment to the First World War’, in Ioannis D. Stefanidis, Vlasis Vlasidis and Evangelos Kofos (eds), Macedonian Identities through Time: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Thes- saloniki: Foundation of the Museum for the Macedonian Struggle, Epikentro, 2010 [2008], 147–8; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 8. 16 In Spyros Karavas, ‘Oi ethnografikes peripeties tou “hellinismou”, B (1877–1878’ [The Ethnographic Adventures of “Hellenism” B (1877–1878)’, Ta Istorika, 37 (2003), 71; Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, locations 2521–2527. 17 Peckham, ‘Map Mania’. 18 Karavas, ‘Oi ethografikes peripeties tou “hellinismou” (1876–1878)’, 71. 19 Peckham, ‘Map Mania’, 80. See for details of their written exchanges, Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, locations 3096–3194. 20 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 75. 21 Karavas, ‘Oi ethnografikes peripeties tou “hellinismou” (1876–1878), B (1877–1878’, 69–112. 22 Ibid., 91. 23 Spyros Karavas, ‘I Megali Voulgaria kai i “Mikri Idea” ’ [Greater Bulgaria and the ‘Small Idea” ’, In the Year 1878/1922 (Athens: Etairia Spoudon Neoellinikou Politis- mou kai Genikis Paideias, 2008), 11–37. 24 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 112–17, 125–9; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 6, 10. 25 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 120–5; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 12–13, 21; Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 35, 37. 26 Cited in Bulgarian Academy of Sciences (Institute of History, Bulgarian Language Institute), Macedonia: Documents and Material (Sofia: Bulgarian Academy of Sci- ences, 1978), 541. 27 Ivo Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993) [1984], 311–12. 28 Quoted in Konstantinos Katsanos, ‘Macedonia of the Serbs, 1870–1941: From Old Serbia to Southern Serbia’, in Stefanidis, Vlasidis and Kofos (eds), Macedonian Iden- tities through Time: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Thessaloniki: Foundation of the Museum for the Macedonian Struggle, Epikentro, 2010) [2008], 169. 29 Quoted in Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, 313. 30 Ibid., 313; Katsanos, ‘Macedonia of the Serbs, 1870–1941’, 169. 31 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 139–43, 146–53; Stephen Palmer and Robert R. King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question (Hamden: Archon Books, 1971), 8; Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, 311–12. 32 Quotes in Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 2659. 33 In ibid, location 2659. 34 Ibid., location 2624; Tchavdar Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander: Macedonian Identity at the Crossroads of Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian Nationalism’, in Roumen Daskalov and Tchavdar Marinov (eds), Entangled Histories of the Balkans, Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies (Leiden: Brill, 2013a), 297. 35 Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 12. 36 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 298. 37 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 129–31, 136–8; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 9–10; Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, locations 2598–624. 38 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 159–65. 39 Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 46–7. 40 Georgios Giannakopoulos, ‘A British International Humanitarianism? Humanitarian Intervention in Eastern Europe (1875–1906)’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 34:2 (2016), 311. 41 Ibid., 310–11. 42 Dimitar Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia (Lanham: The Scarecrow Press, 2009), 30, 262. 43 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 143. 44 Ibid., 139. 45 H. N. Brailsford, Macedonia: Its Races and Their Future (London: Mathuen & Co., 1906), 103, 105, 107, 130, 194–200. 46 Ibid., 101. See also 102–7, 111–15, 121–3, 130–3, 191–219. 47 M. E. Durham, Twenty Years of Balkan Tangle (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1920), 92. 48 Ibid., 92. 49 Arthur D. Howden Smith, Fighting the Turks in the Balkans: An American’s Adven- tures with the Macedonian Revolutionaries (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, Knicker- bocker Press, 1908), 3. 50 Ibid., 3–4. 51 Spyridon Ploumidis, ‘Symvoli stin katanoisi tis ethnikis taftotitas tis Esoterikis Make- donikis Epanastatikis Organosis (1893–1912)’ [A Contribution to the Understanding of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (1893–1912)], Makedonika, 33 (2002), 98. 52 Ibid., 97, based on Rappoport’s 1927 autobiography, titled, Au pays des martyrs. Notes et souvenirs d’un Consul Général d’Autriche-Hongrie en Macédoine (1904–1909). 53 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 161–5; Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, 311–13. 54 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 167, 216. 55 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 318–19. 56 Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 2562. 57 Ibid., location 2577. 58 Nadine Lange-Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 1893–1908: From Western Sources (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1998), 13. 59 Dimitris Lithoxoou, ‘To Makedoniko Zitima kai i sigrotisi tou ellinikou ethnikou mythou’ in Tassos Kostopoulos, Leonidas Empeirikos and Dimitris Lithoxoou, Ellinikos ethikismos, Makedoniko Zitima: i ideologiki chrisi tis istorias [Greek Nation- alism, Macedonian Question: The Ideological Use of History] (Athens: Ekdosi tis kinisis aristeron, 1992), 39. 60 Ibid., 38–9; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia,13–19. 61 M. Şükrü Hanioğlu, A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008), 147–8. 62 Niyazi Berkes, The Development of Secularism in Turkey (London: Hurst & Company, 1998) [1964], 325. 63 Hanioğlu, A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire, 150. 64 Alexis Alexandris, The Greek Minority of Istanbul and Greek-Turkish Relations (Ath- ens: Center for Asia Minor Studies, 1983), 38–40. 65 Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey (London: Oxford University Press, 1968) [1961], 210–30; Eric J. Zürcher, Turkey: A Modern History (London: I.B. Tauris, 1993), 97–108; Feroz Ahmad, The Making of Modern Turkey (London: Routledge, 1993), 31–47; Hanioğlu, A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire, 150–7. 66 Ahmad, The Making of Modern Turkey, 6. 67 Myron Wiener, ‘The Macedonian Syndrome: An Historical Model of International Relations and Political Development’, World Politics, 23:4 (1971), 671. 68 Evangelos Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia: Civil Conflict, Poli- tics of Mutation, National Identity (New York: Aristide D. Karatzas Publisher, 1993) [1964], 3, 47; Andrew Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians: A History (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 2008), 2. 69 Şerif Mardin, ‘The Ottoman Empire’, in Karen Barkey and Mark von Hagen (eds), After Empire: Multiethnic Societies and Nation-Building (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997), 115–17; Ahmad, The Making of Modern Turkey,17; Zürcher, Turkey, 114. 70 Dimitris Livanios, The Macedonian Question: Britain and the Southern Balkans 1939–1949 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 22. 71 Arnold Toynbee, The Western Question in Greece and Turkey: A Study in the Contact of Civilisations (New York: Howard Fertig, 1970) [1922], 138. 72 Michael Llewellyn Smith, Ionian Vision: Greece in Asia Minor (London: Allen Lane, 1973), 32–3. 73 Maria Todorova, ‘The Course and Discourses of Bulgarian Nationalism’, in Peter F. Sugar (ed.), Eastern European Nationalism in the Twentieth Century (Washington, DC: American University Press, 1995), 83; Maria Bakalova, ‘Bulgarian “Macedonian” Nationalism in the Post 1989 Decade’, New Balkan Politics, 6 (2003), 63. 74 Evangelos Kofos, ‘National Heritage and National Identity in Nineteenth- and Twentieth- Century Macedonia’, in Μartin Blinkhorn and Thanos Veremis (eds), Modern Greece: Nationalism and Nationality (Athens: Sage-ELIAMEP, 1990), 116. 75 Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 53. 76 R. J. Crampton, A Short History of Modern Bulgaria (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- sity Press, 1987), 59, 63; Bakalova, ‘Bulgarian “Macedonian” Nationalism in the Post 1989 Decade’, 63–4. 77 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 187. 78 Tasos Kostopoulos, I apagorevmeni glossa: kratiki katastoli ton slavikon dialekton stin elliniki Makedonia [The Forbidden Tongue: State Repression of the Slavic Dialects in Greek Macedonia] (Athens: Mavri Lista, 2000), 26–7. 79 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 191. 80 Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 52. Basil C. Gounaris and Iakovos Michailidis, ‘The Pen and the Sword: Reviewing the Historiography of the Macedonian Question’, in Victor Roudometof (ed.), The Macedonian Question: Culture, Historiography, Politics (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, Colum- bia University Press, 2000), 103, 109–10. 81 Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 52–3. 82 Barker, Macedonia, 19–20, 29–30; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedo- nia, 41. 83 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 202–3. Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 55–6. 84 Todorova, ‘The Course and Discourses of Bulgarian Nationalism’, 83. 85 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 129; Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 54–5. See also Stoyan Christowe, Heroes and Assassins (New York: Robert M. MacBride and Company, 1935), 121. 86 Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 223–5. 87 Ibid., 233. 88 Ibid., 192–3; Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 56. 89 V. Colocotronis, La Macédoine et l’Hellénisme (Paris: Berger-Levrault, 1919); Wilkin- son, Maps and Politics, 241–2; Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 56. 90 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 43. 91 Dimitri Pentzopoulos, The Balkan Exchange of Minorities and It Impact upon Greece (London: C. Hurst, 1962), 60; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 43; Barker, Macedonia, 31. 92 Bakalova, ‘Bulgarian “Macedonian” Nationalism in the Post 1989 Decade’, 63; Kiril Kertikov, ‘Macedonia-Bulgaria: From Confrontation to Euro-Integration’, New Bal- kan Politics, 6 (2003), 35. 1 This clarification is due to Tchavdar Marinov, whom I thank. 2 Nadine Lange-Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 1893–1908: From Western Sources (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1998), 39–40. 3 Vemund Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart? Macedonia’s Place in Modern Bulgarian History’, in Ioannis D. Stefanidis, Vlasis Vlasidis and Evangelos Kofos (eds), Macedonian Identities through Time: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Thessaloniki: Foun- dation of the Museum for the Macedonian Struggle, Epikentro, 2010) [2008], 151–2. 4 Duncan M. Perry, The Politics of Terror: The Macedonian Revolutionary Movements, 1893–1903 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1988), 39. 5 Kosta Todoroff, ‘The Macedonian Organization Yesterday and Today’, Foreign Affairs, 6 (1927–1928), 473–4; L.S. Stavrianos, The Balkans since 1453 (London: Hurst & Company, 2000) [1958], 519–20; Evangelos Kofos, Nationalism and Commu- nism in Macedonia: Civil Conflict, Politics of Mutation, National Identity (New York: Aristide D. Karatzas Publisher, 1993) [1964], 25–6; Douglas Dakin, The Greek Strug- gle in Macedonia 1897–1913 (Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1966), 47, 51–3; Ivo Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993) [1984], 314–15; Perry, The Politics of Terror, 39–41, 127; Hugh Poul- ton, Who Are the Macedonians? (London: Hurst & Company, 1995), 53–5; Lange- Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 36–7; Vemund Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 1870–1913 (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 2003), 97–8; Andrew Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians: A History (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 2008), 94, 102–3; Krste Bitovski, ‘Macedonia in the XIX Century’, in Todor Chepreganov (ed.), History of the Macedonian People (Skopje: Institute of National History, 2008), 174. See also Stoyan Pribichevich, Macedonia: Its People and History (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1982), 120–1. 6 Ivan Hadjinikolov on the Serbian propaganda in Macedonia which led to the creation of the Revolutionary Organization, in Bulgarian Academy of Sciences (Institute of History, Bulgarian Language Institute), Macedonia: Documents and Material (Sofia: Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1978), 414. 7 Damyan Grouev on the creation of a revolutionary organization in Macedonia, in Mac- edonia: Documents and Material, 550–1. See also Lange-Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 36. 8 Ivan Hadjinikolov on the Serbian propaganda in Macedonia which led to the creation of the Revolutionary Organization, 415. 9 From the memoirs of Dr Christo Tatarchev on the foundation and the aims of the Inter- nal Macedonian Adrianople Revolutionary Organization, in Macedonia: Documents and Material, 661. 10 Perry, The Politics of Terror, 42; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedo- nia, 97 fn.71. 11 Which may not be a coincidence as implied in İpek K. Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties: Reli- gion, Violence and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014), Kindle Edition, location 575. 12 Macedonia: Documents and Material, 661–2. 13 Ibid. 14 Keith Brown, Loyal unto Death: Trust and Terror in Revolutionary Macedonia (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2013), 70. 15 Dimitar Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia (Lanham: The Scarecrow Press, 2009), 100. 16 Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 806. 17 Ibid., location 792. 18 Brown, Loyal unto Death, 62. 19 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 100, 217; Kofos, Nation- alism and Communism in Macedonia, 25–6. See also Stoyan Christowe, Heroes and Assassins (New York: Robert M. MacBride and Company, 1935), 48–9; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 121–2. 20 It seems that the idea of an autonomous Macedonia was first suggested by Emperor Frantz Joseph of Austria to Tsar Alexander II of Russia at a meeting at Reichstadt (Zákupy) in July 1876. See Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia, 47 fn 11. 21 Lange-Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 38–9, 102–3; Alice Ackerman, Making Peace Prevail: Preventing Violent Conflict in Macedonia (Syracuse: Syracuse Uni- versity Press, 1999), 54–5; Tchavdar Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians: The Paths of Macedonian Supra-Nationalism (1878–1912)’, in Diana Mishkova (ed.), We, the Peo- ple: Politics of National Peculiarity in Southeast Europe (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2013c), 112–13. See also Pribichevich, Macedonia, 122. 22 This paragraph is based on comments conveyed to me by Tchavdar Marinov, whom I thank. 23 Brown, Loyal unto Death, 174. 24 The Statute of the Bulgarian Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Committees, in Macedonia: Documents and Material, 419. 25 Dimitris Livanios, The Macedonian Question: Britain and the Southern Balkans 1939–1949 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 18–19. See also Rossos, Mac- edonia and the Macedonians, 105; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 121. 26 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 56, 99, 173. 27 Pitu Guli participated in the Ilinden Uprising and was killed defending the Kruševo Republic. 28 Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia, 47 fn 10. However, there were some excep- tions that confirm the rule. For instance, Ivan Anastasov (Yannis Anastasiadis or Ana- stasiou?) known as Grcheto (the little Greek) was a Greek from Meleniko/Melnik, and Rafael Kamhi was a Jew from Bitola/Monastiri. I thank Tchavdar Marinov for this information. 29 Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, 315; Tchavdar Marinov, ‘Famous Mac- edonia, the Land of Alexander: Macedonian Identity at the Crossroads of Greek, Bul- garian and Serbian Nationalism’, in Roumen Daskalov and Tchavdar Marinov (eds), Entangled Histories of the Balkans, Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies (Leiden: Brill, 2013a), 299–301; Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians’, 113–14, 117; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 98–100; Bechev, Histori- cal Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 99–101. 30 Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians’, 114. This paragraph is also based on further information I received from Tchavdar Marinov and Vemund Aarbakke whom I thank. Interest- ingly the longer period as regards BMORK, with its Bulgarian character is confirmed by Rossos, who is known to largely espouse the Macedonian national narrative. See Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 105. 31 The expression ‘Macedonia for the Macedonians’ had been Gladstone’s in a letter to The Times in 1897 (a year before his death). His exact words were ‘Why not Macedo- nia for Macedonians, as Bulgaria for Bulgarians and Servia for Servians’, clarifying that ‘next to the Ottoman Government nothing can be more deplorable and blamewor- thy than jealousies between Greek and Slav, and plans by the States already existing for appropriating other territory’, predicting that if these peoples did not stand together in common defence, they would be ‘devoured by others’. Quoted in Brown, Loyal unto Death, 14. 32 Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia, 47. 33 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 301. 34 Ibid., 301. 35 Ibid., 299–300. 36 Ibid., 301. 37 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 116, 216–17. 38 Lange-Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 45. 39 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 26–7; Perry, The Politics of Ter- ror, 42–4, 52; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 98; Lange- Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 48–9, 104–5; Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 217; Mercia MacDermott, Freedom or Death: The Life of Gotse Delchev (London: Journeyman Press, 1978), 125–6, 132–3, 135–8. 40 Perry, The Politics of Terror, 54–5; Lange-Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 51–3, 102–6; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 99–100; Bechev, His- torical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 217; Marinov, ‘We, the Macedoni- ans’, 117; Bitovski, ‘Macedonia in the XIX Century’, 186; MacDermott, Freedom or Death, 135. 41 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 217. 42 Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians’, 116. 43 Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 811. 44 Delchev in particular was influenced by the socialist ideas of Blagoev. See MacDer- mott, Freedom or Death, 131. 45 From Gyorche Petrov’s memoirs about the Collaboration with the Supreme Commit- tee, headed by Boris Sarafov, in Macedonia: Documents and Material, 558. 46 Keith Brown, ‘Villains and Symbolic Pollution in the Narratives of Nations: The Case of Boris Sarafov’, in Maria Todorova (ed.), Balkan Identities: Nation and Memory (London: Hurst & Company, 2003), 242; Brown, Loyal unto Death, 61. 47 For Sarafov’s techniques to raise money for the cause, including charming ladies of all ages in western Europe, see Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 64, 66–8. For more details regarding Sarafov’s behaviour, deeds and misdeeds, see Brown, ‘Villains and Symbolic Pollution in the Narratives of Nations’, 241–7. 48 Elizabeth Barker, Macedonia: Its Place in Balkan Power Politics (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1950); Stavrianos, The Balkans since 1453, 519–20; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia,27; Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia, 48–50, 53–4; Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, 314; Perry, The Politics of Terror, 52–5, 82–4; Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 53–5; Aarb- akke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 104; Lange-Akhund, The Macedo- nian Question, 53–4; Livanios, The Macedonian Question; MacDermott, Freedom or Death, 215–18, 226–8; Mercia MacDermott, For Freedom and Perfection: The Life of Yané Sandansky (London: Journeyman Press, 1988), 49–50, 52. 49 Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 98. 50 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 299. 51 Ibid.; Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians’, 116. 52 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 301. 53 Ibid.; Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians’, 117–18. 54 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 301; Marinov, ‘We, the Mac- edonians’, 116–8. 55 Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 575. 56 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 301–2; Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians’, 122. 57 As pointed out to me by Tchavdar Marinov. 58 Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 131. 59 Ibid. 60 Stefan Troebst, ‘IMRO+100=FYROM? The Politics of Macedonian Historiography’, in James Pettifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999), 61. 61 Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians’, 114–15. 62 See for such texts, Macedonia: Documents and Material, 414, 418, 437, 661–2. 63 Bitovski, ‘Macedonia in the XIX Century’, 186. 64 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 104. 65 Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians’, 111, 113–14, 118–19, 122, 124–5. 66 Brown, Loyal unto Death, 19. 67 Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 385. 68 Ibid., location 811, 818. 69 Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia, 72–80; Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 217; Bitovski, ‘Macedonia in the XIX Century’, 187–8; Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 837; MacDermott, Freedom or Death, 313–14. 70 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 95; Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 875. 71 Brown, Loyal unto Death, 61. 72 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 95. 73 Quoted in Brown, Loyal unto Death, 4. 74 Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia, 95. 75 Bitovski, ‘Macedonia in the XIX Century’, 188–9; Perry, The Politics of Terror, 125; Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 57, 90, 95, 196. See also Pribichevich, Macedonia, 122–3. 76 Brown, Loyal unto Death, 4. 77 Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia, 95. 78 MacDermott, Freedom or Death, 326. 79 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 173. 80 Bitovski, ‘Macedonia in the XIX Century’, 185–6, 188–9. See also MacDermott, Free- dom or Death, 326. 81 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 108. 82 Ibid., 107–8; Perry, The Politics of Terror, 125, 127; Lange-Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 119–20, 123; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 109, 112; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 107–8; Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia, 94–5; MacDermott, Freedom or Death, 324–8, 330, 361–2; Bitovski, ‘Mac- edonia in the XIX Century’, 186, 188–9. See also Pribichevich, Macedonia, 122–3. 83 MacDermott, Freedom or Death, 352. 84 Ibid., 354. 85 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 82; Brown, Loyal unto Death, 62–3, 65; Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 882; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 124–5. For details of the bombings and of the views of the boatmen, based on an interview with Shatev (one of the two boatmen who survived to be imprisoned by the Ottomans), see Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 76–112. For even more details, see MacDermott, Freedom or Death, 349–56. 86 MacDermott, Freedom or Death, 356. 87 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 102, 107–9; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 112–3; Bitovski, ‘Macedonia in the XIX Century’, 189. See also Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 114. 88 Contra, that the Ilinden Uprising was not ‘a widespread popular movement’ and that this view is ‘entirely a myth’ mainly propagated by Brailsford, see Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia, 101. 89 Pribichevich, Macedonia, 129. 90 Lange-Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 126–7. 91 Brown, Loyal unto Death, 70. 92 Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 901. 93 Letter No. 534 from the General Staff of the Second Macedonian-Adrianople Rev- olutionary Region to the Bulgarian Government on the position of the insurgent population, requesting assistance from Bulgaria (9 September 1903), Macedonia: Documents and Material, 531–3. 94 Perry, The Politics of Terror, 125, 127–35; Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 56–8; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 103, 105, 109–13; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 107–11; Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 95; Bitovski, ‘Macedonia in the XIX Century’, 189– 91; Lange-Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 125–7; Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 19; Dimitris Lithoxoou, Ellinikos antimakedonikos agonas: apo to Ilin- den sti Zagoritsani [The Greek Anti-Macedonian Struggle: From Ilinden to Zagorit- sani] (Athens: Megali Poreia, 1998), 38–45. See also H.N. Brailsford, Macedonia: Its Races and Their Future (London: Methuen & Co, 1906), 150–62; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 127–30; Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 115–17. For a detailed though convoluted presentation, see Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia, 98–106. 95 Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 908. 96 R.J. Crampton, A Concise History of Modern Bulgaria (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 2005) [1997], 80; Roumen Daskalov, The Making of a Nation in the Balkans: Historiography of the Bulgarian Revival (Budapest: Central European Uni- versity Press, 2004), 107–8. 97 Brown, Loyal unto Death, 4. 98 Ibid., 5. 99 Lange-Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 127. 100 Hilmi Pasha, in disgust, ordered a martial court to punish the Ottoman culprits, without a right of appeal. See Lange-Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 127. 101 Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia, 103–4; Rossos, Macedonia and the Mac- edonians, 110; Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia. See also Pribichevich, Macedonia, 128; Bitovski, ‘Macedonia in the XIX Century’, 191–2; Brown, Loyal unto Death, 4. See also Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 117–20. 102 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 96. For the relevant Bulgarian narrative, see Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’ 153. For Mac- edonian mythologizing regarding Ilinden, see Keith Brown, ‘A Rising to Count On: Ilinden between Politics and History in Post-Yugoslav Macedonia’, in Victor Rou- dometof (ed.), The Macedonian Question: Culture, Historiography, Politics (Boul- der, CO: East European Monographs, Columbia University Press, 2000), 143–72; Keith Brown, The Past in Question: Modern Macedonia and the Uncertainties of Nation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003); Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 61, 99; Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 56; Victor Roudometof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans: Greece and the Macedonian Ques- tion’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 14:2 (1996), 265. 103 Brown, Loyal unto Death, 17. 104 Ibid., 15. 105 As pointed out to me by Tchavdar Marinov in writing, whom I thank. 106 Brown, Loyal unto Death, 15. 107 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 90. 108 Martin Valkov, ‘The Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization and the Idea for Autonomy for Macedonia and Adrianople Thrace, 1893–1912’, M.A. dissertation, Central European University (Budapest, 2010), 53. 109 Ibid. 110 Ibid. 111 Bitovski, ‘Macedonia in the XIX Century’, 196–7. 112 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 120. 113 Quoted in Valkov, ‘The Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organiza- tion and the Idea for Autonomy for Macedonia and Adrianople Thrace, 1893–1912’, 56–7. 114 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 120. 115 Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 154–6, 160, 163; Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’ 189; Lange-Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 202–7; Andrew Rossos, ‘Macedonianism and Macedonian Nationalism on the Left’, in Ivo Banac and Katherine Verdery (eds), National Character and National Ide- ology in Interwar Eastern Europe (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995), 226–7; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 94–5, 118–21; Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 75, 100, 174, 196, 217; Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, location 997. 116 Lange-Akhund, The Macedonian Question, 234–5. 117 Valkov, ‘The Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization and the Idea for Autonomy for Macedonia and Adrianople Thrace, 1893–1912’, 61. 118 Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 163–4, 167; Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’ 191; Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 57; MacDer- mott, For Freedom and Perfection, 187. 119 Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’, 189; Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 303. 120 Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’, 190. 121 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 303. 122 On methodological nationalism, see also Brown, Loyal unto Death, 17. 123 For the important insight in this paragraph, which I have quoted almost verbatim from our exchanges, I thank Tchavdar Marinov. 124 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 303. 125 Ibid., 304. 126 Duncan M. Perry, ‘The Macedonian Question: An Update’, in Benjamin Stolz (ed.), Studies in Macedonian Language, Literature and Culture: Proceedings of the First North American-Macedonian Conference on Macedonian Studies, Ann Arbor, 1991 (Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Studies, 1995), 144. 127 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 75. 128 Todoroff, ‘The Macedonian Organization Yesterday and Today’, 475; Kofos, Nation- alism and Communism in Macedonia, 61; Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’ 191; Bitovski, ‘Macedonia in the XIX Century’, 198–201; Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 235. 129 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 10, 101; Kofos, Nation- alism and Communism in Macedonia, 52–3; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedo- nians, 156; Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 115; Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 303–5; Todoroff, ‘The Macedonian Organization Yesterday and Today’, 477, 480; Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 57. See also Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 123–6, 129–41, 178. 130 Barker, Macedonia, 39–40; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 52–3; Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, 324; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 156–7. 131 Ivan Katardziev, ‘Macedonia in the Period from the Balkan Wars to the Beginning of the World War II in the Balkan (sic) (1912–1941)’, in Chepreganov (ed.), His- tory of the Macedonian People (Skopje: Institute of National History, 2008), 215; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 139. 132 Brown, Loyal unto Death, 5. 133 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 162. 134 Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 82–3. 135 The murderer was a VMRO assassin, a friend of Mihailov whom he provided to Pavelić, so as to commit the act on behalf of the Croatian Ustasha. See Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 216–9. 136 Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 85; Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 274–8. 137 Todoroff, ‘The Macedonian Organization Yesterday and Today’, 476, 480–2; Chris- towe, Heroes and Assassins, 281; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedo- nia, 52–3; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 156, 159–64; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 141–3; Myron Wiener, ‘The Macedonian Syndrome: An Historical Model of International Relations and Political Development’, World Politics, 23: 4 (1971), 678–9. 138 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 10, 235. 139 Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 176. 140 Ibid., 178. 141 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 10, 144; Paul Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), 32–3; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 158; Katardziev, ‘Mac- edonia in the Period from the Balkan Wars to the Beginning of the World War II in the Balkan’, 237–8. See also Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 176–8; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 140. 142 Quoted in Barker, Macedonia, 55. 143 Ibid., 57; Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 32. 144 Barker, Macedonia, 55; Ibid., 57; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedo- nia, 53, 88–9; Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 33; Stephen Palmer and Robert R. King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question (Hamden: Archon Books, 1971), 36–7; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 158; Katardziev, ‘Macedonia in the Period from the Balkan Wars to the Beginning of the World War II in the Balkan’, 238; Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’ 194. 145 Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 180–8, 237–9. 146 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 159. Contra, that Mihailov was not responsible for Aleksadrov’s assassination, that he adored him and avenged his death, see Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 137–41, 194. 147 Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 194, 197–202, 252–4; Ivan Katardjiev, Macedonia and Its Neighbours: Past, Present, Future (Skopje: Memora, 2001), 90. 148 Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 237–9. 149 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 101, 147, 184; Chris- towe, Heroes and Assassins, 242–51. 150 For a more sympathetic image of Mihailov, see the view of the Macedonian- American journalist Stoyan Christowe, who had met Mihailov on several occasions in the 1920s and 1930s, see Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 23–28, 256. But even Christowe’s conclusion is that ‘[t]here is little that is virtuous and humane to distinguish or redeem Michailoff’s epoch . . . [his] reign in Imro history will go down as one of bloodletting and mutual extermination’. In ibid., 256. 151 Rossos, ‘Macedonianism and Macedonian Nationalism on the Left’, 237. 152 Barker, Macedonia, 44; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 53–4; Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 13, 38–9; Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’ 194–5; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 162–4; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 140–3. 153 Katardziev, ‘Macedonia in the Period from the Balkan Wars to the Beginning of the World War II in the Balkan’, 239–40. 154 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 235. 155 Ibid., 105. 156 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 53, 89; Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 33; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 165–8. 157 Troebst, ‘IMRO+100=FYROM?’, 69. 158 Barker, Macedonia, 42, 54–7. Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Mace- donian Question, 48; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 166; Vlasis Vlasidis, ‘I aftonomisi tis Makedonias: apo ti theoria stin praxi’ [The Autonomy of Macedonia: From Theory to Praxis], in Basil C. Gounaris, Iakovos D. Michailides and Georgios B. Angelopoulos (eds), Taftotites sti Makedonia [Identities in Macedonia] (Athens: Ekdoseis Papazisi, 1997), 82. 159 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 105, 235. 160 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 53; Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 39–40; Rossos, ‘Macedonianism and Macedonian Nationalism on the Left’, 238–48; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedo- nians, 165–9; Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 39–40. 161 Rossos, ‘Macedonianism and Macedonian Nationalism on the Left’, 240. 162 Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’ 195. 163 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 13–14, 22–35; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 73; Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’ 195. For more details on the Yugoslavian communist position, see Walker Connor, The National Question in Marxist-Leninist Theory and Strategy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984), 137–44. 164 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 73–4. 165 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 37; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 76. 166 Evangelos Kofos, ‘The Impact of the Macedonian Question on Civil Conflict in Greece (1943–1949)’, Hellenic Foundation for Defense and Foreign Policy, Occa- sional Paper No 3 (1989), 5. 167 Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 94–5, 98; Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’, 195. 168 Rossos, ‘Macedonianism and Macedonian Nationalism on the Left’, 240. 169 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, LXI–LXII. 170 Kofos, ‘The Impact of the Macedonian Question on Civil Conflict in Greece’, 5. 171 Ibid.; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 91. 172 Barker, Macedonia, 52–4, 58–63, 66; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Mac- edonia, 68–87. 173 Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’ 195. 174 Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 45. 175 Dimitar Becher, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, Second Edition (Lan- ham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2019), 13. 176 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 12; Hugh Poul- ton, ‘Macedonians and Albanians as Yugoslavs’, in Dejan Djokić (ed.), Yugoslavism: Histories of a Failed Idea (London: Hurst & Company, 2003), 117; Katardziev, ‘Mac- edonia in the Period from the Balkan Wars to the Beginning of the World War II in the Balkan’, 217–19. See also Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 45–6. 177 See for details Nada Boškovska, Yugoslavia and Macedonia before Tito: Between Repression and Integration (London: I.B. Tauris, 2017). 178 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 13. 179 Poulton, ‘Macedonians and Albanians as Yugoslavs’, 118. 180 Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, 327. 181 Becher, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, xxxi, 14–15, 192. 182 Marilena Koppa, Mia efthrafsti democratia: i Proin Yiougoslaviki Democratia tis Makedonias anamesa sto parelthon kais to mellon [A Fragile Republic: The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia between the Past and the Future] (Athens: Ekdoseis Papazisi, 1994), 38–9. 183 Stephen P. Ladas, The Exchange of Minorities: Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey (New York: Macmillan, 1932); Dimitri Pentzopoulos, The Balkan Exchange of Minori- ties and Its Impact upon Greece (London: C. Hurst, 1962), 60; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 43; Barker, Macedonia, 31; John S. Koliopoulos, Plundered Loyalties: Axis Occupation and Civil Strife in Greek West Macedonia, 1941–1949 (London: Hurst & Company, 1999), 33. 184 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 47–8; H.R. Wilkinson, Maps and Politics: A Review of the Ethnographic Cartography of Macedonia (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1951), 263–73. 185 A.A. Pallis, ‘Racial Migration in the Balkans during the Years 1912–25’, Geographi- cal Journal (1925), 317–20. 186 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 47–8. For the lack of cred- ibility of Pallis’s assessment, see Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, 265, 268; Tasos Κostopoulos, I apagorevmeni glossa: kratiki katastoli ton slavikon dialekton stin elliniki Makedonia [The Forbidden Tongue: State Repression of the Slavic Dialects in Greek Macedonia] (Athens: Mavri Lista, 2000), 27–8. See also Katardziev, ‘Mac- edonia in the Period from the Balkan Wars to the Beginning of the World War II in the Balkan’, 221–2. 187 Barker, Macedonia, 31; Kofos, ‘The Impact of the Macedonian Question on Civil Conflict in Greece’, 6; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 48. 188 Basil C. Gounaris, ‘Oi slavophonoi tis Makedonias’ [The Slavophones of Macedo- nia], in Konstantinos Tsitselikis and Dimitris Christopoulos (eds), To meionotiko phe- nomeno stin Ellada [The Minority Phenomenon in Greece] (Athens: Kritiki, 1997), 96. Kostopoulos, based on confidential Greek documents, estimates the number of Slavophones in Greece during the interwar from 162,500 to as many as 200,000. See Κostopoulos, I apagorevmeni glossa, 29. According to the Greek Communist Party (KKE) the ‘Slavomacedonian population’ was estimated to be (in 1935) around 250,000 to 300,000. See Katardziev, ‘Macedonia in the Period from the Balkan Wars to the Beginning of the World War II in the Balkan’, 222. 189 Kofos, ‘The Impact of the Macedonian Question on Civil Conflict in Greece’, 6. 190 Κostopoulos, I apagorevmeni glossa, 38–9. 191 Rossos, ‘Macedonianism and Macedonian Nationalism on the Left’, 241–3. 192 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 48. 193 Iakovos D. Michailidis, ‘Minority Rights and Educational Problems in Greek Inter- war Macedonia: The Case of the Primer “Abecedar” ’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 14:2 (1996), 329–43; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 143; Poul- ton, Who Are the Macedonians, 88–9; Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 294–5. 194 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 49–50; Hugh Poulton, The Bal- kans: Minorities and States in Conflict (London: Hurst & Company, 1991), 177; Rossos, ‘Macedonianism and Macedonian Nationalism on the Left’, 233; Christowe, Heroes and Assassins, 145; Katardziev, ‘Macedonia in the Period from the Balkan Wars to the Beginning of the World War II in the Balkan’, 219–24, 229. 195 Loring M. Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict: Ethnic Nationalism in a Transna- tional World (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995), 72. 196 See Koliopoulos, Plundered Loyalties, 44–5, 60–1. 1 L.S. Stavrianos, The Balkans since 1453 (London: Hurst & Company, 2000) [1958], 518. 2 Ibid., 518–9. 3 H.N. Brailsford, Macedonia: Its Races and Their Future (London: Methuen & Co, 1906), 106–7. 4 Ibid., 107. 5 Ibid., 519. 6 Victor Roudometof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans: Greece and the Macedonian Question’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 14:2 (1996), 263; Duncan M. Perry, The Politics of Terror: The Macedonian Revolutionary Movements, 1893– 1903 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1988), 21. 7 Tchavdar Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians: The Paths of Macedonian Supra-Nationalism (1878–1912)’, in Diana Mishkova (ed.), We, the People: Politics of National Peculiarity in Southeast Europe (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2013c), 109. 8 Keith Brown, Loyal unto Death: Trust and Terror in Revolutionary Macedonia (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2013), 17–8. 9 Strashko Stojanovski, ‘National Ideology and Its Transfer: Late Ottoman and Austro- Hungarian Relations’, Macedonian Historical Review, 3 (2012), 147; Andrew Ros- sos, Macedonia and the Macedonians: A History (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 2008), 82. 10 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 82. 11 Ibid. 12 Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians’, 109. 13 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 83. 14 Andrew Rossos, ‘Macedonianism and Macedonian Nationalism on the Left’, in Ivo Banac and Katherine Verdery (eds), National Character and National Ideology in Interwar Eastern Europe (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995); Ivan Katardjiev, Macedonia and Its Neighbours: Past, Present, Future (Skopje: Menora, 2001); Tchavdar Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander: Macedonian Identity at the Crossroads of Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian Nationalism’, in Roumen Daskalov and Tchavdar Marinov (eds), Entangled Histories of the Balkans, Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies (Leiden: Brill, 2013a); Loring M. Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict: Ethnic Nationalism in a Transnational World (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995); Irena Stefoska, ‘Nation, Educa- tion and Historiographic Narratives: The Case of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia (1944–1990)’, in Ulf Brunnbauer and Hannes Grandits (eds), The Ambiguous Nation: Case Studies from Southeastern Europe in the 20th Century (Munich: Oldenbourg Ver- lag München, 2013), 195–29. 15 Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (London: Penguin Books, 1991); Anthony D. Smith, Myths and Memories of the Nation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). 16 John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith, ‘Introduction’, in John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith (eds), Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 5. 17 Antony D. Smith, Nationalism and Modernism: A Critical Survey of Recent Theories of Nations and Nationalism (London: Routledge, 1998), 170–98. 18 Athena S. Leoussi, ‘The Ethno-Cultural Roots of National Art’, in Montserrat Guiber- nau and John Hutchinson (eds), History and National Destiny: Ethnosymbolism and Its Critics (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2004), 144. 19 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 278. 20 Walker Connor, ‘The Timelessness of Nations’, in Guibernau and Hutchinson (eds), History and National Destiny: Ethnosymbolism and Its Critics (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2004), 40–1. 21 Smith, Myths and Memories of the Nation, 5. 22 John Armstrong, ‘Definitions, Periodization, and Prospect for the Longue Durée’, in Guibernau and Hutchinson (eds), History and National Destiny: Ethnosymbolism and Its Critics (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2004), 12. 23 Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1983), 48. 24 In Anthony D. Smith, ‘Memory and Modernity: Reflections on Ernest Gellner’s The- ory of Nationalism’, Nations and Nationalism, 2:1 (1996), 372. 25 Umut Özkιrιmlι, Theories of Nationalism: A Critical Introduction (Basingstoke: Pal- grave, 2000), 67. 26 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 104; Tchavdar Marinov, La question macédoine de 1944 à no jours: communism et nationalism dans les Balkans (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2010b), 29. 27 Ivo Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993) [1984], 314–5, 326–7; Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 301. 28 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 304–5. 29 Ibid., 304 fn. 85. 30 In Spyridon Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas: mia epodyni diadikasia [The Formulation of the Slav-Macedonian Identity: A Painful Process] (Thes- saloniki: Ekdoseis Vanias, 2003), 77 fn 89. My translation from the Greek version. 31 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 305. 32 Ibid. 33 İpek K. Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties: Religion, Violence and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press), Kindle Edition, location 391. 34 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 305. 35 Brown, Loyal unto Death, 15–6. 36 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 303. 37 Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, Kindle Edition, Locations 363–370. 38 See, e.g. Alexis Heraclides, The Self-Determination of Minorities in International Pol- itics (London: Frank Cass, 1991). 39 There are several other instances where separate political existence for decades has given rise to a quest for separate statehood despite ethnic or national affinity, such as Montenegro, Moldova, Somaliland and the various Arab states. 40 Stojanovski, ‘National Ideology and Its Transfer’, 147. 41 Dimitar Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, Second Edition (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2019), 192. 42 Stefoska, ‘Nation, Education and Historiographic Narratives’, 206; Kyril Drezov, ‘Macedonian Identity: An Overview of the Major Claims’, in James Pettifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question (Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 1999), 54. 43 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 277. 44 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 192. 45 Rumen Daskalov, ‘Bulgarian-Greek Dis/Entanglements’, in Daskalov and Marinov (eds), Entangled Histories of the Balkans, Volume One: National Ideologies and Lan- guage Policies (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 170. 46 Stoyan Pribichevich, Macedonia: Its People and History (University Park: Pennsylva- nia State University Press, 1982), 111. 47 Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 17–8. 48 Quoted in Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 84. 49 Ibid. 50 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 315; Danforth, The Macedo- nian Conflict, 50. 51 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 315–6. 52 Ibid., 316. 53 Ibid. 54 Ibid. 55 Quoted in Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict, 50. 56 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 316–7. 57 Dimitar Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia (Lanham: The Scarecrow Press, 2009), 185. 58 Daskalov, ‘Bulgarian-Greek Dis/Entanglements’, 167. See for more details from Par- lichev’s autobiography, see Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties, locations 1869–1881. 59 Basil C. Gounaris, ‘Greek Views of Macedonia: From the Enlightenment to the First World War’, in Ioannis D. Stefanidis, Vlasis Vlasidis and Evangelos Kofos (eds), Mac- edonian Identities through Time: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Thessaloniki: Founda- tion of the Museum for the Macedonian Struggle, Epikentro, 2010 [2008], 146. 60 Daskalov, ‘Bulgarian-Greek Dis/Entanglements’, 171. 61 Boris Vishinski, ‘Culture through the Centuries’, Macedonian Review, 3 (1973), 215; Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict, 50. 62 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 86. 63 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 286. 64 Ibid., 286–7. 65 Ibid., 287. 66 Ibid. 67 Ibid. 68 See, e.g. Dragan Tashkovski, The Macedonian Nation (Skopje: Nik. Nasha Kniga, 1976), 21–2. Blaže Ristovski devotes 15 pages in a book on the Macedonian people. See Blaže Ristovski, Macedonia and the Macedonian People (Vienna and Skopje: SIMAG Holding, 1999), 133–48. See also Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 86–7. 69 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 287. 70 Krsté Missirkov, On Macedonian Matters, translated by Alan McConnell (Skopje: Macedonian Review Editions, 1974) [1903], 117. 71 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 241. 72 Ristovski, Macedonia and the Macedonian People, 124–5; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 96; Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians’, 120–1, 132. 73 Ristovski, Macedonia and the Macedonian People, 16. 74 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 319. 75 Missirkov, On Macedonian Matters, 63, 65. 76 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 227–8; Vemund Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 1870–1913 (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 2003), 120–1; Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 319–21; Hugh Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians? (London: Hurst & Company, 1995), 58; Dan- forth, The Macedonian Conflict, 50, 63. 77 Missirkov, On Macedonian Matters, 105, 150, 181. 78 Ibid., 103. 79 Ibid., 151–2. 80 Ibid., 153. 81 Ibid., 115. 82 Ibid., 183. 83 Ibid., 115. 84 Ibid., 121. 85 Ibid., 135–6. 86 Ibid., 37–8, 57. 87 Ibid., 75, 123. 88 Ibid., 42, 49. 89 Ibid., 43. 90 Ibid., 52. 91 Ibid., 118. 92 Ibid., 125–6. 93 Ibid., 122. 94 Ibid., 135, 95 Ibid., 164, 195, 197. 96 Ermis Lafazanovski, ‘The Intellectual as Place of Memory: Krste Petkov Misirkov’s Role in the Macedonian and Moldavian National Movements’, in Ulf Brunnbauer and Hannes Grandits (eds), The Ambiguous Nation: Case Studies from Southeastern Europe in the 20th Century (Munich: Oldenbourg Verlag, 2013), 180. 97 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 153. 98 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 321. See also Vemund Aarb- akke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart? Macedonia’s Place in Modern Bulgarian His- tory’, in Stefanidis, Vlasidis and Kofos (eds), Macedonian Identities through Time, 190. 99 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 321–2; Lafazanovski, ‘The Intellectual as Place of Memory’, 186, 88. 100 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 153. 101 Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, 327. 102 Ibid. 103 Fredrik Barth, ‘Introduction’, in Fredrik Barth (ed.) Ethnic Groups and Boundaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown and Company, 1969), 9–38. 104 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 322. 105 Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians’, 134. 106 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 322. 107 Ibid., 321–2. 108 Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 78–80, 82–3. My translation from the Greek version. 109 Ibid., 80; Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians’, 132. 110 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 323. 111 Ibid. For more details on the views of Čupovski, see Ristovski, Macedonia and the Macedonian People, 200–14, 220–30, 240–4, 248–51. 112 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 52. Bulgarian scholars in particular dismiss him as a marginal figure in the service of the Asian Department of Russia’s foreign ministry. In ibid., 52. 113 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 323. 114 Ibid., 305. 115 Ibid. 116 Ibid. 117 Ibid., 305–6. 118 Ibid., 306. 119 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 141. 120 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 307. 121 Ibid. 122 Quoted in Rossos, ‘Macedonianism and Macedonian Nationalism on the Left’, 247–8. 123 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 310–2; Ristovski, Macedonia and the Macedonian People, 124–5. 124 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 310. 125 Ibid. 126 Ivanovski’s article was first published in Detroit, in a publication of the Macedonian People’s Union, to be translated into Greek and other languages. See Bechev, Histori- cal Dictionary of North Macedonia, 154. 127 In Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 117–8, my translation from the Greek version. See also in Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 248. 128 Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 117–22; Marinov, ‘Famous Mac- edonia, the Land of Alexander’, 311–2. 129 Rossos, ‘Macedonianism and Macedonian Nationalism on the Left’, 249. 130 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 312. 131 Ibid., 327. 132 Rossos, ‘Macedonianism and Macedonian Nationalism on the Left’, 246–8; Ivan Katardziev, ‘Macedonia in the Period from the Balkan Wars to the Beginning of the World War II in the Balkan (sic) (1912–1941)’, in Todor Chepreganov (ed.), History of the Macedonian People (Skopje: Institute of National History, 2008), 242–3, 245; Ristovski, Macedonia and the Macedonian People, 124–5; Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 448; Victor Friedman, ‘The Modern Macedonia Standard Language and its Relation to Modern Macedonian Identity’, in Victor Roudometof (ed.), The Macedonian Question: Culture, Historiography, Politics (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, Columbia University Press, 2000), 192. 133 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 448. 134 Katardziev, ‘Macedonia in the Period from the Balkan Wars to the Beginning of the World War II in the Balkan’, 243. 135 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 326. 136 Katardziev, ‘Macedonia in the Period from the Balkan Wars to the Beginning of the World War II in the Balkan’, 244. 137 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 190. 138 In Rossos, ‘Macedonianism and Macedonian Nationalism on the Left’, 219. See also Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 36. 139 In Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 326. 140 In ibid. 141 Based on the overall assessment of Marinov whom I thank. 142 In Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 271. My translation from the Greek version. 143 Ibid., 271–2. 1 Tchavdar Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language: The Standardization of the Mac- edonian Language and the Bulgarian-Macedonian Linguistic Controversies’, in Roumen Daskalov and Tchavdar Marinov (eds), Entangled Histories of the Balkans, Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies (Leiden: Brill, 2013b), 447–8. 2 Elizabeth Barker, Macedonia: Its Place in Balkan Power Politics (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1950), 11; Nada Boškovska, Yugoslavia and Macedo- nia before Tito: Between Repression and Integration (London: I.B. Tauris, 2017). 3 In Andrew Rossos, ‘The British Foreign Office and Macedonian National Identity, 1918–1941’, Slavic Review, 53:2 (1994), 383. 4 In ibid., 393. 5 Ibid., 392, 394. 6 Ibid., 394. 7 In ibid. 8 Dimitar Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia (Lanham: The Scarecrow Press, 2009), 221. 9 Denko Maleski, ‘Law, Politics and History in International Relations: Macedonia and Greece’, New Balkan Politics, 12 (2010). 10 Paul Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), 22–30, 39–40, 51. 11 Vojislav Pavlović, ‘Stalinism without Stalin: The Soviet Origins of Tito’s Yugoslavia’, in Vojislav Pavlović (ed.), The Balkans in the Cold War (Belgrade: Institute for Balkan Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2011), 13. 12 Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 34–8, 40–6. 13 S.K. Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder: The Second World War in Yugoslavia (Lon- don: Hurst & Company, 2008), 6. 14 Ibid., 7. 15 Ibid., 6; Stefan K. Pavlowitch, Tito: Yugoslavia’s Great Dictator (London: Hurst & Company, 1992), 21–2, 24, 29. 16 Pavlowitch, Tito, 21–7; J. Ridley, Tito: A Biography (London: Constable and Com- pany, 1994), 135. 17 Pavlowitch, Tito, 29. 18 Ibid. 19 Pavlović, ‘Stalinism without Stalin’, 27. 20 Ibid., 26. 21 W.R. Roberts, Tito, Mihailović and the Allies: 1941–1945 (New Brunswick: Duke University Press, 1987), 24; Joso Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941–1945: Occupation and Collaboration (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), 104. See also Stoyan Pribichevich, Macedonia: Its People and History (Uni- versity Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1982), 30, 43. 22 Dimitris Livanios, ‘Politikes exelixeis sti yugoslaviki Makedonia (1941–1948)’ [Polit- ical Developments in Yugoslavian Macedonia (1941–1948)], in Thanos Veremis (ed.), Valkania: apo ton dipolismo sti nea epohi [The Balkans: From Bipolarity to the New Era] (Athens: Ekdoseis ‘Gnosi’, 1994), 585. 23 Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 52 and note 99; Stefan Tro- ebst, ‘Yugoslav Macedonia, 1943–1953: Building the Party, the State, and the Nation’, in Jill A. Irvine, Melissa K. Bokovoy and Carol S. Lilly (eds), State-Society Relations in Yugoslavia, 1945–1992 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997), 245. 24 Quoted in Ivan Katardziev, ‘Macedonia in the Period from the Balkan Wars to the Begin- ning of the World War II in the Balkan (sic) (1912–1941)’, in Todor Chepreganov (ed.), History of the Macedonian People (Skopje: Institute of National History, 2008), 246–7. 25 Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 52–3; Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder, 7; Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 200. 26 Pribichevich, Macedonia, 145. 27 George B. Zotiades, The Macedonian Controversy (Thessaloniki: Etairia Makedon- ikon Spoudon, 1961) [1954], 72. 28 Stefan K. Pavlowitch, A History of the Balkans 1804–1945 (London: Longman, 1999), 308. 29 Vemund Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart? Macedonia’s Place in Modern Bulgarian History’, in Ioannis D. Stefanidis, Vlasis Vlasidis and Evangelos Kofos (eds), Macedonian Identities through Time: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Thessaloniki: Foundation of the Museum for the Macedonian Struggle, Epikentro, 2010) [2008], 184. 30 However, Bulgaria under Tsar Boris III (who dominated the political scene more than the premier) did not provide full and unconditional support to Nazi Germany. Dis- mayed with the German attack on the Soviet Union, it did not sever diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union throughout the war, and Boris refused to send Bulgarian troops to fight the Soviet Union. Boris died a fortnight after a visit to Hitler and it is believed that he was poisoned for not sending troops to the Soviet Union and for not complying with the German demands regarding the deportation of the Bulgarian Jews. See Pavlowitch, A History of the Balkans, 322–3. 31 Myron Wiener, ‘The Macedonian Syndrome: An Historical Model of International Relations and Political Development’, World Politics, 23:4 (1971), 671. 32 Ibid. 33 R.J. Crampton, The Balkans since the Second World War (London: Longman, 2002), 51. 34 Dimitris Livanios, The Macedonian Question: Britain and the Southern Balkans 1939–1949 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 118. 35 Ibid. 36 Stephen Palmer and Robert R. King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Ques- tion (Hamden: Archon Books, 1971), 64. 37 Zotiades, The Macedonian Controversy, 72. 38 Vanche Stajchev, ‘Macedonia during the Second World War (1941–1945)’, in Chepreg- anov (ed.), History of the Macedonian People (Skopje: Institute of National History, 2008), 251. 39 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 119. 40 Ibid., 118. 41 Evangelos Kofos, ‘The Impact of the Macedonian Question on Civil Conflict in Greece (1943–1949)’, Hellenic Foundation for Defense and Foreign Policy, Occasional Paper No. 3 (1989), 6; Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 136. 42 R.J. Crampton, A Short History of Modern Bulgaria (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- sity Press, 1987), 125. 43 Ibid.; R.J. Crampton, A Concise History of Modern Bulgaria (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005) [1997], 172. See also Andrew Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians: A History (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 2008), 185. 44 Barker, Macedonia, 80–1; Zotiades, The Macedonian Controversy, 73–5; Evangelos Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia: Civil Conflict, Politics of Muta- tion, National Identity (New York: Aristide D. Karatzas Publisher, 1993) [1964], 100–7; Evangelos Kofos, ‘National Heritage and National Identity in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Macedonia’, in Μartin Blinkhorn and Thanos Veremis (eds), Mod- ern Greece: Nationalism and Nationality (Athens: Sage-ELIAMEP, 1990), 118–20; Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 65; Hugh Poulton, The Balkans: Minorities and States in Conflict (London: Hurst & Company, 1991), 177; Crampton, A Short History of Modern Bulgaria, 125; Livanios, The Mac- edonian Question, 136. 45 Troebst, ‘Yugoslav Macedonia, 1943–1953’, 245. 46 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 64; Pav- lowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder, 82; Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 179; Hugh Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians? (London: Hurst & Company, 1995), 101; Victor Roudometof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans: Greece and the Mac- edonian Question’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 14:2 (1996), 266–7. 47 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, LXIII. 48 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 64. 49 Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder, 82. 50 Crampton, A Concise History of Modern Bulgaria, 168; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 149. 51 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, LXII. 52 Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder, 82; Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 101; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 184. 53 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, LXIII. 54 In Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 180. 55 Ibid. 56 Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 101–2. 57 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 64. 58 Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’, 196; Stajchev, ‘Macedonia during the Second World War (1941–1945)’, 253. 59 Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder, 83. 60 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 134; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 149–50. 61 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 180. 62 Barker, Macedonia, 79–80; Zotiades, The Macedonian Controversy, 79–80; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 108–9; Palmer and King, Yugoslav Com- munism and the Macedonian Question, 14, 64–5; Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder, 82–3, 101; Livanios, ‘Politikes exelixeis sti yugoslaviki Makedonia’, 576–80; Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 101–2; Poulton, The Balkans, 48; Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’, 196; Roudometof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans’, 263–4. 63 Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder, 7. 64 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, LXIII, 200. 65 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 120. 66 Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 53–4; Pribichevich, Mac- edonia, 146. 67 Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder, 83; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Mac- edonia, 113–4. 68 Milovan Djilas, Conversations with Stalin (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1967) [1962], 32. 69 Kofos, ‘The Impact of the Macedonian Question on Civil Conflict in Greece (1943– 1949)’, Hellenic Foundation for Defense and Foreign Policy, Occasional Papers No. 3 (1989), 7, 37 note 18; Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 82. 70 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 120. 71 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 65–7; Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 102; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 191. 72 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 201. 73 Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 82. 74 Stajchev, ‘Macedonia during the Second World War (1941–1945)’, 257; Bechev, His- torical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 2, 14, 117–8, 158, 200–1. 75 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 122; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 114; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 147. 76 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 121. 77 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 115. 78 Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder, 83. 79 Ibid., 208. 80 Ibid. 81 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 121. 82 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 67–9; Spyri- don Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas: mia epodyni diadikasia [The Formulation of the Slav-Macedonian Identity: A Painful Process] (Thessaloniki: Ekdoseis Vanias, 2003), 152–5. 83 Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder, 208. 84 Ibid., 238. 85 Troebst, ‘Yugoslav Macedonia, 1943–1953’, 255–6. 86 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 70–1, 84–5. 87 Strictly speaking, narodnog means people’s, but most authors, apart from most Bul- garians, tend to use the term national, implying that in this context people is tanta- mount to nation. 88 Pribichevich, Macedonia, 150. 89 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 121. 90 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 74–85; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 116–7; Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 102–3; Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 154–8. See also Pribichevich, Macedonia, 148–9. 91 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, LXIII. 92 Ibid., LXIII. 93 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 124, 177. 94 Ibid., 123–4, 134. 95 Ibid., 133. 96 Ibid., 125. 97 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, LXIII. 98 Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 86–7, 90–1. 99 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 122. 100 Ibid. 101 Ibid., 121–8; Kofos, ‘The Impact of the Macedonian Question on Civil Conflict in Greece’, 8–9, 15; Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 147–9; Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 97–9; John S. Koliopoulos, Plundered Loyalties: Axis Occupation and Civil Strife in Greek West Macedonia, 1941–1949 (London: Hurst & Company, 1999), 108–23; Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 148–50; Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 208. See also Poulton, The Balkans, 177–8; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 154. 102 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 117; Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder, 211; Crampton, The Balkans since the Second World War, 13. 103 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 117; Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder, 211; Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 103; Bechev, Historical Dic- tionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 16. 104 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 16. According to another version three participated, including Apostolski and Andonov-Čento. See Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 103. 105 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 16, 180, 235; Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 103. 106 Georgi Dimitrov, The Dairy of Georgi Dimitrov 1933–1949, Ivo Banac (ed.) (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003), 313–4; Ivo Banac, ‘Introduction. Georgi Dimitrov and His Diary: The Rise and Decline of the Lion of Leipzig’, in The Dairy of Georgi Dimitrov, XXXIX. 107 In Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 160–1. 108 Dimitrov, The Dairy of Georgi Dimitrov, 220. 109 Banac, ‘Introduction’, XXXIX. 110 Dimitrov, The Dairy of Georgi Dimitrov, 315. 111 Ibid. 112 Ibid. 113 Ibid. 114 Banac, ‘Introduction’, XL. 115 Dimitrov, The Dairy of Georgi Dimitrov, 347. However according to Djilas, who had several amicable conversations with Dimitrov in the mid-1940s, ‘I do not believe that even he maintained that the Macedonians were a separate nationality, despite the fact that his mother was a Macedonian and that his attitude toward the Macedonians was distinctly sentimental’. See Djilas, Conversations with Stalin, 33. 116 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 60 117 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 105. 118 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 15. 119 Tchavdar Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander: Macedonian Iden- tity at the Crossroads of Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian Nationalism’, in Daskalov and Marinov (eds), Entangled Histories of the Balkans, Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies (Leiden: Brill, 2013a), 328. 120 Ibid. 121 Ibid. 122 Ibid.; Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 15–6; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 151. For the various decisions taken on 2 August, see Stajchev, ‘Macedo- nia during the Second World War’, 275–80. 123 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 111–2; Rou- dometof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans’, 266–7; Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 177–79; Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 105–6. 124 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 191–2. 125 Jeronim Perović, ‘Josip Broz Tito’, in Steven Casey and Jonathan Wright (eds), Men- tal Maps in the Early Cold War Era, 1945–68 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 136. 126 Theodora Dragostinova, ‘On “Strategic Frontiers”: Debating the Borders of the Post- Second World War Balkans’, Contemporary European History, 27:3 (2018), 7. 127 Ibid. 128 Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder, 239–40; Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 186; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 109; Stajchev, ‘Macedonia during the Second World War’, 271–2. 129 Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 179, 191–4. 130 Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 167; Troebst, ‘Yugoslav Macedonia, 1943–1953’, 249; Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 196; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 197, 225. 131 Irena Stefoska, ‘Nation, Education and Historiographic Narratives: The Case of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia (1944–1990)’, in Ulf Brunnbauer and Hannes Gran- dits (eds), The Ambiguous Nation: Case Studies from Southeastern Europe in the 20th Century (Munich: Oldenbourg Verlag München, 2013), 200. 132 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 194. 133 Evangelos Kofos, ‘The Macedonian Question: The Politics of Mutation’, Institute for Balkan Studies, 27 (March 1985). 134 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 154; Kofos, ‘The Macedonian Question’, 1985; Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, LXIV–LXV. 135 Dragostinova, ‘On “Strategic Frontiers” ’, 12. 136 Rumen Daskalov, Debating the Past. Modern Bulgarian History: From Stambolov to Zhivkov (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2011), 263. 137 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 118–20, 129; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 138, 140, 142–3; Daskalov, Debating the Past, 263–4; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 248–9; Livanios, The Macedo- nian Question, 152; Perović, ‘Josip Broz Tito’, 136. 138 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 152, 154. 139 Dimitrov, The Dairy of Georgi Dimitrov, 337. 140 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 143. 141 Kofos, ‘The Impact of the Macedonian Question on Civil Conflict in Greece’, 14; Dragostinova, ‘On “Strategic Frontiers” ’, 13. 142 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 205. 143 Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 146–7; Livanios, The Mac- edonian Question, 155; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 138, 142. 144 Dimitrov, The Dairy of Georgi Dimitrov, 341. 145 Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 107; Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 155; Dragostinova, ‘On “Strategic Frontiers” ’, 13–14. 146 In Dimitrov, The Dairy of Georgi Dimitrov, 352. 147 Crampton, The Balkans since the Second World War, 29. 148 Ibid. 149 Ibid., 35. 150 Ibid., 30; Dragostinova, ‘On “Strategic Frontiers” ’, 14. 151 Tchavdar Marinov, La question macédoine de 1944 à no jours: communisme et nationalisme dans les Balkans (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2010b), 57; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 205–6. 152 Kofos, ‘National Heritage and National Identity in Nineteenth- and Twentieth- Century Macedonia’, 136. 153 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 161–3; Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 154–5; Daskalov, Debating the Past, 264; Cramp- ton, The Balkans since the Second World War, 30; Rossos, Macedonia and the Mac- edonians, 205–6; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 153, 249. 154 Crampton, The Balkans since the Second World War, 62. 155 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 157–8; Palmer and King, Yugo- slav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 124–5; Poulton, Who Are the Mac- edonians?, 107. 156 Kofos, ‘Greece and the Balkans in the ‘70s and ‘80’s’, 7; Dragostinova, ‘On “Strate- gic Frontiers” ’, 19. 157 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 160. 158 Crampton, The Balkans since the Second World War, 30; Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 232; Jeronim Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split: A Reassessment in Light of New Evidence’, Journal of Cold War Studies, 9:2 (2007), 51. 159 Crampton, The Balkans since the Second World War, 30. 160 Palmer and King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, 164; Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 163–4; Banac, ‘Introduction’, XLI. 161 Dimitrov, The Dairy of Georgi Dimitov, 437–38; Djilas, Conversations with Stalin, 134–8; Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 52–3; Crampton, The Balkans since the Sec- ond World War, 31. 162 Djilas, Conversations with Stalin, 137; Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 55; Cramp- ton, The Balkans since the Second World War, 31. 163 A few days earlier Stalin, in a friendly conversation with Djilas, did not seem unhappy with such a prospect and spoke in term of Yugoslavia ‘swallowing’ Albania, much to Djilas’s discomfort. See Djilas, Conversations with Stalin, 111. 164 In Djilas, Conversations with Stalin, 139. 165 Ibid., 140. 166 Ibid., 140–1; Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 53–4. 167 Djilas, Conversations with Stalin, 141. 168 Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 54. 169 Djilas, Conversations with Stalin, 141. 170 In Dimitrov, The Dairy of Georgi Dimitov, 442–3. 171 Albert Resis, ‘The Churchill-Stalin Secret “Percentages” Agreement on the Balkans, Moscow, October 1944’, American Historical Review, 83:2 (1978), 368–87. 172 Geoffrey Roberts, ‘Beware Greek Gifts: The Churchill-Stalin “Percentages” Agree- ment of October 1944’, Anglo-Russian Seminar on Churchill and Stalin, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, London (March 2002), 3. 173 Ibid., 5–7. According to Churchill in an interview to the American journalist Sulz- berger (in 1956), ‘Stalin never broke his word to me. We agreed on the Balkans. I said he could have Rumania and Bulgaria; and he said we could have Greece. . . . He signed a slip of paper. And he never broke his word. We saved Greece that way. When we went in in [sic] 1944 Stalin didn’t interfere’. In ibid., 6–7. 174 Ibid., 7–9; Geoffrey Roberts, ‘Moscow’s Cold War on the Periphery: Soviet Policy in Greece, Iran, and Turkey, 1943–8’, Journal of Contemporary History, 46:1 (2011), 59, 62–3. 175 Roberts, ‘Moscow’s Cold War on the Periphery’, 60. 176 Dimitrov, The Dairy of Georgi Dimitov, 352–3. 177 Ibid., 353. 178 Djilas, Conversations with Stalin, 141; Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 55. 179 Crampton, The Balkans since the Second World War, 31. 180 See on this point the view of Bulgarian historians, in Daskalov, Debating the Past, 264. 181 Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 55. 182 Daskalov, Debating the Past, 264. 183 Perović, ‘Josip Broz Tito’, 137. 184 In Crampton, The Balkans since the Second World War, 31. 185 Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 55–6. 186 Ibid., 56. 187 Crampton, The Balkans since the Second World War, 32. 188 Ibid. See also Perović, ‘Josip Broz Tito’, 137–8. 189 Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 32. 190 Ibid., 32, 36. 191 Ibid., 36. 192 Ibid.; Perović, ‘Josip Broz Tito’, 138. 193 Pavlowitch, Tito, 57. 194 Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 39. 195 Ibid. 196 Quoted in Pavlowitch, Tito, 55. 197 Crampton, The Balkans since the Second World War, 32. 198 Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 32, 37; Crampton, The Balkans since the Second World War, 32–3; Perović, ‘Josip Broz Tito’, 134–5. 199 Djilas, Conversations with Stalin, 14. 200 Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 35. See also Djilas, Conversations with Stalin, 133, 139. 201 Djilas, Conversations with Stalin, 105. See also Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 43; Perović, ‘Josip Broz Tito’, 136. 202 Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 35, 42, 44–50, 52–6; Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 232–3. 203 Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 42. 204 Pavlović, ‘Stalinism without Stalin’, 42. 205 Crampton, The Balkans since the Second World War, 33, 35. 206 Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 35. 207 Perović, ‘Josip Broz Tito’, 139. 208 Lorraine M. Lees, ‘The American Decision to Assist Tito’, Diplomatic History, 2:4 (1978), 407–16. 209 Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder, 61; Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 35–6, 45–62. 210 Pavlowitch, Hitler’s New Disorder, 54–61; Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 107–8. 211 Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 160. 212 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 142. 213 Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, fn.95 in 173–4; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 226; Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 268–9; Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 207. 214 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 4. 215 Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question, 173–4; Troebst, ‘Yugoslav Macedonia, 1943–1953’, 256–7; Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 207. 216 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 190, 221. 217 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 175. 218 On NOF and its role, see ibid., 170–3. 219 Ibid., 176–9. 220 Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 114. 221 Kofos, ‘The Impact of the Macedonian Question on Civil Conflict in Greece’, 32–3. 222 Quoted in Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 177. It was added that ‘the Macedonian communists should guard against the fractionist and disrupting activities of alien-motivated chauvinistic and reactionary elements aimed at breaking the unity of the Macedonian (Slavo-Macedonian) and Greek people’. Cited in ibid., 177, fn 6. 223 Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, 114. 224 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 179; Kofos, ‘The Impact of the Macedonian Question on Civil Conflict in Greece’, 28. 225 Kofos, ‘The Impact of the Macedonian Question on Civil Conflict in Greece’, 29. 226 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 174. 227 Pribichevich, Macedonia, 155, 238. 228 Crampton, The Balkans since the Second World War, 102. 229 Lees, ‘The American Decision to Assist Tito’, 415–6, 418. 230 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 240. 231 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 184. 232 Ibid. 233 Roberts, ‘Moscow’s Cold War on the Periphery’, 65. 234 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 185. 235 Kofos, ‘The Impact of the Macedonian Question on Civil Conflict in Greece’, 31. 236 Ibid., 31, 46 note 109. 237 Zotiades, The Macedonian Controversy, 89. 238 Ibid., 88; Perović, ‘The Tito-Stalin Split’, 45. 239 Dimitris Christopoulos and Kostis Karpozilos, 10+1 Questions & Answers on the Macedonian Question (Athens: Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Office in Greece, 2018), 56. 240 Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, 185–7; Tasos Kostopoulos, I apagorevmeni glossa: kratiki katastoli ton slavikon dialekton stin elliniki Makedonia [The Forbidden Language: State Repression of the Slavic Dialects in Greek Macedo- nia] (Athens: Mavri Lista, 2000), 213–8, 220–59; Poulton, Who Are the Macedoni- ans?, 167. 1 Dimitris Livanios, The Macedonian Question: Britain and the Southern Balkans 1939–1949 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 192. 2 Ibid. 3 Evangelos Kofos, ‘Greece and the Balkans in the ‘70s and ‘80’s’, Center for Soviet and Southeast European Studies, No. 3, Hellenic Foundation for Defense and Foreign Policy (Athens, 1991), 8. 4 Yiorgos Kalpadakis, To Makedoniko Zitima (1962–1995): apo ti siopi sti laiki diplomatia [The Macedonian Question (1962–1995): From Silence to Popular Diplomacy] (Athens: Ekdoseis Kastanioti, 2011), 31–5. 5 Evangelos Kofos, ‘The Macedonian Name Controversy. Texts and Commentaries’, Südosteuropa, 58 (2010), 417–9. 6 Kalpadakis, To Makedoniko Zitima (1962–1995), 167–74. 7 James Pettifer, ‘The New Macedonian Question’, in James Pettifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999). 8 Kofos, ‘Greece and the Balkans in the ‘70s and ‘80’s’, 12; Kalpadakis, To Makedoniko Zitima (1962–1995), 177–8. 9 Takis Michas, Unholy Alliance: Greece and Milošević’s Serbia (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2002), 45. 10 In ibid. 11 Duncan M. Perry, ‘The Macedonian Question: An Update’, in Benjamin Stolz (ed.), Studies in Macedonian Language, Literature and Culture: Proceedings of the First North American-Macedonian Conference on Macedonian Studies, Ann Arbor, 1991 (Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Studies, 1995), 151–2. 12 Alice Ackerman, Making Peace Prevail: Preventing Violent Conflict in Macedonia (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1999), 57. 13 Andrew Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians: A History (Stanford: Hoover Insti- tution Press, 2008), 262–3; Ackerman, Making Peace Prevail, 57–8. 14 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 263. 15 Ackerman, Making Peace Prevail, 58. 16 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 264–5; John Shea, Macedonia and Greece: The Struggle to Define a New Balkan Nation (Jefferson: McFarland and Company, 2008) [1997], 215. 17 R.J. Crampton, The Balkans since the Second World War (London: Pearson Education Limited, Longman, 2002), 246. 18 Ibid. 19 Ackerman, Making Peace Prevail, 58. 20 Dimitar Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, Second Edition (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2019), 20. 21 Todor Chepreganov, ‘Independent Republic of Macedonia’, in Todor Chepreganov (ed.), History of the Macedonian People (Skopje: Institute of National History, 2008), 324. 22 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 266. 23 Ulf Brunnbauer, ‘Historiography, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedo- nia’, in Ulf Brunnbauer (ed.), (Re)Writing History-Historiography in Southeast Europe after Socialism (Berlin: LIT, 2004), 168. 24 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1991_Macedonian_independence_referendum. Based on Dieter Nohlen and Philip Stöver, Elections in Europe: a data handbook (2010). 25 Kiro Gligorov, Apomnimonevmata [Memoirs] (Athens: Courier Ekdotiki, 2001) [2000], 123. 26 See above note 24. 27 Ackerman, Making Peace Prevail, 59. 28 Brunnbauer, ‘Historiography, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia’, 168 fn 9. 29 From the Greek translation, in Yiannis Valinakis and Sotiris Dalis (eds), To zitima ton Skopion: apopires anagnorisis kai i elliniki stasi. Episima keimena 1990–1996 [The Issue of Skopje: Attempts at Recognition and the Greece Stance. Official Documents 1990–1996] (Athens: ELIAMEP, I. Sideris, 1996), 41–2. 30 Gligorov, Apomnimonevmata, 124. 31 Valinakis and Dalis (eds), To zitima ton Skopion, 39–43; Gligorov, Apomnimonev mata, 124. 32 Gligorov, Apomnimonevmata, 126–8. 33 Comments by Kofos, in Valinakis and Dalis (eds), To zitima ton Skopion, 48–9. 34 Kofos’s assessment was partly due to the fact that he had detected, in the late 1980s, a hardening of positions on the part of Skopje, with Greece together with Albania branded as the ‘the enemies of the Macedonian people’. See Kofos, ‘Greece and the Balkans in the ‘70s and ‘80’s’, 11. 35 Alexis Heraclides, To Makedoniko Zitima, 1878–2018: apo tis ethnikes diekdikiseis stis syngrousiakes ethnikes taftotites [The Macedonian Question, 1878–2018: From National Claims to Conflicting National Identities] (Athens: Themelio, 2018), 168. 36 Cited in Alexis Heraclides, Security and Co-operation in Europe: The Human Dimen- sion, 1972–1992 (London: Frank Cass, 1993), 24. 37 Victor Roudometof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans: Greece and the Macedonian Question’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 14:2 (1996), 258. 38 Denko Maleski, ‘On Nationalism, Identity and the Foreign Policy of Macedonia’, New Balkan Politics, 14 (2013), 24. 39 Zhidas Daskalovski, ‘Clashing Historical Narratives and the Macedonian Name Dis- pute–Solving the Unsolvable’, Trames Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences, 21:4 (2017), 328. 40 Hristijan Ivanovski, ‘The Macedonia-Greece Dispute/Difference over the Name Issue: Mitigating the Inherently Unsolvable’, New Balkan Politics, 14 (2013), 49. 41 Marc Weller, ‘The International Response to the Dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia’, American Journal of International Law, 86:3 (1992), 593; Thanos Veremis, ‘Greece and the Balkans in the Post-Cold War Era’, in Van Coufouda- kis, Harry J. Psomiades and Andre Gerolymatos (eds), Greece and the New Balkans: Challenges and Opportunities (New York: Pella Publishing Company, Inc., 1999), 34. 42 Stefan Troebst, ‘IMRO+100=FYROM? The Politics of Macedonian Historiography’, in James Pettifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999), 65. 43 Ibid., 62. 44 Ibid. 45 Duncan M. Perry, ‘Macedonia: Balkan Miracle or Balkan Disaster?’ Current History, 95 (1996), 114. 46 Gligorov, Apomnimonevmata, 126. 47 Gabriel Munuera, ‘Preventing Armed Conflict in Europe: Lessons from Recent Expe- rience’, Chaillot Papers, 25/16 (June 1994), Paris: Institute for Security Studies, 51. 48 In Biljana Vankovska, ‘David vs. Goliath: The Macedonian Position(s) in the Socalled “Name Dispute” with Greece’, Südosteuropa, 58 (2010), 449. 49 As had been put in the early 1960s by foreign minister Averoff to journalist Stoyan Pribichevich. See Stoyan Pribichevich, Macedonia: Its People and History (University Park: Pennsylvania State University, 1982), 238. 50 Konstantinos Mitsotakis, ‘Prologos’ [Prologue], in Theodoros Skylakakis (ed.), Sto onoma tis Makedonias [In the Name of Macedonia] (Athens: Euroekdotiki, 1995), 3. 51 Christos Rozakis, ‘I krisi sti Yugoslavia’ [The Crisis in Yugoslavia], in Thanos Veremis (ed.), Valkania: apo ton dipolismo sti nea epohi [The Balkans: From Bipolarity to the New Era] (Athens: Ekdoseis ‘Gnosi’, 1994), 48; Thanos Veremis, Greece’s Balkan Entanglement (Athens: ELIAMEP, 1995), 69; Theodoros Skylakakis, Sto onoma tis Makedonias, 48–9. 52 Kalpadakis, To Makedoniko Zitima (1962–1995), 181. 53 Quoted in Kofos, ‘The Macedonian Name Controversy’, 414. 54 Ibid., 415. 55 Evangelos Kofos, ‘The Unresolved “Difference over the Name”: A Greek Perspec- tive’, in Evangelos Kofos and Vlasis Vlasidis (eds), Athens-Skopje: An Uneasy Sym- biosis (1995–2002) (Athens: ELIAMEP, 2005), 127; Veremis, ‘Greece and the Balkans in the Post-Cold War Era’, 346; Weller, ‘The International Response to the Dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia’, 588. 56 Rozakis, ‘I krisi sti Yugoslavia’, 49–50; Veremis, ‘Greece and the Balkans in the Post- Cold War Era’, 36. 57 Rozakis, ‘I krisi sti Yugoslavia’, 49; Skylakakis, Sto onoma tis Makedonias, 63–4; Neophytos Loizides, ‘Trapped in Nationalism? Symbolic Politics in Greece and the Macedonian Question’, in Neophytos Loizides, The Politics of Majority Nationalism: Framing Peace, Stalemates, and Crises (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015), 63. 58 Shea, Macedonia and Greece, 217–8. 59 Athina Skoulariki, ‘O dimosios logos gia to ethnos me aformi to Makedoniko (1991– 1995)’ [The Public Discourse on the Nation Prompted by the Macedonian Question (1991–1995)], in Maria Kontochristou (ed.), Taftotita kai MME sti sygchroni Ellada [Identity and Mass Media in Contemporary Greece] (Athens: Ekdoseis Papazisi, 2007), 69. 60 Valinakis and Dalis (eds), To zitima ton Skopion, 63–4, 72–82; Kofos, ‘The Unresolved “Difference over the Name” ’, 128–9. 61 Weller, ‘The International Response to the Dissolution of the Socialist Federal Repub- lic of Yugoslavia’, 589–96. 62 Matthew C.R. Craven, ‘What’s in a Name? The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Issues of Statehood’, Australian Yearbook of International Law, 16 (1995), 230–3. 63 Quoted in Weller, ‘The International Response to the Dissolution of the Socialist Fed- eral Republic of Yugoslavia’, 594. 64 Craven, ‘What’s in a Name?’, 204. 65 Skylakakis, Sto onoma tis Makedonias, 70–1. 66 Loizides, ‘Trapped in Nationalism?’, 63. 67 Weller, ‘The International Response to the Dissolution of the Socialist Federal Repub- lic of Yugoslavia’, 594. 68 Chepreganov, ‘Independent Republic of Macedonia’, 325. 69 Skylakakis, Sto onoma tis Makedonias, 70–1; Rozakis, ‘I krisi sti Yugoslavia’, 50–1; Munuera, ‘Preventing Armed Conflict in Europe’, 50–1. 70 Alexandros G. Tarkas, Athina-Skopje: piso apo tis kleistes portes [Athens-Skopje: Behind Closed Doors] (Athens: Labyrinthos, 1995), vol. A, 135–6, 146; Michas, Unholy Alliance, 47–55; Kalpadakis, To Makedoniko Zitima (1962–1995), 182, 187. 71 Tarkas, Athina-Skopje, vol. A, 34–6. For an English version of the extract from Tar- kas’s book, see Michas, Unholy Alliance, 49. 72 Nikolaos Zahariadis, ‘Nationalism and Small-State Foreign Policy: The Greek Response to the Macedonian Issue’, Political Science Quarterly, 109 (1994), 663; Rou- dometof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans’, 259; Loizides, ‘Trapped in Nationalism?’, 41; Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 270–1. According to yet another rumour, that was circulated by Bulgaria, shortly after the declaration of independence of Macedonia, ‘President Zhelev of Bulgaria had scuppered a Greek- Serbian plan for a Greek-Serbian-Bulgarian partition of Macedonia’. See Crampton, The Balkans since the Second World War, 296. 73 I thank Denko Maleski for this valuable information. 74 Rozakis, ‘I krisi sti Yugoslavia’, 51; Mihalis Papaconstantinou, To imerologio enos politikou: i embloki ton Skopion [The Diary of a Politician: The Skopje Embroil- ment] (Athens: Estia,1994), 31; Evangelos Kofos, ‘Greece’s Macedonian Adventure: The Controversy over FYROM’s Independence and Recognition’, in Coufoudakis, Psomiades and Gerolymatos (eds), Greece and the New Balkans: Challenges and Opportunities (New York: Pella Publishing Company, Inc., 1999), 390. 75 Kofos, ‘Greece’s Macedonian Adventure’, 387. 76 Eric Sjöberg, Battlefields of Memory: The Macedonian Conflict and Greek Historical Culture, Doctoral dissertation, Umeå University (Studies in History and Education 6, 2011), 67–70; Skylakakis, Sto onoma tis Makedonias, 86. 77 In Aristotle Tziampiris, ‘The Macedonian Name Dispute and European Union Acces- sion’, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 12:1 (2012), 154. 78 Skylakakis, Sto onoma tis Makedonias, 83–152; Skoulariki, ‘O dimosios logos gia to ethnos me aformi to Makedoniko’, 69–70. 79 Veremis, Greece’s Balkan Entanglement, 76–7; Sjöberg, Battlefields of Memory, 69–70. 80 Loizides, ‘Trapped in Nationalism?’, 41–2. 81 Kalpadakis, To Makedoniko Zitima (1962–1995), 183. 82 According to Maleski, the Portuguese presidency did not come forward with any initiative but sent them confusing messages. I thank Maleski for this information. 83 Kofos, ‘The Macedonian Name Controversy’, 424. 84 Valinakis and Dalis (eds), To zitima ton Skopion, 87–90; Kofos, ‘The Unresolved “Dif- ference over the Name” ’, 134. 85 Skylakakis, Sto onoma tis Makedonias, 121–2. Evangelos Kofos, ‘Greek Policy Con- siderations over FYROM Independence and Recognition’, in James Pettifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999), 239; Veremis, ‘Greece and the Balkans in the Post-Cold War Era’, 36–7; Nikolaos Zahariadis, ‘Greek Policy toward the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, 1991–1995’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 14:2 (1996), 311. 86 Skylakakis, Sto onoma tis Makedonias, 120; Kofos, ‘Greek Policy Considerations over FYROM Independence and Recognition’, 239; Veremis, ‘Greece and the Balkans in the Post-Cold War Era’, 37 and 37, fn. 15. 87 Quoted in Weller, ‘The International Response to the Dissolution of the Socialist Fed- eral Republic of Yugoslavia’, 594. 88 Ibid. 89 Quoted in Kofos, ‘The Macedonian Name Controversy’, 420. 90 Kalpadakis, To Makedoniko Zitima (1962–1995), 196. 91 Kofos, ‘The Macedonian Name Controversy’, 420. 92 Ibid. 93 Kalpadakis, To Makedoniko Zitima (1962–1995), 197. 94 Loizides, ‘Trapped in Nationalism?’, 63. See on this geopolitical gift aspect also Sky- lakakis, Sto onoma tis Makedonias, 33. What is implied is that if Macedonia is not an independent state, basically a ‘buffer state’ as far as Greece is concerned, its dissolution would lead to a Greater Bulgaria, Greater Albania or even Greater Serbia, all three prospects disadvantageous to Greece. 95 Kofos, ‘Greek Policy Considerations over FYROM Independence and Recognition’, 242; Zahariadis, ‘Greek Policy toward the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, 314–5; Veremis, ‘Greece and the Balkans in the Post-Cold War Era’, 37. 96 Mitsotakis, ‘Prologos’, 5. 97 Karamanlis had seen his home village in Macedonia (near Serres), three times in his lifetime occupied by the Bulgarians (in 1912, 1915–1918 and 1941–1944), as he told the next Greek foreign minister, Mihalis Papaconstantinou. Based on discussions I had with Papaconstantinou in the late 1990s, who told me that whenever he mentioned ‘Slav-Macedonians’ to the President, he retorted ‘no Bulgarians’. 98 Rozakis, ‘I krisi sti Yugoslavia’, 57–8; Gligorov, Apomnimonevmata, 132, 275. 99 Craven, ‘What’s in a Name?’, 205. 100 Ibid. 101 Veremis, Greece’s Balkan Entanglement, 83–4. See in particular Papaconstantinou, To imerologio enos politikou. 102 Munuera, ‘Preventing Armed Conflict in Europe’, 52; Ackerman, Making Peace Pre- vail, 84. 103 Ackerman, Making Peace Prevail, 114. 104 Ibid., 114–5, 119–22; Munuera, ‘Preventing Armed Conflict in Europe’, 52; Chepreg- anov, ‘Independent Republic of Macedonia’, 326–8. 105 And Maleski remembers that ‘we all laughed at my comment that our voices would be better heard if we all shouted for help. In fact, we were desperate and helpless’. I thank Denko Maleski for this information. 106 Rozakis, ‘I krisi sti Yugoslavia’, 55–7; Valinakis and Dalis (eds), To zitima ton Sko- pion, 111–22. 107 Aristotle Tziampiris, ‘The Name Dispute in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia after the Signing of the Interim Accord’, in Evangelos Kofos and Vlasis Vlasidis (eds), Athens-Skopje: An Uneasy Symbiosis (1995–2002) (Athens: ELIAMEP, 2005), 227. 108 According to Maleski, whom I thank. 109 Papaconstantinou, To imerologio enos politikou, 205–6. 110 Kofos, ‘The Macedonian Name Controversy’, 425. 111 Veremis, ‘Greece and the Balkans in the Post-Cold War Era’, 38. 112 Gligorov, Apomnimonevmata, 242–4. 113 Matthew Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: The Macedonian Question– Resolved?’, Nationalities Papers, 48 (2000), 207. 114 Craven, ‘What’s in a Name?’, 206. 115 Quoted in Kofos, ‘The Unresolved “Difference over the Name” ’, 126. 116 Ackerman, Making Peace Prevail, 123; Chepreganov, ‘Independent Republic of Macedonia’, 329. See also https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Macedonia_naming_dispute 117 See previous note. 118 Kofos, ‘Greek Policy Considerations over FYROM Independence and Recogni tion’, 240. 119 Papaconstantinou, To imerologio enos politikou, 386–7. 120 Valinakis and Dalis (eds), To zitima ton Skopion, 169; Veremis, ‘Greece and the Bal- kans in the Post-Cold War Era’, 39; Kofos, ‘The Unresolved “Difference over the Name” ’, 135; Tziampiris, ‘The Macedonian Name Dispute and European Union Accession’, 155. 121 Kofos, ‘Greece’s Macedonian Adventure’, 373; Ackerman, Making Peace Prevail, 124. 122 Papaconstantinou, To imerologio enos politikou, 405. See also Veremis, ‘Greece and the Balkans in the Post-Cold War Era’, 40. 123 Veremis, Greece’s Balkan Entanglement, 84–5. 124 Gligorov, Apomnimonevmata, 302–4. 125 Valinakis and Dalis (eds), To zitima ton Skopion, 169. 126 Gligorov, Apomnimonevmata, 363; Shea, Macedonia and Greece, 218–20, 284–99. 127 Ackerman, Making Peace Prevail, 74. 128 Duncan M. Perry, ‘On the Road to Stability–Or Destruction?’, Transition (25 August 1995), 44–5. 129 Roudometof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans’, 262; Zahariadis, ‘Nationalism and Small-State Foreign Policy’, 665; Ackerman, Making Peace Pre- vail, 123–4; Munuera, ‘Preventing Armed Conflict in Europe’, 54. 130 Veremis, Greece’s Balkan Entanglement, 91–2; Zahariadis, ‘Greek Policy toward the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, 319. 131 Kofos, ‘Greek Policy Considerations over FYROM Independence and Recogni- tion’, 246. 132 Ibid., 245. 133 Veremis, ‘Greece and the Balkans in the Post-Cold War Era’, 43; Ackerman, Making Peace Prevail, 123–4. 134 Gligorov, Apomnimonevmata, 307. 135 Veremis, ‘Greece and the Balkans in the Post-Cold War Era’, 44; Kofos, ‘Greek Pol- icy Considerations over FYROM Independence and Recognition’, 245. 136 Kalpadakis, To Makedoniko Zitima (1962–1995), 217–19; Gligorov, Apomnimonev- mata, 308–9; Ackerman, Making Peace Prevail, 124–5. 137 Shea, Macedonia and Greece, 305. 138 Valinakis and Dalis (eds), To zitima ton Skopion, 361–70; Kofos, ‘Greece’s Macedo- nian Adventure’, 382–3; Gligorov, Apomnimonevmata, 324–9; Shea, Macedonia and Greece, 305–6; Ackerman, Making Peace Prevail, 127. 139 Kofos, ‘The Unresolved “Difference over the Name” ’, 125; Tziampiris, ‘The Name Dispute in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia after the Signing of the Interim Accord’, 226; Shea, Macedonia and Greece, 307–10. 140 Veremis, ‘Greece and the Balkans in the Post-Cold War Era’, 45. 141 Tziampiris, ‘The Macedonian Name Dispute and European Union Accession’, 155. 142 Ibid., 155–6. 143 Kofos, ‘The Unresolved “Difference over the Name” ’, 149. 144 In Tziampiris, ‘The Name Dispute in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia after the Signing of the Interim Accord’, 234. See also Gligorov, Apomnimonevmata, 318–19, 327–8. 145 Kofos, ‘The Unresolved “Difference over the Name” ’, 150, 157–9. 146 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 215. 147 Gorna literary means ‘mountainous’ in Macedonian, but in this context ‘Upper’ is more appropriate. 148 Costas Simitis, Politiki gia mia dimiourgiki Ellada, 1996–2004 [Politics for a Crea- tive Greece, 1996–2004] (Athens: Polis, 2005), 152–3; Kofos, ‘The Unresolved “Dif- ference over the Name” ’, 164–70; Marilena Koppa, ‘PYD Makedonias: i dyskolies den teliosan akomi . . .’ [FYR Macedonia: The Difficulties Have Not Yet Ended . . .], in Ioannis Armakolas and Thanos P. Dokos (eds), Apo ta Valkania sti Notioanatoliki Evropi [From the Balkans to Southeastern Europe] (Athens: I. Sideris, 2010), 122. 149 International Crisis Group, ‘Macedonia’s Name: Why the Dispute Matters and How to Resolve It’ (Brussels: ICG, 2001), 15. 150 Tziampiris, ‘The Macedonian Name Dispute and European Union Accession’, 158. 151 Ibid. 152 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 215. 153 Vankovska, ‘David vs. Goliat’, 454. 154 Tziampiris, ‘The Macedonian Name Dispute and European Union Accession’, 158. 155 The term was concocted by its critics in Macedonia. 156 Ivanovski, ‘The Macedonia-Greece Dispute/Difference over the Name Issue’, 50. 157 Tziampiris, ‘The Macedonian Name Dispute and European Union Accession’, 160. 158 Koppa, ‘PYD Makedonias’, 122. 159 Tziampiris, ‘The Macedonian Name Dispute and European Union Accession’, 160. 160 In ibid. 161 Ibid., 161. 162 Tziampiris, ‘The Macedonian Name Dispute and European Union Accession’, 161. 163 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 215. 164 Ivanovski, ‘The Macedonia-Greece Dispute/Difference over the Name Issue’, 51. 165 Francesco Messineo, ‘Maps of Ephemeral Empires: The ICJ and the Macedonian Name Dispute’, Cambridge Journal of International and Comparative Law, 1:1 (2012), 176–7. 166 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 24. 167 Quoted in Anastas Vangeli, ‘Nation-Building Ancient Macedonian Style: The Origins and the Effects of the So-Called Antiquization in Macedonia’, Nationalities Papers, 39:1 (2011)’, 18. See also Ivanovski, ‘The Macedonia-Greece Dispute/Difference over the Name Issue’, 59. 168 Jonuz Abdullai, ‘The Political Crisis in Macedonia and the Relations with Its Neigh- bors’, in Ali Pajaziti et al. (eds), The Balkans in the New Millennium: From Balkani- zation to Eutopia (Tetovo-Skopje: Balkan Sociological Forum, 2015), 48. See also Biljana Vankovska, ‘Geopolitics of the Prespa Agreement: Background and After- Effects’, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 22:3 (2020), 6. 169 Abdullai, ‘The Political Crisis in Macedonia and the Relations with Its Neighbors’, 52. 170 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 24, 110. 171 Arianna Piacentini, ‘Make Macedonia Great Again! The New Face of Skopje and the Macedonians’ Identity Dilemma’, in Evinç Doğan (ed.), Reinventing Eastern Europe: Imaginaries, Identities and Transformations (London: Transnational Press, 2019), 77–94; Athena Skoulariki, ‘Skopje 2014: Antiquisation, Urban Identity and the Rejection of Balkan Otherness’, in Aikaterini S. Markou and Meglena Zlatkova (eds), Post-Urbanities, Cultural Reconsiderations and Tourism in the Balkans (Ath- ens: Hêrodotos, 2020), 225–53. 172 Anastas Vangeli, ‘Quest for the Glorious Past Reconsidered: Alexander the Great between Greece, Macedonia and the Liberal-Democratic Perspectives’, 15th Annual ASN World Convention ‘Nation and States: On the Map and in the Mind’, Columbia University, New York (15–17 April 2010), 12. 173 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 24. 174 Sašo Ordanoski, ‘The Story of Macedonian Populism: “All We Want Is Everything!” ’, in Jacques Rupnik (ed.), The Western Balkans and the EU: “The Hour of Europe” ’, Chaillot Papers, June 2011 (European Union, Institute of Security Studies), 100. 175 Abdullai, ‘The Political Crisis in Macedonia and the Relations with Its Neighbors’, 46. 176 Boris Georgievski, ‘Ghosts of the Past Endanger Macedonia’s Future’, Balkan Insight, 27 (October 2009). 177 Bojan Maracik, in Bozan Maracik and Ioannis Armakolas, ‘Perspectives on the Skopje-Athens Dialogue’, Political Trends & Dynamics in Southeast Europe, Frie- drich Ebert Stiftung (August/September 2018), 6. 178 Abdullai, ‘The Political Crisis in Macedonia and the Relations with Its Neigh- bors’, 50–1. 179 Vankovska, ‘Geopolitics of the Prespa Agreement’, 10. 180 Messineo, ‘Maps of Ephemeral Empires’, 178–80. 181 Ivanovski, ‘The Macedonia-Greece Dispute/Difference over the Name Issue’, 51. 182 International Court of Justice, Reports of Judgments, Advisory Opinions and Orders Application of the Interim Accord of 13 September 1995 (The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia v. Greece). Judgment of 5 December 2011, 52–3. 183 Abdullai, ‘The Political Crisis in Macedonia and the Relations with Its Neigh- bors’, 51–2. 184 Vankovska, ‘Geopolitics of the Prespa Agreement’, 10. 185 Matthew Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: The Macedonian Question– Resolved?’, Nationalities Papers, 48 (2020), 209. 186 Based on the information I gathered from the participants on the basis of non-attribution. 187 Ioannis Armakolas and Giorgos Triantafyllou, ‘Greece and EU Enlargement to the Western Balkans: Understanding an Ambivalent Relationship’, South East European and Black Sea Studies, 17:4 (2017), 8. 188 Ibid., 9; Nicos Kotzias and Serafim Kotrotsos, I megali diapragmatefsi: Prespes [The Great Negotiation: Prespes] (Athens: Ekdoseis Pataki, 2019), 164–5. 189 This appellation had been suggested by Kofos; see Kofos, ‘The Macedonian Name Controversy’, 434. 190 This and its two following versions were a standard Greek position, which was dis- cussed by Greek officials as early as the 1980s, but was unacceptable to both the Macedonians and Albanians of Macedonia (see the end of Chapter 11). 191 Suggested by the International Crisis Group in its 2001 Report, see International Crisis Group, ‘Macedonia’s Name’, III, 20. 192 The last two appellations were suggested by Skopje in the course of the successful Greek-Macedonian negotiations in May 2018 (see Chapter 12). 193 The last three do not fit the compound name desiderata, but are mentioned simply because they were proposed by Nimetz and in particular by the Gruevski Government. 1 Victor Roudometof, ‘Culture, Identity, and the Macedonian Question: An Introduction’, in Victor Roudometof (ed.), The Macedonian Question: Culture, Historiography, Poli- tics (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, Columbia University Press, 2000), 6; Marija Bakalova, ‘Bulgarian “Macedonian” Nationalism in the Post 1989 Decade’, New Balkan Politics, 6–7 (2003), 62–9; Stefan Troebst, ‘IMRO+100=FYROM? The Politics of Macedonian Historiography’, in James Pettifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Ques- tion (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999), 61; Kiril Kertikov, ‘Macedonia-Bulgaria: From Confrontation to Euro-Integration’, New Balkan Politics, 6–7 (2003), 34. 2 Hugh Poulton, The Balkans: Minorities and States in Conflict (London: Hurst & Com- pany, 1991), 109. 3 Dimitar Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia (Lanham: The Scarecrow Press, 2009), 31. 4 Yorgos Christidis, ‘Historical Disputes Threaten North Macedonia-Bulgaria Rap- prochement’, European Western Balkans (15 May 2020). Apparently the decision was taken at the spur of the moment by Dimitrov, without the knowledge of the foreign minister or the Bulgarian president. I thank Yorgos Christidis for this information. 5 Bakalova, ‘Bulgarian “Macedonian” Nationalism in the Post 1989 Decade’, 68–9; Vemund Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart? Macedonia’s Place in Modern Bulgarian History’, in Ioannis D. Stefanidis, Vlasis Vlasidis and Evangelos Kofos (eds), Macedonian Identities through Time: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Thessaloniki: Foundation of the Museum for the Macedonian Struggle, Epikentro, 2010) [2008], 202. 6 Tchavdar Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language: The Standardization of the Macedonian Language and the Bulgarian-Macedonian Linguistic Controversies’, in Roumen Daskalov and Tchavdar Marinov (eds), Entangled Histories of the Balkans, Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies (Leiden: Brill, 2013b), 420. 7 In Vrban Todorov, ‘The Conflict in Macedonia–Hypotheses for Development’, Jour- nal of Politics, 6–7 (2003), 40. 8 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language, 420. 9 Ibid. 10 Quoted in Roudometof, ‘Culture, Identity, and the Macedonian Question’, 6. 11 Bakalova, ‘Bulgarian “Macedonian” Nationalism in the Post 1989 Decade’, 69. 12 Ibid., 68–9. 13 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 31. 14 Bakalova, ‘Bulgarian “Macedonian” Nationalism in the Post 1989 Decade’, 72; Todorov, ‘The Conflict in Macedonia–Hypotheses for Development’, 40. 15 Bakalova, ‘Bulgarian “Macedonian” Nationalism in the Post 1989 Decade’, 71. 16 Kyril Drezov, ‘Macedonian Identity: An Overview of the Major Claims’, in James Pettifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999), 47, 51; Roudometof, ‘Culture, Identity, and the Macedonian Question’, 6–7; Troebst, ‘IMRO+100=FYROM?’, 61–2; Ivan Katardjiev, Macedonia and Its Neighbours: Past, Present, Future (Skopje: Menora, 2001), 29–30; Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 420; Bakalova, ‘Bulgarian “Macedonian” Nationalism in the Post 1989 Decade’. 17 Bakalova, ‘Bulgarian “Macedonian” Nationalism in the Post 1989 Decade’, 64–5. 18 Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’, 197. 19 Stephen Palmer and Robert R. King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Ques- tion (Hamden: Archon Books, 1971), 163–5; Ulf Brunnbauer, ‘Ancient Nationhood and the Struggle for Statehood: Historiographical Myths in the Republic of Macedo- nia’, in Pål Kolstø (ed.), Myths and Boundaries in South-Eastern Europe (London: Hurst & Company, 2005), 272; Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’, 185, 196, 198; Tchavdar Marinov, La question macédoine de 1944 à no jours: communism et nationalism dans les Balkans (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2010b), 94–5, 181. 20 Quoted in Spyridon Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas: mia epodyni diadikasia [The Formulation of the Slav-Macedonian Identity: A Painful Process] (Thessaloniki: Ekdoseis Vanias, 2003), 260 [my translation from the Greek version]. 21 Poulton, The Balkans, 108; Bakalova, ‘Bulgarian “Macedonian” Nationalism in the Post 1989 Decade’, 65. 22 Victor Roudometof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans: Greece and the Macedonian Question’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 14:2 (1996), 266; Stoyan Pribichevich, Macedonia: Its People and History (University Park: Pennsylvania State University, 1982), 250; Poulton, The Balkans, 107; Andrew Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians: A History (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 2008), 7; Bakalova, ‘Bulgarian “Macedonian” Nationalism in the Post 1989 Decade’, 83–4 endnote 6. 23 Poulton, The Balkans, 108. 24 Pribichevich, Macedonia, 250. 25 Ibid. 26 Ibid., 251. 27 Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’, 198–9; Marinov, La question macédoine de 1944 à no jours, 91–2. See also Dragan Tashkovski, The Macedonian Nation (Skopje: Nik. Nasha Kniga, 1976), 12–7; Katardjiev, Macedonia and Its Neighbours, 34. 28 Marinov, La question macédoine de 1944 à no jours, 97–171. 29 Pribichevich, Macedonia, 252. 30 Vemund Aarbakke, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 1870–1913 (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 2003), 53. 31 Bakalova, ‘Bulgarian “Macedonian” Nationalism in the Post 1989 Decade’, 63; Aarb- akke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’, 187. 32 Marinov, La question macédoine de 1944 à no jours, 181. 33 Ibid., 184–6. 34 Ibid., 182–3. 35 Ibid., 188–90. 36 Bulgarian Academy of Sciences (Institute of History, Bulgarian Language Institute), Macedonia: Documents and Material (Sofia: Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1978), 5. 37 Ibid., 5–6. 38 Ibid., 5. 39 Irena Stefoska, ‘Nation, Education and Historiographic Narratives: The Case of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia (1944–1990)’, in Ulf Brunnbauer and Hannes Gran- dits (eds), The Ambiguous Nation: Case Studies from Southeastern Europe in the 20th Century (Munich: Oldenbourg Verlag München, 2013), 217. 40 Marinov, La question macédoine de 1944 à no jours, 194. 41 In Maria Todorova, ‘The Course and Discourses of Bulgarian Nationalism’, in Peter F. Sugar (ed.), Eastern European Nationalism in the Twentieth Century (Washington, DC: American University Press, 1995), 64. 42 James Frusetta, ‘Common Heroes, Divided Claims: IMRO between Macedonia and Bulgaria’, in John R. Lampe and Mark Mazower (eds), Ideologies and National Iden- tities: The Case of Twentieth-Century Southeastern Europe (Budapest: Central Euro- pean University Press, 2006), 115. 43 Keith Brown, Loyal unto Death: Trust and Terror in Revolutionary Macedonia (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2013), 15. 44 Ibid. 45 Ibid. 46 Frusetta, ‘Common Heroes, Divided Claims’, 114. 47 Tashkovski, The Macedonian Nation, 20–1; Katardjiev, Macedonia and Its Neigh- bours, 37–8. 48 Troebst, ‘IMRO+100=FYROM?’, 62. 49 Ibid. 50 Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’, 200. 51 Frusetta, ‘Common Heroes, Divided Claims’, 119. 52 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Macedonian_Scientific_Institute 53 Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart?’, 185 and 185 footnote 1. 54 Ibid., 185. 55 Ibid. 56 Ibid. 57 Ibid. 58 Ibid., 199. 59 Ibid., 199–200. 60 Bonka Stoyanova-Boneva, Stephan E. Nikolov and Victor Roudometof, ‘In Search of “Bigfoot”: Competing Identities in Pirin Macedonia, Bulgaria’, in Victor Roudometof (ed.), The Macedonian Question: Culture, Historiography, Politics (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, Columbia University Press, 2000), 238–9; Poulton, The Bal- kans, 107–8. 61 Frusetta, ‘Common Heroes, Divided Claims’, 119; Victor N. Roudometof, Collective Memory, National Identity and Ethnic Conflict: Greece, Bulgaria and the Macedonian Question (New York: Praeger, 2002), 42–3. 62 Kertikov, ‘Macedonia-Bulgaria’, 33. 63 Poulton, The Balkans, 109; Todor Chepreganov, ‘Independent Republic of Macedo- nia’, in Todor Chepreganov (ed.), History of the Macedonian People (Skopje: Institute of National History, 2008), 334; Frusetta, ‘Common Heroes, Divided Claims’, 119. 64 Poulton, The Balkans, 110. 65 Bakalova, ‘Bulgarian “Macedonian” Nationalism in the Post 1989 Decade’, 66–7; Dun- can M. Perry, ‘The Macedonian Question: An Update’, in Benjamin Stolz (ed.), Stud- ies in Macedonian Language, Literature and Culture: Proceedings of the First North American-Macedonian Conference on Macedonian Studies, Ann Arbor, 1991 (Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Studies, 1995), 146–8; Kertikov, ‘Macedonia-Bulgaria’, 33. 1 Horace G. Lunt, ‘The Creation of Standard Macedonian: Some Facts and Attitudes’, Anthropological Linguistics, 1:5 (1959), 19–26; Victor Friedman, ‘The Modern Mac- edonia Standard Language and Its Relation to Modern Macedonian Identity’, in Vic- tor Roudometof (ed.), The Macedonian Question: Culture, Historiography, Politics (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, Columbia University Press, 2000); R.G.A. de Bray, Guide to the South Slavonic Languages (Columbus: Slavic, 1980); Claude Hagège, Le Souffle de la langue. Voies et destins des parlers d’Europe (Paris: Odile Jacob, 1992), 188; Tchavdar Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language: The Stand- ardization of the Macedonian Language and the Bulgarian-Macedonian Linguistic Controversies’, in Roumen Daskalov and Tchavdar Marinov (eds), Entangled Histo- ries of the Balkans, Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies (Leiden: Brill, 2013b), 423. 2 Lunt, ‘The Creation of Standard Macedonian’, 19. 3 Pavel Serafimov, ‘The Origin of the Glagolitic Alphabet’, 99–117. www.korenine.si/ zborniki/zbornik08/glagolitic.pdf 4 Stoyan Pribichevich, Macedonia: Its People and History (University Park: Pennsylva- nia State University Press, 1982), 71. 5 Dimitar Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia (Lanham: The Scarecrow Press, 2009), 45. 6 For these elaborate rounded letters, see Serafimov, ‘The Origin of the Glagolitic Alphabet’,103–11. 7 See Francis Dvornik, The Slavs: Their Early History and Civilization (Boston: Ameri- can Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1956), 179; Florin Curta, Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 500–1250. Cambridge Medieval Textbooks (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 221–2; Andrew Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians: A History (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 2008), 33. 8 Serafimov, ‘The Origin of the Glagolitic Alphabet’, 99. 9 A.P. Vlasto, The Entry of the Slavs into Christendom: An Introduction to the Medieval History of the Slavs (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 38–57, 174. 10 Friedman, ‘The Modern Macedonia Standard Language and Its Relation to Modern Macedonian Identity’, 173. 11 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 436–7. 12 Pribichevich, Macedonia, 110. 13 Charles Jelavich and Barbara Jelavich, The Establishment of the Balkan National States, 1804–1920 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1977), 250–2; Barbara Jelavich, History of the Balkans: Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 306–8, 319; Ivo Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993) [1984], 75–81; Stefan K. Pav- lowitch, A History of the Balkans 1804–1945 (London: Longman, 1999), 67, 69, 71, 96; Leonard J. Cohen, Broken Bonds: Yugoslavia’s Disintegration and Balkan Politics in Transition (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993), 4–6. 14 Lunt, ‘The Creation of Standard Macedonian’, 21, 25 note 3; Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 428–9. 15 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 430. 16 Tasos Κostopoulos, I apagorevmeni glossa: kratiki katastoli ton slavikon dialekton stin elliniki Makedonia [The Forbidden Tongue: State Repression of the Slavic Dialects in Greek Macedonia] (Athens: Mavri Lista, 2000), 41–2. 17 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 431. 18 Κostopoulos, I apagorevmeni glossa, 37–8. 19 Cited in Krste Bitovski, ‘Macedonia in the XIX Century’, in Todor Chepreganov (ed.), History of the Macedonian People (Skopje: Institute of National History, 2008), 171. See also Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 80. 20 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 430; Bitovski, ‘Macedonia in the XIX Century’, 171. 21 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 430. 22 This aphorism is usually attributed to the Russian Jewish linguist, Max Weinreich, who specialized in sociolinguistics and Yiddish. 23 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 426. 24 Ibid., 427. 25 Ivan Katardjiev, Macedonia and Its Neighbours: Past, Present, Future (Skopje: Menora, 2001), 101. 26 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 430–1; Friedman, ‘The Modern Mac- edonia Standard Language and Its Relation to Modern Macedonian Identity’, 191–2; Κostopoulos, I apagorevmeni glossa, 37–8. 27 Lunt, ‘The Creation of Standard Macedonian’; Friedman, ‘The Modern Macedonia Standard Language and Its Relation to Modern Macedonian Identity’. 28 Friedman, ‘The Modern Macedonia Standard Language and Its Relation to Modern Mac- edonian Identity’, 193–4. Koneski distinguishes three periods in the evaluation of the language: prior to 1913, 1913–44 and 1944–today. Ristovski starts with 1814, with the work of Krčovski and distinguishes three phases: 1814–77, 1878–1903 και 1903–44. See Blaže Ristovski, Macedonia and the Macedonian People (Vienna and Skopje: SIMAG Holding, 1999), 128–34, 149–92. A similar periodization is made by the Macedonian- Canadian historian Rossos. See Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 83–92. 29 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 83. 30 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 441. Rossos, Macedonia and the Mac- edonians, 83–4, 93. 31 Friedman, ‘The Modern Macedonia Standard Language and Its Relation to Modern Macedonian Identity’, 179–83; Pribichevich, Macedonia, 112–3; Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 440–2; Spyridon Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas: mia epodyni diadikasia [The Formulation of the Slav-Macedonian Identity: A Painful Process] (Thessaloniki: Ekdoseis Vanias, 2003), 24–5. 32 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, 83. 33 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 442. 34 Victor N. Roudometof, To Makedoniko Zitima: mia koinologiki prosegisi [The Mac- edonian Question: A Sociological Approach] (Thessaloniki: Epikentro, 2019), 115. 35 Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 23–4; Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 442–3, 445. 36 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 445. 37 Ibid. 38 Ibid., 447. 39 Ibid., 445. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid. 42 Friedman, ‘The Modern Macedonia Standard Language and Its Relation to Modern Macedonian Identity’, 186. 43 Ristovski, Macedonia and the Macedonian People, 189. 44 Ibid., 188. 45 Quoted in ibid. 46 Ibid., 186. 47 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 444. 48 Friedman, ‘The Modern Macedonia Standard Language and Its Relation to Modern Macedonian Identity’, 184–7, 199–200, note 23; Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 444–5. 49 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 446. 50 Ibid., 447. 51 Ibid., 446. 52 Ibid., 448. 53 Ivan Katardziev, ‘Macedonia in the Period from the Balkan Wars to the Beginning of the World War II in the Balkan (sic) (1912–1941)’, in Chepreganov (ed.), History of the Macedonian People (Skopje: Institute of National History, 2008), 242–3, 247. 54 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 446–8; Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 133–6. 55 Lunt, ‘The Creation of Standard Macedonian’, 23; Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 448. 56 Lunt, ‘The Creation of Standard Macedonian’, 23. 57 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 449; John Shea, Macedonia and Greece: The Struggle to Define a New Balkan Nation (Jefferson: McFarland and Com- pany, 2008) [1997], 207. 58 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 450–1. 59 Stefan Troebst, ‘Yugoslav Macedonia, 1943–1953: Building the Party, the State, and the Nation’, in Jill A. Irvine, Melissa K. Bokovoy and Carol S. Lilly (eds), State- Society Relations in Yugoslavia, 1945–1992 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997), 252. 60 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 452–4; Shea, Macedonia and Greece, 207–8. 61 Stephen Palmer and Robert R. King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Ques- tion (Hamden: Archon Books, 1971), 154–5. 62 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 454–5; Troebst, ‘Yugoslav Macedonia, 1943–1953’, 252–3. 63 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 456; Hugh Poulton, The Balkans: Minorities and States in Conflict (London: Hurst & Company, 1991), 50. 64 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 456. 65 Ibid., 456–8. 66 Shea, Macedonia and Greece, 208. 67 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 461. 68 Hugh Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians? (London: Hurst & Company, 1995), 116. 69 Ibid. 70 Lunt, ‘The Creation of Standard Macedonian’, 21. 71 Ibid., 22. 72 Ibid. 73 Ibid. 74 Ibid., 26, note 5. 75 Ibid., 22. 76 Ibid., 26 note 5. 77 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 420–1. 78 Ibid., 464. 79 Ibid., 463–4. 80 Ibid., 464–5. 81 In ibid., 465. 82 Ibid., 465–6 83 In ibid, 475. 84 Ibid. 85 Nikolaos Andriotis, To omospondo kratos ton Skopion kai i glossa tou [The Federated State of Skopje and Its Language] (Athens: Ekdoseis Trohalia, 1992) [1960]. 86 In Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 475. 87 Maria Todorova, ‘The Course and Discourses of Bulgarian Nationalism’, in Peter F. Sugar (ed.), Eastern European Nationalism in the Twentieth Century (Washington, DC: American University Press, 1995), 75. 88 Ibid., 74. 89 Ibid., 74–5. 90 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 472; Albena Hranova, ‘Historical Myths: The Bulgarian Case of Pride and Prejudice’, in Pål Kolstø (ed.), Myths and Boundaries in South-Eastern Europe (London: Hurst & Company, 2005), 316–18. 91 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 472. 92 Ibid. 93 Ibid. 94 Ibid. 95 Ibid. 96 Zhivkov cited in Todorova, ‘The Course and Discourses of Bulgarian Nationalism’, 64. 97 Hranova, ‘Historical Myths’, 318. 98 Ibid., 316. 99 Ibid., 318. 100 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 472. 101 Ibid., fn 153. 102 ‘Long-Dead Hero’s Memory Tests Bulgarian-North Macedonian Reconciliation’. 103 Based on reports in the Bulgarian press on 8 May 2020. 104 https://mia.mk/dimitrov-za-nas-prasha-eto-za-makedonskiot-azik-e-zatvoreno-i-ka- nas-i-vo-svetot/ 105 Marinov, ‘In Defense of the Native Language’, 447. 106 Ibid., 484. 107 Ibid. 108 Ibid. 109 Ibid. 110 Ibid., 485. 111 Ibid. 112 Ibid. 1 Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (London: Penguin Books, 1991); Anthony D. Smith, Myths and Memories of the Nation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). 2 Ernest Renan, ‘Qu’est qu’une nation?’, Oeuvres completes de Ernest Renan (Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1947 [1882]), vol. 1, 902. My translation from the French. 3 Smith, Myths and Memories of the Nation, 84. 4 As Brunnbauer has aptly presented Smith’s viewpoint, in Ulf Brunnbauer, ‘Historiog- raphy, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia’, in Ulf Brunnbauer (ed.), (Re)Writing History-Historiography in Southeast Europe after Socialism (Berlin: LIT, 2004), 165. 5 Denko Maleski, ‘Law, Politics and History in International Relations: Macedonia and Greece’, New Balkan Politics, 12 (2010). 6 Smith, Myths and Memories of the Nation, 5. 7 Iakovos D. Michailidis, ‘What “Macedonia for the Macedonians”? Politics and His- tory in Yugoslav Macedonia’, in Ioannis D. Stefanidis, Vlasis Vlasidis and Evange- los Kofos (eds), Macedonian Identities through Time: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Thessaloniki: Foundation of the Museum for the Macedonian Struggle, Epikentro, 2010) [2008], 213. 8 Stefan Troebst, ‘Historical Politics and Historical “Masterpieces” in Macedonia before and after 1991’, New Balkan Politics, 6–7 (2003), 18. 9 Ibid., 17. 10 Ibid. 11 Brunnbauer, ‘Historiography, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia’, 171, 174, 190. 12 John Armstrong, Nations before Nationalism (Chapel Hill: University of North Caro- lina Press, 1982). 13 Josep R. Llobera, The God of Modernity: The Development of Nationalism in Western Europe (Oxford: Oxford: Berg Publishers, 1994). 14 Adrian Hastings, The Construction of Nationhood: Ethnicity, Religion and National- ism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). 15 Anastas Vangeli, ‘Nation-Building Ancient Macedonian Style: The Origins and the Effects of the So-Called Antiquization in Macedonia’, Nationalities Papers, 39:1 (2011), 17, 24; Tchavdar Marinov, ‘Historiographical Revisionism and Re-Articulation of Memory in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, Sociétés Politiques Com- parées, 25 (May 2010a), 5, 18. 16 Maleski, ‘Law, Politics and History in International Relations’. 17 Brunnbauer, ‘Historiography, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia’, 170–1. 18 Ulf Brunnbauer, ‘Serving the Nation: Historiography in the Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) after Socialism’, Historein, 4 (2003–2004), 163, 165; Ulf Brunnbauer, ‘Ancient Nationhood and the Struggle for Statehood: Historiographical Myths in the Republic of Macedonia’, in Pål Kolstø (ed.), Myths and Boundaries in South-Eastern Europe (London: Hurst & Company, 2005), 268–70. 19 Troebst, ‘Historical Politics and Historical “Masterpieces” in Macedonia before and after 1991’, 17. 20 Tchavdar Marinov, La question macédoine de 1944 à no jours: communisme et nationalisme dans les Balkans (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2010b), 179–81. 21 Brunnbauer, ‘Historiography, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia’, 174, 177–8; Mirjana Maleska, ‘With the Eyes of the “Others”: About Macedonian- Bulgarian Relations and the Macedonian National Identity’, New Balkan Politics, 6–7 (2003), 6. 22 Stefan Troebst, ‘IMRO+100=FYROM? The Politics of Macedonian Historiography’, in James Pettifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question (Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 1999), 61–70; Brunnbauer, ‘Historiography, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia’, 177. 23 Loring M. Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict: Ethnic Nationalism in a Transnational World (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995); Keith Brown, The Past in Question: Modern Macedonia and the Uncertainties of Nation (Princeton, NJ: Prince- ton University Press, 2003); Tchavdar Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander: Macedonian Identity at the Crossroads of Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian Nationalism’, in Roumen Daskalov and Tchavdar Marinov (eds), Entangled Histo- ries of the Balkans, Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies (Leiden: Brill, 2013a), 277. 24 Irena Stefoska, ‘Nation, Education and Historiographic Narratives: The Case of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia (1944–1990)’, in Ulf Brunnbauer and Hannes Gran- dits (eds), The Ambiguous Nation: Case Studies from Southeastern Europe in the 20th Century (Munich: Oldenbourg Verlag München, 2013), 199. 25 Troebst, ‘IMRO+100=FYROM?’, 61–2, 70. 26 Spyridon Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas: mia epodyni diadikasia [The Formulation of the Slav-Macedonian Identity: A Painful Process] (Thessaloniki: Ekdoseis Vanias, 2003) 204–5. 27 Ibid., 206. 28 Ibid., 206–7. 29 Ibid., 204–8. 30 In Dimitris Livanios, The Macedonian Question: Britain and the Southern Balkans 1939–1949 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 199. 31 Cited in Michailidis, ‘What “Macedonia for the Macedonians”?’, 218; Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 198–9. 32 Cited in Michailidis, ‘What “Macedonia for the Macedonians”?’, 218. 33 Cited in ibid. 34 Cited in ibid. 35 Quoted in Stefoska, ‘Nation, Education and Historiographic Narratives’, 216. 36 Livanios, The Macedonian Question, 201. 37 Quoted in Michailidis, ‘What “Macedonia for the Macedonians”?’, 218. 38 Quoted in ibid., 218–9. 39 In ibid., 219. 40 In ibid. 41 In ibid. 42 In ibid. 43 Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 274. 44 Cited in ibid., 275. 45 Cited in ibid. 46 Troebst, ‘IMRO+100=FYROM?’, 61, 63; Michailidis, ‘What “Macedonia for the Macedonians”?’, 214; Brunnbauer, ‘Serving the Nation’, 165; Brunnbauer, ‘Ancient Nationhood and the Struggle for Statehood’, 271. 47 Evangelos Kofos, ‘O Makedonikos agonas sti yugoslaviki istoriographia’ [The Mac- edonian Struggle in Yugoslavian Historiography] (Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies and Museum of the Macedonian Struggle, 1987), 3. 48 Ibid. 49 Mirjana Maleska, ‘With the Eyes of the “Others”, 6. 50 Kofos, ‘O Makedonikos agonas sti yugoslaviki istoriographia’, 3. 51 Ibid., 3–4. 52 Brunnbauer, ‘Historiography, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia’, 178. 53 Iakovos D. Michailidis, ‘On the Other Side of the River: The Defeated Slavophones and Greek History’, in Jane K. Cowan (ed.), Macedonia: The Politics of Identity and Difference (London: Pluto Press, 2000), 76–7. 54 As well as general Mihailo Apostolski, Risto Poplazarov, Aleksandar Stoyanovski, Anastas Mitgrev, Giorgi Abatziev, S. Dimevski, and Dančo Zografski. See Kofos, ‘O Makedonikos agonas sti yugoslaviki istoriographia’; Basil C. Gounaris, To Makedon- iko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona: istoriografikes prosengisis [The Macedo- nian Question from the 19th until the 21st Century: Historiographical Approaches] (Athens: Alexandria, 2010), 73; Michailidis, ‘On the Other Side of the River’, 76–7. 55 Troebst, ‘IMRO+100=FYROM?’, 65; Vemund Aarbakke, ‘Who Can Mend a Broken Heart? Macedonia’s Place in Modern Bulgarian History’, in Ioannis D. Stefanidis, Vla- sis Vlasidis and Evangelos Kofos (eds), Macedonian Identities through Time: Interdis- ciplinary Approaches (Thessaloniki: Foundation of the Museum for the Macedonian Struggle, Epikentro, 2010) [2008], 190; Marinov, La question macédoine de 1944 à no jours, 179. 56 Andrew Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians: A History (Stanford: Hoover Insti- tution Press, 2008), 104. 57 Kofos, ‘O Makedonikos agonas sti yugoslaviki istoriographia’, 22; Michailidis, ‘On the Other Side of the River’, 76–7; Michailidis, ‘What “Macedonia for the Macedoni- ans”?’, 221; Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 73–4. 58 Kofos, ‘O Makedonikos agonas sti yugoslaviki istoriographia’, 15, 17, 19, 22. 59 Ibid., 26. 60 Keith Brown, ‘A Rising to Count On: Ilinden between Politics and History in Post- Yugoslav Macedonia’, in Victor Roudometof (ed.), The Macedonian Question: Cul- ture, Historiography, Politics (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, Columbia University Press, 2000), 143–72; Victor Roudometof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Poli- tics in the Balkans: Greece and the Macedonian Question’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 14:2 (1996), 264–5; Brunnbauer, Ulf, ‘Historiography, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia’, 178. 61 Quoted in Brunnbauer, ‘Ancient Nationhood and the Struggle for Statehood’, 280. See also Blaže Ristovski, Macedonia and the Macedonian People (Vienna and Skopje: SIMAG Holding, 1999), 18, 300–3. 62 Ermis Lafazanovski, ‘The Intellectual as Place of Memory: Krste Petkov Misirkov’s Role in the Macedonian and Moldavian National Movements’, in Ulf Brunnbauer and Hannes Grandits (eds), The Ambiguous Nation: Case Studies from Southeast- ern Europe in the 20th Century (Munich: Oldenbourg Verlag München, 2013), 180, 184–93. 63 Ibid., 180, 184–93. 64 Michailidis, ‘What “Macedonia for the Macedonians”?’, 219; Marinov, ‘Famous Mac- edonia, the Land of Alexander’, 304–5, 304 fn 85; Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 90. 65 Troebst, ‘IMRO+100=FYROM?’, 63; Michailidis, ‘What “Macedonia for the Mac- edonians”?’, 221; Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 73–4. Brunnbauer, ‘Ancient Nationhood and the Struggle for Statehood’, 271. 66 Ibid., 272; Brunnbauer, ‘Serving the Nation’, 166; Brunnbauer, ‘Historiography, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia’, 177. 67 Roudometof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans’, 265; Brunnbauer, ‘Ancient Nationhood and the Struggle for Statehood’, 272–3; Nikola Jordanovsky, ‘Medieval and Modern Macedonia as Part of a National “Grand Narrative’ ”, in Chris- tina Koulouri (ed.), Clio in the Balkans: The Politics of History Education (Thessa- loniki: Center for Democracy and Reconciliation in Southeast Europe, 2002), 109–11. 68 Ristovski, Macedonia and the Macedonian People, 7–8, 10–1. 69 Brunnbauer, ‘Historiography, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia’, 179. 70 Roudometof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans’, 265; Brunnbauer, ‘Serving the Nation’, 167; Brunnbauer, ‘Ancient Nationhood and the Struggle for Statehood’, 272–3; Troebst, ‘IMRO+100=FYROM?’, 63; Stefoska, ‘Nation, Educa- tion and Historiographic Narratives’, 216–8; Kofos, ‘O Makedonikos agonas sti yugoslaviki istoriographia’, 8; Ristovski, Macedonia and the Macedonian People, 7–30, 54–75; Stoyan Pribichevich, Macedonia: Its People and History (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1982), 87–8; Jordanovsky, ‘Medieval and Mod- ern Macedonia as Part of a National “Grand Narrative’ ”, 112. 71 Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians, XVIII, 20, 30. 72 Ibid., 30. 73 Kofos, ‘O Makedonikos agonas sti yugoslaviki istoriographia’, 8. 74 Ibid., 8–10. 75 Tchavdar Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians: The Paths of Macedonian Supra-Nationalism (1878–1912)’, in Diana Mishkova (ed.), We, the People: Politics of National Pecu- liarity in Southeast Europe (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2013c), 120–1. 76 Kofos, ‘O Makedonikos agonas sti yugoslaviki istoriographia’, 11; Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 77. 77 Kofos, ‘O Makedonikos agonas sti yugoslaviki istoriographia’, 12; Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 284, 289, 293, 329; Vangeli, ‘Nation-Building Ancient Macedonian Style’, 15. 78 Michailidis, ‘What “Macedonia for the Macedonians”?’, 222; Gounaris, To Makedon- iko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 93); Brunnbauer, ‘Ancient Nationhood and the Struggle for Statehood’, 276; Stefoska, ‘Nation, Education and Historiographic Narratives’, 216; Vangeli, ‘Nation-Building Ancient Macedonian Style’, 17. 79 In Kofos, ‘O Makedonikos agonas sti yugoslaviki istoriographia’, 12. 80 Dragan Tashkovski, The Macedonian Nation (Skopje: Nik. Nasha Kniga, 1976) [1975], 4–20. 81 Ibid., 21–2. 82 Ibid, 49, 60. 83 Ibid., 55–6. 84 Ibid., 51. 85 Vangeli, ‘Nation-Building Ancient Macedonian Style’, 18. 86 Ulf Brunnbauer, ‘ “Pro-Serbians” vs “Pro-Bulgarians”: Revisionism in Post-Socialist Macedonian Historiography’, History Compass, 3 (2005), 8. 87 Keith Brown, ‘In the Realm of the Double-Headed Eagle: Parapolitics in Macedo- nia, 1994–9’, in Cowan (ed.), Macedonia: The Politics of Identity and Difference, 123–4; Troebst, ‘IMRO+100=FYROM? ‘, 63; Brunnbauer, ‘Serving the Nation’, 167; Brunnbauer, ‘Ancient Nationhood and the Struggle for Statehood’, 274; Vangeli, ‘Nation-Building Ancient Macedonian Style’. 88 Maleski, ‘Law, Politics and History in International Relations’. 89 Brunnbauer, ‘ “Pro-Serbians” vs “Pro-Bulgarians” ’, 8; Brunnbauer, ‘Historiography, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia’, 180. 90 See previous note. 91 Žarko Trajanovski, “ ‘National” Flags in the Republic of Macedonia’, in Brunnbauer and Grandits (eds), The Ambiguous Nation; Marinov, ‘Historiographical Revisionism and Re-Articulation of Memory in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, 5. 92 Eugene N. Borza, ‘Macedonia Redux’, in Frances B. Tichener and Richard F. Moorton, Jr. (eds), The Eye Expanded: Life and the Arts in Greco-Roman Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 255; Roudometof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans’, 259–60; Brunnbauer, ‘Serving the Nation’, 167; Vangeli, ‘Nation-Building Ancient Macedonian Style’, 16; Marinov, ‘Famous Mac- edonia, the Land of Alexander’, 329. 93 Roudometof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans’, 267; Zhidas Daskal- ovski, ‘Clashing Historical Narratives and the Macedonian Name Dispute – Solving the Unsolvable’, Trames Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences, 21:4 (2017), 336. 94 Quoted in Brunnbauer, ‘Ancient Nationhood and the Struggle for Statehood’, 275. 95 Troebst, ‘Historical Politics and Historical “Masterpieces” in Macedonia before and after 1991’, 23. 96 Quoted in ibid., 23. See also Daskalovski, ‘Clashing Historical Narratives and the Macedonian Name Dispute – Solving the Unsolvable’, 336. 97 Boris Georgievski, ‘Ghosts of the Past Endanger Macedonia’s Future’, Balkan Insight (27 October 2009). 98 Aneta Shukarova, ‘Macedonia in the Ancient World’, in Todor Chepreganov (ed.), History of the Macedonian People (Skopje: Institute of National History, 2008), 12. 99 Ibid., 13. 100 Ibid., 14. 101 Ibid., 22. 102 Mitko B. Panov, ‘Macedonia and the Slavs (The Middle of the VI Century – The Mid- dle of the IX Century’, in Chepreganov (ed.), History of the Macedonian People, 82. 103 Ibid., 83. 104 Mitko Panov’s father, Branko Panov, who wrote the corresponding chapter in the 2000 edition of History of the Macedonian People, had claimed that the Slavs were more numerous than the indigenous people in the region and that they prevailed. 105 Panov, ‘Macedonia and the Slavs’, 83. 106 Ibid., 84. 107 Georgievski, ‘Ghosts of the Past Endanger Macedonia’s Future’. 108 Vangeli, ‘Nation-Building Ancient Macedonian Style’, 18. 109 Ibid., 19–20. 110 In Georgievski, ‘Ghosts of the Past Endanger Macedonia’s Future’. 111 Troebst, ‘IMRO+100=FYROM?’, 63. 112 Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict, 45. 113 Ibid., 46. 114 Michailidis, ‘What “Macedonia for the Macedonians”?’, 222. 115 Ibid., 222. See also Christo Andonovski, ‘Greek Evidence on the Authenticity of the Macedonians’, Macedonian Review, 1 (1993). 116 Brunnbauer, ‘Serving the Nation’, 167–81; Brunnbauer, ‘Ancient Nationhood and the Struggle for Statehood’, 276–7. 117 Gligorov in Foreign Information Service Daily Report, Eastern Europe, 26 Febru- ary 1992, 35. See https://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/Kiro_Gligorov 118 In Toronto Star (15 March 1992). 119 Kiro Gligorov, Apomnimonevmata [Memoirs] (Athens: Courier Ekdotiki, 2001), 259. My translation from the Greek version. 120 Maleski’s interview to the Greek TV channel Mega in November 2006. See www. youtube.com/watch?v=AAf8-Q_gu88 121 Cited in Georgievski, ‘Ghosts of the Past Endanger Macedonia’s Future’. 122 Ibid. 123 Athena Skoulariki, ‘Skopje 2014: Antiquisation, Urban Identity and the Rejection of Bal- kan Otherness’, in Aikaterini S. Markou and Meglena Zlatkova (eds), Post-Urbanities, Cultural Reconsiderations and Tourism in the Balkans (Athens: Hêrodotos, 2020), 226. 124 Skoulariki, ‘Skopje 2014’, 227. 125 Ibid., 228. 126 Ibid., 235. 127 Ibid., 228. 128 Ibid. 129 Ibid. 130 Ibid., 252. Another possibility is for all the statues related to Antiquity to be moved to a distant park. See The Economist (21 March 2020), 24. 131 Georgievski, ‘Ghosts of the Past Endanger Macedonia’s Future’. 132 Brunnbauer, ‘ “Pro-Serbians” vs “Pro-Bulgarians” ’, 165, 167; Brunnbauer, ‘Ancient Nationhood and the Struggle for Statehood’, 274–5; Kristina Balalovska, ‘Between “the Balkans” and “Europe”: A Study of the Contemporary Transformation of Mace- donian Identity’, Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 12:2 (2004), 193, 200, 203, 208; Vangeli, ‘Nation-Building Ancient Macedonian Style’; Marinov, ‘Histo- riographical Revisionism and Re-Articulation of Memory in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, 5–6, 17–8. 133 Georgievski, ‘Ghosts of the Past Endanger Macedonia’s Future’. 134 And it was decided to add statutes of ethnic Albanians, such as Nexhat Agolli, and other smaller ones in the so-called Art Bridge. 135 Brunnbauer, ‘Serving the Nation’, 167; Brunnbauer, ‘Ancient Nationhood and the Struggle for Statehood’, 273–4. 136 Sfetas, ‘Katefthinsis tis sygchronis slavomakedonikis istoriografias’, 301. 137 Ibid. 138 Ibid. 139 Panov, ‘Macedonia and the Slavs’, 85. 140 Ibid., 89–90. 141 Ibid., 90. 142 Ibid., 102. 143 Ibid., 104. 144 Dimitar Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia (Lanham: The Scarecrow Press, 2009), 89–90. 145 Brunnbauer, ‘Historiography, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia’, 191–2; Marinov, ‘Historiographical Revisionism and Re-Articulation of Memory in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, 5. 146 Marinov, ‘Historiographical Revisionism and Re-Articulation of Memory in the For- mer Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, 5–6. 147 Brunnbauer, ‘Historiography, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia’, 192 and fn 95; Troebst, ‘Historical Politics and Historical “Masterpieces” in Macedonia before and after 1991’; Marinov, ‘Historiographical Revisionism and Re-Articulation of Memory in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, 5–6, 10. 148 Troebst, ‘Historical Politics and Historical “Masterpieces” in Macedonia before and after 1991’. 149 Keith Brown, ‘Villains and Symbolic Pollution in the Narratives of Nations: The Case of Boris Sarafov’, in Maria Todorova (ed.), Balkan Identities: Nation and Mem- ory (London: Hurst & Company, 2003), 241, 243–7. 150 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 190; Brunnbauer, ‘His- toriography, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia’, 192–3; Brunnbauer, ‘ “Pro-Serbians” vs “Pro-Bulgarians” ’, 10; Marinov, ‘Historiographical Revisionism and Re-Articulation of Memory in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, 6–8; Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 93–6, 98. 151 Marinov, ‘Historiographical Revisionism and Re-Articulation of Memory in the For- mer Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, 17. 152 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 190. 153 Brunnbauer, ‘ “Pro-Serbians” vs “Pro-Bulgarians” ’, 12; Brunnbauer, ‘Historiogra- phy, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia’, 194–5; Marinov, ‘Histo- riographical Revisionism and Re-Articulation of Memory in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, 16; Gounaris, To Makedoniko Zitima apo ton 19o eos ton 21o aiona, 93–6, 98. 154 Marinov, ‘Historiographical Revisionism and Re-Articulation of Memory in the For- mer Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, 16. 155 Ibid. 156 Roudemetof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans’, 267. 157 In Brunnbauer, ‘Ancient Nationhood and the Struggle for Statehood’, 287. 158 In ibid. 159 Ibid., 286–7. Brunnbauer, ‘Serving the Nation’, 168; Sfetas, ‘Katefthinsis tis sygchronis slavomakedonikis istoriografias’, 312–3. 160 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 8. 161 Ivan Katardjiev, Macedonia and Its Neighbours: Past, Present, Future (Skopje: Memora, 2001), 18. 162 Ibid., 18–19. 163 Ibid., 18. 164 Ibid., 20. 165 Ibid., 22. 166 Ibid. 167 Ibid., 107–16. 168 Ibid., 84–137. 169 Ibid., 22. 170 Ibid., 35. 171 Ibid., 41–2. Interestingly he agrees with the assessment of Konstantinos Mitsotakis in this regard (see Chapter 6). And this also happens to be the assessment of official Macedonian historiography; see, e.g. Todor Chepreganov, ‘Independent Republic of Macedonia’, in Chepreganov (ed.), History of the Macedonian People, 327. 172 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, 190. 173 Ristovski, Macedonia and the Macedonian People, 105. 174 Ibid., 101–2. 175 Ibid., 53, 101–8, 111, 116. 176 Ibid., 53. 1 Anastas Vangeli, ‘Nation-Building Ancient Macedonian Style: The Origins and the Effects of the Socalled Antiquization in Macedonia’, Nationalities Papers, 39:1 (2011). 2 Evangelos Kofos, ‘Greece’s Macedonian Adventure: The Controversy over FYROM’s Independence and Recognition’, in Van Coufoudakis, Harry J. Psomiades and Andre Gerolymatos (eds), Greece and the New Balkans: Challenges and Opportunities (New York: Pella Publishing Company, Inc., 1999), 387. 3 The imposing 2524-meter Kajmakčalan mountain peak, with snow throughout the year, is the highest point of the Voras/Nitze mountain which spreads in the border between Greece and North Macedonia, and was the venue of a number of battles in the First World War and in the Greek Civil War. 4 Anastas Vangeli, ‘Quest for the Glorious Past Reconsidered: Alexander the Great between Greece, Macedonia and the Liberal-Democratic Perspectives’, 15th Annual ASN World Convention ‘Nation and States: On the Map and in the Mind’, Columbia University, New York (15–17 April 2010), 4. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid., 4–5 7 Ibid., 5. 8 Simon Harrison, ‘Four Types of Symbolic Conflict’, Journal of the Royal Anthropo- logical Institute, 1:2 (1995), 258. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. 11 Ibid. 12 Ibid. 13 Peter Green, Alexander the Great and the Hellenistic Age (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 2007), XXIV. 14 Quoted in Paul Cartledge, Alexander the Great: The Hunt for a New Past (London: Pan Books, Macmillan, 2005) [2004], 4–5. 15 Ibid., 259–60; Green, Alexander the Great and the Hellenistic Age, XXVII–XXVIII. 16 According to Cartledge, see Paul Cartledge, Alexander the Great, 197. 17 Robin Lane Fox, Alexander the Great (London: Penguin Books, 2004) [1973], 26. 18 Cartledge, Alexander the Great, IX. 19 Ibid., 4. 20 Ibid., 3. 21 Ibid. 22 Green, Alexander the Great and the Hellenistic Age, XXIV. For more details of the Romance, see Richard Stoneman, The Greek Alexander Romance (London: Penguin Books, 1991). 23 Cartledge, Alexander the Great, 237, 239. See also Lane Fox, Alexander the Great, 26. 24 Peter Green, Alexander of Macedonon, 356–323 B.C.: A Historical Biography (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2013) [1972], 479. 25 Cartledge, Alexander the Great, 6. 26 Quoted in Green, Alexander of Macedon, XVII. 27 Ibid., XVI. 28 As pointed out by Cartledge. See Cartledge, Alexander the Great, 211. 29 Green, Alexander of Macedon, 477. 30 Cartledge, Alexander the Great, 16. 31 Ibid. 32 Green, Alexander of Macedon, 487. 33 Basil C. Gounaris, ‘Greek Views of Macedonia: From the Enlightenment to the First World War’, in Ioannis D. Stefanidis, Vlasis Vlasidis and Evangelos Kofos (eds), Mac- edonian Identities through Time: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Thessaloniki: Founda- tion of the Museum for the Macedonian Struggle, Epikentro, 2010 [2008], 141. 34 Dimitar Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, Second Edition (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2019), 5. 35 Tchavdar Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander: Macedonian Identity at the Crossroads of Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian Nationalism’, in Roumen Daska- lov and Tchavdar Marinov (eds), Entangled Histories of the Balkans, Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies (Leiden: Brill, 2013a), 280; Spyridon Sfe- tas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas: mia epodyni diadikasia [The Formu- lation of the Slav-Macedonian Identity: A Painful Process] (Thessaloniki: Ekdoseis Vanias, 2003), 12. 36 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 280. 37 Ibid. 38 Ibid. 39 Sfetas, I diamorfosi tis slavomakedonikis taftotitas, 13–14 and 14 fn 5. 40 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 282–3. 41 Ibid. 42 R.J. Crampton, A Short History of Modern Bulgaria (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- sity Press, 1987), 12; R.J. Crampton, A Concise History of Modern Bulgaria (Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005) [1997], 60, 62. 43 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 284–5, 289, 293, 329; Kyril Drezov, ‘Macedonian Identity: An Overview of the Major Claims’, in James Petti- fer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question (Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 1999), 50; Douglas Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia 1897–1913 (Thessaloniki: Insti- tute for Balkan Studies, 1966), 122; Tasos Kostopoulos, ‘I alli opsi tou Makedon- ikou Agona’ [The Other Aspect of the Macedonian Struggle], in Tassos Kostopoulos, Leonidas Empeirikos and Dimitris Lithoxoou (eds), Ellinikos ethikismos, Makedoniko Zitima: I ideologiki chrisi tis istorias [Greek Nationalism, Macedonian Question: The Ideological Use of History] (Athens: Ekdosi tis kinisis aristeron, 1992), 15–6. 44 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 285. 45 Ibid. 46 K.S. Brown, ‘In the Realm of the Double-Headed Eagle: Parapolitics in Macedonia’, in Jane K. Cowan (ed.), Macedonia: The Politics of Identity and Difference (London: Pluto Press, 2000), 124–5. 47 Marinov, ‘Famous Macedonia, the Land of Alexander’, 284–5; Drezov, ‘Macedonian Identity’, 50. 48 Stoyan Pribichevich, Macedonia: Its People and History (University Park: Pennsylva- nia State University Press, 1982), 38. 49 L.S. Stavrianos, The Balkans since 1453 (London: Hurst & Company, 2000) [1958], 18. 50 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ancient_Macedonian_language 51 Arnold Toynbee, Some Problems of Greek History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969), 57, 64–5. 52 Ibid., 65–6, 69, 78–9. 53 Ibid, 60–1, 74–7. 54 Ibid, 60. 55 Ibid., 99. 56 Ibid. 57 N.G.L. Hammond, A History of Greece to 322 BC (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967, 2nd edition), 534. 58 Stavrianos, The Balkans since 1453, 18. 59 Ibid. 60 Ibid. 61 Stoianovich in John Shea, Macedonia and Greece: The Struggle to Define a New Bal- kan Nation (Jefferson: McFarland and Company, 2008) [1997], 26, 63. 62 Green, Alexander of Macedon, 6. 63 Ibid., 4–5. 64 Ibid., 6–7. 65 Ibid., 6. 66 Ibid., 8–9. 67 Ibid., 50. 68 Ibid., 87. 69 Ibid. 70 Green, Alexander the Great and the Hellenistic Age, 10. 71 Green, Alexander of Maced on, 87. 72 Ibid., 157. 73 Ibid., 157–8. 74 Green, Alexander the Great and the Hellenistic Age, 10. 75 Ernst Badian, ‘Greeks and Macedonians’, Studies in the History of Art, Symposium Series I: Macedonia and Greece in Late Classical and Early Hellenistic Times, 10 (1982), 33. 76 However, it has been pointed out by other scholars that the use of the term ‘philhellene’ was used by the Greeks (for instance by Plato, Xenophon and others) in some instances with regard to Greeks that lived south of the river Aliakmon and were unde- niably Greek. See Slavomir Sprawski, ‘When Did Alexander I of Macedon Get the Cognomen “Philhellene’ ”, Przeglad Humanistyczny, 2 (2013), 47–8. 77 Badian, ‘Greeks and Macedonians’, 34–5, 38. 78 Ibid., 41. 79 Note that Greek scholars have pointed out that the term ‘barbarian’ was also used at times by Greeks with reference to other Greeks, especially if they were seen as less civilized at a particular historical period or acted or spoke in an uncivilized manner. See Christiane Sourvinou-Inwood, ‘Greek Perceptions of Ethnicity and the Ethnicity of the Macedonians’, in Luisa Moscati Castelnuovo (ed.) Identità e Prassi Storica nel Mediterraneo Greco (Milan: Edizioni ET, 2002), 173–203; M.B. Hatzopoulos, ‘Perception of the Self and the Other: The Case of Macedon’, in Ioannis D. Ste- fanidis, Vlasis Vlasidis and Evangelos Kofos (eds), Macedonian Identities through Time: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Thessaloniki: Foundation of the Museum for the Macedonian Struggle, Epikentro, 2010 [2008], 48. 80 Badian, ‘Greeks and Macedonians’, 42. 81 Ibid., 42–3. 82 Eugene N. Borza, In the Shadow of Olympus: The Emergence of Macedon (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990), 92. 83 Ibid., 78, 80, 82. 84 Ibid., 113. 85 Eugene Borza, ‘The Philhellenism of Archelaus’, Ancient Macedonia. Fifth Interna- tional Symposium (Thessaloniki: Idrima Meleton Hersonisou toy Aimou, 1993), vol. 1, 244. 86 Borza, In the Shadow of Olympus, 92. 87 Ibid. 88 Ibid., 88–9, 93, 95–6. 89 Ibid., 96. 90 R.A. Crossland, ‘Linguistic Problems of the Balkan Area in Late Prehistoric and Early Classical Periods’, Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 2, part 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 843–4, 847. 91 Ibid., 843. 92 Ibid., 841, 843–4, 846–7. 93 Lane Fox, Alexander the Great, 17. 94 Ibid., 51. 95 Ibid., 55. 96 Ibid, 101. 97 Ibid. 98 Quoted in M.B. Hatzopoulos, ‘Macedonians and Other Greeks’, in Robin J. Lane Fox (ed.), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Macedon: Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon, 650 BC – 300 AD (Leiden: Brill, 2015) [2011], 51. 99 Quoted in ibid. 100 Cartledge, Alexander the Great, 11. 101 Ibid., 32. 102 Ibid., 12. 103 Ibid., 33. 104 Ibid., 16, 79, 94. 105 Ibid., 94–5. 106 Ibid., 95. 107 Ibid., 11. 108 Ibid. 109 Ibid., 15. 110 Ibid., 32. 111 Ibid. 112 Simon Hornblower, ‘Greek Identity in the Archaic and Classical Periods’, in Katerina Zacharia (ed.), Hellenisms: Culture, Identity, and Ethnicity from Antiquity to Moder- nity (Aldershot: Ashgate Variorum, 2008), 55. 113 Ibid. 114 Ibid., 56–7. 115 Ibid., 56. 116 Ibid., 58. 117 Jonathon M. Hall, Ethnic Identity in Greek Antiquity (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 1997), 64. 118 Ibid. 119 Quoted in Hatzopoulos, ‘Perception of the Self and the Other’, 41. 120 Hatzopoulos, ‘Macedonia and Macedonians’, in Lane Fox (ed.), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Macedon: Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon, 650 BC – 300 AD (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 44. 121 Ibid. 122 Hatzopoulos, ‘Macedonians and Other Greeks’, 62. 123 Hatzopoulos, ‘Perception of the Self and the Other’, 39. 124 Hatzopoulos, ‘Macedonians and Other Greeks’, 54. 125 Ibid., 57–61, 63–6; Hatzopoulos, ‘Perception of the Self and the Other’, 43–4, 46–7. 126 Hatzopoulos, ‘Macedonians and Other Greeks’, 71. 127 Ibid., 73. 128 Ibid., 74. 129 Ibid., 71. 130 Ibid., 71–2; Hatzopoulos, ‘Perception of the Self and the Other’, 48. 131 For details on the views of the German historians from the 1880s until the first decade of the twentieth century, see Kyriakos D. Demetriou, ‘Historians on Macedo- nian Imperialism and Alexander the Great’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 19:1 (2001), 51–2. 132 M.B. Hatzopoulos, ‘Macedonian Studies’, in Lane Fox (ed.), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Macedon: Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon, 650 BC – 300 AD (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 37; Hatzopoulos, ‘Macedonians and Other Greeks’, 73–4. 133 Ioannis Xydopoulos, ‘Macedonians and Southern Greeks: Sameness and Otherness from the Classical Period to the Roman Conquest’, in Ioannis D. Stefanidis, Vlasis Vlasidis and Evangelos Kofos (eds), Macedonian Identities through Time: Interdis- ciplinary Approaches (Thessaloniki: Foundation of the Museum for the Macedonian Struggle, Epikentro, 2010 [2008], 56. 134 Ibid., 58–9. 135 Ibid., 62–3. 136 Ibid., 61. 137 Ibid., 63–7. 138 Petar Hristov Ilievski, ‘Position of the Ancient Macedonian Language and the Name of the Contemporary Makedonski’, Studia Minora Facultatis Philosophicae Universi- tatis Brunensis, E36 (Brown University, 1991), 129. 139 Ibid., 129–30. 140 Ibid., 131. 141 Ibid., 132. 142 Ibid., 131. 143 Ibid. 144 Ibid. 145 Ibid., 132. 146 Ibid., 134. 147 Ibid., 136. 148 Ibid. 149 Ibid. 150 Ibid. 151 Ibid., 137. 152 Cartledge, Alexander the Great, 21. 153 Arnaldo Momigliano, Alien Wisdom: The Limits of Hellenization (Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1975), 7. 154 International Crisis Group, ‘Macedonia’s Name: Why the Dispute Matters and How to Resolve It’ (Brussels: ICG, 2001), 16. 1 International Crisis Group, Macedonia’s Name: Why the Dispute Matters and How to Resolve It (Brussels: ICG, 2001), 15. 2 Evangelos Kofos, ‘Greece’s Macedonian Adventure: The Controversy over FYROM’s Independence and Recognition’, in Van Coufoudakis, Harry J. Psomiades and Andre Gerolymatos (eds), Greece and the New Balkans: Challenges and Opportunities (New York: Pella Publishing Company, Inc., 1999), 387. 3 See Ioannis Armakolas and George Siakas, Research Report: What’s in a Name? Greek Public Attitudes towards the “Name Dispute” and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia in 2018 (Athens: ELIAMEP, 2018), 15, 22. 4 John Shea, Macedonia and Greece: The Struggle to Define a New Balkan Nation (Jef- ferson: McFarland and Company, 2008) [1997], 12. 5 Nikolaos Zahariadis, ‘Greek Policy toward the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedo- nia, 1991–1995’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 14:2 (1996), 312. 6 Duncan M. Perry, ‘Macedonia: Balkan Miracle or Balkan Disaster?’, Current History, 95 (1996), 115. 7 International Crisis Group, ‘Macedonia’s Name’, 15. 8 Ibid. 9 Quoted in Loring M. Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict: Ethnic Nationalism in a Transnational World (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995), 35. 10 Tasos Kostopoulos, I apagorevmeni glossa: kratiki katastoli ton slavikon dialekton stin elliniki Makedonia [The Forbidden Tongue: State Repression of the Slavic Dialects in Greek Macedonia] (Athens: Mavri Lista, 2000), 73–221; Ivan Katardjiev, Macedo- nia and Its Neighbours: Past, Present, Future (Skopje: Memora, 2001), 41–2; Hugh Poulton, The Balkans: Minorities and States in Conflict (London: Hurst & Company, 1991), 177–82; Anastasia N. Karakasidou, ‘Politicizing Culture: Negating Ethnic Identity in Greek Macedonia’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 11:1 (1993), 1–28; Hristijan Ivanovski, ‘The Macedonia-Greece Dispute/Difference over the Name Issue: Mitigating the Inherently Unsolvable’, New Balkan Politics, 14 (2013), 55. 11 Biljana Vankovska, ‘David vs. Goliath: The Macedonian Position(s) in the Socalled “Name Dispute” with Greece’, Südosteuropa, 58 (2010), 443. 12 Kyril Drezov, ‘Macedonian Identity: An Overview of the Major Claims’, in James Pet- tifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question (Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 1999), 49; Philippos Iliou, Psifides istorias kai politikis tou eikostou aiona [Tiles of History and Politics in the Twentieth Century] (Athens: Polis, 2007), 55; Kostopoulos, I apagorevmeni glossa, 21–2. 13 Drezov, ‘Macedonian Identity’, 49. 14 See, e.g. Tom Nairn, ‘Cyprus and the Theory of Nationalism’, in Peter Worsley and Paschalis Kitromilides (eds), Small States in the Modern World (Nicosia: The New Cyprus Association, 1979), 32, 34. 15 Constantine Tsoukalas, ‘European Modernity and Greek National Identity’, Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans, 1:1 (1999), 11–3; Antonis Liakos, ‘Hellenism and the Making of Modern Greece’, in Katerina Zacharia (ed.), Hellenisms: Culture, Iden- tity, and Ethnicity from Antiquity to Modernity (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), 204–13; Umut Özkιrιmlι and Spyros Sofos, Tormented by History: Nationalism in Greece and Turkey (London: Hurst & Company, 2008), 80–5. 16 Stathis Gourgouris, Dream Nation: Enlightenment, Colonization, and the Institution of Modern Greece (Stanford: Stanford University Press 1996), 268. 17 Iliou, Psifides istorias kai politikis tou eikostou aiona, 53. 18 Antonis Liakos, ‘I Valkaniki krisi kai o ethnikismos’ [The Balkan Crisis and National- ism], in Antonis Liakos et al. (eds), O Ianos tou ethnikismou kai i elliniki valkaniki politiki [The Janus of Nationalism and the Greek Balkan Politics] (Athens: O Politis, 1993), 10. 19 Anastasia N. Karakasidou, Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood: Passages to Nationhood in Greek Macedonia, 1870–1990 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 15. 20 Ibid. 21 Nicos Mouzelis, O ethnikismos stin ysteri anaptixi [Nationalism in Latter Develop- ment] (Athens: Themelio, 1994), 44. 22 Ibid.; Angelos Elefantis, ‘Apo tin ethniki exarsi sto perithorio’ [From the National Peak to the Fringe], in Antonis Liakos et al. (eds), O Ianos tou ethniksimou kai i elliniki valkaniki politiki, 31–3; Alexis Heraclides, ‘The Greek-Turkish Antagonism: The Social Construction of Self and Other’, in Alexis Heraclides and Gizem Alioğlu Çakmak (eds), Greece and Turkey in Conflict and Cooperation: From Europeanization to De-Europeanization (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019), 52–3. 23 Victor Roudometof, ‘Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans: Greece and the Macedonian Question’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 14:2 (1996), 266. 24 Andrew Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians: A History (Stanford: Hoover Insti- tution Press, 2008), 117. 25 Denko Maleski, ‘Law, Politics and History in International Relations: Macedonia and Greece’, New Balkan Politics, 12 (2010); Denko Maleski, ‘On Nationalism, Identity and the Foreign Policy of Macedonia’, New Balkan Politics, 14 (2013), 26. 26 Council for Research into South-Eastern Europe of the Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts, ‘Macedonia and its Relations with Greece’, 1. www.gate.net/ Macedonia_and_its_relations_with_Greec . . . 27 International Crisis Group, ‘Macedonia’s Name’, 15. 28 Ibid. 29 See Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism and Modernism: A Critical Survey of Recent The- ories of Nation and Nationalism (London: Routledge, 1998), 36, 38; Umut Özkιrιmlι, Theories of Nationalism: A Critical Introduction (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2008), 139–40. 30 Tchavdar Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians: The Paths of Macedonian Supra-Nationalism (1878–1912)’, in Diana Mishkova (ed.), We, the People: Politics of National Peculiarity in Southeast Europe (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2013c), 109. 31 Stavro Skendi, The Albanian National Awakening, 1878–1912 (Princeton, NJ: Prince- ton University Press, 1967). 32 Maleski, ‘Law, Politics and History in International Relations’. 33 Marinov, ‘We, the Macedonians’, 109. 34 See John S. Koliopoulos, Plundered Loyalties: Axis Occupation and Civil Strife in Greek West Macedonia, 1941–1949 (London: Hurst & Company, 1999), 60–2. 35 Drezov, ‘Macedonian Identity’, 55. 36 Ibid. 37 Maleski, ‘On Nationalism, Identity and the Foreign Policy of Macedonia’, 29. 38 For Rakowski’s claims, see Albena Hranova, ‘Historical Myths: The Bulgarian Case of Pride and Prejudice’, in Pål Kolstø (ed.), Myths and Boundaries in South-Eastern Europe (London: Hurst & Company, 2005), 298–300; Mari A. Firkatian, The Forest Traveler: Georgi Stoikov Rakovski and Bulgarian Nationalism (New York: Peter Lang, 1996), 119, 122–3. 39 Vankovska, ‘David vs. Goliath’, 456. 40 Katardjiev, Macedonia and Its Neighbours, 18–19; Maleski, ‘On Nationalism, Identity and the Foreign Policy of Macedonia’, 27. 41 Blaže Ristovski, Macedonia and the Macedonian People (Vienna and Skopje: SIMAG Holding, 1999), 105; Drezov, ‘Macedonian Identity’, 54–5. 42 Eugene N. Borza, ‘Macedonia Redux’, in Frances B. Tichener and Richard F. Moorton, Jr. (eds), The Eye Expanded: Life and the Arts in Greco-Roman Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 255; Ulf Brunnbauer, ‘Ancient Nationhood and the Struggle for Statehood: Historiographical Myths in the Republic of Macedonia’, in Kolstø (ed.), Myths and Boundaries in South-Eastern Europe (London: Hurst & Com- pany, 2005), 8; Ivanovski, ‘The Macedonia-Greece Dispute/Difference over the Name Issue’, 55, 59. 43 Michael Keating, ‘Rival Nationalisms in a Plurinational State: Spain, Catalonia and the Basque Country’, in Sujit Choudhry (ed.), Constitutional Design for Divided Societies. Integration or Accommodation? (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 316–41. 1 Taiwan: Country Study Guide. Volume 1, Strategic Information and Developments (Washington, DC: International Business Publications, 2012), 38–45, 52–4. 2 The ROC has suggested as a compromise formula ‘Republic of China on Taiwan’, more appropriate would have been ‘Chinese Republic of Taiwan’, as in Arab Republic of Egypt or Taiwanese Chinese Republic as in Syrian Arab Republic. 3 John Hutchinson, The Dynamics of Cultural Nationalism: The Gaelic Revival and the Irish Nation State (London: Allen & Unwin, 1987), 322; Brian M. Walker, A Political History of the Two Irelands: From Partition to Peace (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmil- lan, 2012), 3, 13. 4 Walker, A Political History of the Two Irelands, 14. 5 Ibid., 146. 6 In 1949, when West Germany became an independent state, the Germans called their state ‘Federal Republic Germany’ (Bundesrepublik Deutschland) in German, without the ‘of’ in between which appears in the English version. This was done so as to stress that their Germany was the real Germany in contradistinction to the GDR. 7 Angelos Syrigos and Evanthis Hadjivasiliou, I Symfonia ton Prespon kai to Makedon- iko [The Prespa Agreement and the Macedonian Question] (Athens: Ekdoseis Pataki, 2018), 95–6. 8 Note that the Greek foreign minister was aware of this unique case; see Kotzias in Nicos Kotzias and Serafim Kotrotsos, I megali diapragmatefsi: Prespes [The Great Negotiation: Prespes] (Athens: Ekdoseis Pataki, 2019), 204, 242. 9 The Southern Sudanese secessionist movement (1961–1972 and 1983–2005), named itself Southern Sudan, but on two occasions in the late 1960s it toyed with two other names: Azania (Azania Liberation Front) and Nile (Nile Provisional Government). See Alexis Heraclides, ‘Janus or Sisyphus? The Southern Problem of the Sudan’, Journal of Modern African Studies, 25:2(1987), 220. 10 See Alexis Heraclides, To Makedoniko Zitima 1878–2018: apo tis ethnikes diekdikiseis stis syngrousiakes ethnikes taftotites [The Macedonian Question 1878–2018: From National Claims to Conflicting National Identities] (Athens: Themelio, 2018), 317; Zhidas Daskalovski, ‘Clashing Historical Narratives and the Macedonian Name Dis- pute–Solving the Unsolvable’, Trames Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences, 21:4 (2017), 339. 11 International Crisis Group, ‘Macedonia’s Name: Why the Dispute Matters and How to Resolve It’ (Brussels: ICG, 2001), III, 19–20; Matthew Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: The Macedonian Question–Resolved?’, Nationalities Papers, 48 (2020), 211. 12 Dimitar Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, Second Edition (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2019), 26. 13 Ibid., 27, 216. 14 Athens welcomed the new atmosphere of cooperation in Skopje, but stressed that it expected tangible moves that would prove fYROM was ready to seriously engage dip- lomatically with Greece. See Ioannis Armakolas and Giorgos Triantafyllou, ‘Greece and EU enlargement to the Western Balkans: Understanding an Ambivalent Relation- ship’, South East European and Black Sea Studies, 17:4 (2017), 9. 15 Stefan Rohdewald, ‘Citizenship, Ethnicity, History, Nation, Region, and the Prespa Agree- ment of June 2018 between Macedonia and Greece’, Südosteuropa, 66:4 (2018), 578. 16 Kotzias and Kotrotsos, I megali diapragmatefsi, 268–9. 17 Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute’, 212. 18 See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Skopje_2014. 19 Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute’, 210. 20 Jonuz Abdullai, ‘The Political Crisis in Macedonia and the Relations with Its Neigh- bors’, in Ali Pajaziti et al. (eds), The Balkans in the New Millennium: From Balkaniza- tion to Eutopia (Tetovo-Skopje: Balkan Sociological Forum, 2015), 52. 21 Daskalovski, ‘Clashing Historical Narratives and the Macedonian Name Dispute–Solv- ing the Unsolvable’, 339–40; Bojan Maracik, in Bozan Maracik and Ioannis Armakolas, ‘Perspectives on the Skopje-Athens Dialogue’, Political Trends & Dynamics in Southeast Europe, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (August/September 2018), 5–7; Ioannis Armakolas and Ljupcho Petkovski, ‘Blueprint Prespa? Lessons Learned from the Greece-North Mac- edonia Agreement’, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (June 2019), 3–5; Eva Ellereit, ‘Analysis of the Macedonian Referendum: The Majority Clearly Says “Yes” ’, Political Trends & Dynamics in Southeast Europe-Overview, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (2018), 15. 22 Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute’, 210. This is also confirmed by Kotzias on several occasions. 23 Kotzias in Kotzias and Kotrotsos, I megali diapragmatefsi, 83. 24 Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute’, 213. 25 This aspect was stressed by the Macedonian Albanian leader Ali Ahmeti to Kotzias. See Nicos Kotzias, ‘Prologos’ [Prologue], in Spyros Sfetas, Oi metalaxeis tou Make- donikou: o makris dromos pros tis Prespes [The Mutations of the Macedonian Ques- tion: The Long Road to Prespes] (Athens: I. Sideris, 2018), 9. 26 Ibid., 9–12; Kotzias and Kotrotsos, I megali diapragmatefsi, 83, 163–4, 270. 27 Sotiris Walden, Makedoniko kai Valkania, 1991–1994: i adiexodi poreia tis ellinikis politikis [The Macedonian Question and the Balkans, 1991–1994: The Dead-End Tra- jectory of Greek Policy] (Athens: Themelio, 1994), 37. 28 International Crisis Group, ‘Macedonia’s Name’, 16. 29 Ibid., 15. 30 Kotzias and Kotrotsos, I megali diapragmatefsi, 178–9. 31 Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute’, 211. 32 Note that Dimitrov was astonished with Kotzias’s instance on erga omnes for he was under the impression that Greece had abandoned the erga omnes concept since the late 1990s. See Kotzias and Kotrotsos, I megali diapragmatefsi, 277. 33 Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute’, 212. 34 Biljana Vankovska, ‘Geopolitics of the Prespa Agreement: Background and After- Effects’, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 22:3 (2020), 10. 35 Ibid., 6. 36 Daniel Kahneman, Thinking, Fast and Slow (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2011), 300–9. 37 Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute’, 210–1. 38 Ibid. 39 At least according to Kotzias’s assessment, in Kotzias and Kotrotsos, I megali diapragmatefsi, 269. 40 Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute’, 213. Based also on my discussions with people close to Kotzias. 41 According to my discussions with members of the Greek negotiating team. 42 Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute’, 212. 43 Based on my discussions with members of the Greek negotiating team and confirmed in Kotzias and Kotrotsos, I megali diapragmatefsi, 163. 44 Kotzias and Kotrotsos, I megali diapragmatefsi, 178, 283. 45 I was informed of this by Macedonian officials in one of my fact-finding trips to Skopje in early 2020. I suspect that the Bulgarians were not as generous as it may appear (‘handing Ilinden’ to the Macedonians) but had ulterior motives, to come up later and say ‘Ilinden was a Bulgarian affair’ hence you are Bulgarians after all. This is also implied by Kotzias, in Kotzias and Kotrotsos, I megali diapragmatefsi, 284. 46 Kotzias and Kotrotsos, I megali diapragmatefsi, 283. 47 Regarding erga omnes, Nimetz’s final switch is worth quoting: ‘I slowly came to agree for three reasons: first, the Greeks would not move on their insistence on erga omnes; second, having two names would lead to years of bickering about whether an application was domestic or international; third, given the aspiration of Skopje to join the European Union, it was obvious that within the EU there is no real distinction between what is domestic and what applies throughout the EU (e.g. drivers licenses, medical records, and academic diplomas, all domestic but also accepted across borders). This was a tough concession for Skopje, but it finally acquiesced to the erga omnes application of the new name, which required extensive constitutional changes that almost killed approval of the Prespa Agreement during the ratification process’. In Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute’, 212. 48 Dimitrov’s credentials as a flexible negotiator were in doubt within the SDSM milieu due to the fact that his father, the philosopher and politician Dimitar Dimitrov (a refu- gee from Greece) was an influential member of the VMRO-DPMNE, having served as ambassador to Russia, and minister of culture and minister of education, and is regarded as a Bulgarophile. On the elder Dimitrov, see Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 92. 49 Armakolas and Petkovski, ‘Blueprint Prespa?’, 1. 50 Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute’, 213. 51 The Committee in question has met only once on 2 November 2018, where it was decided that ancient Macedonia is Greek, as argued by the Greek experts, but the relevant changes in the Macedonian schoolbooks have not yet taken place. 52 Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute’, 213. 53 As Ivanov put it, ‘I do not accept the constitutional change aimed at changing the constitutional name [of the country]. I do not accept ideas or proposals which would endanger Macedonia’s national identity, the individuality of the Macedonian nation, the Macedonian language and the Macedonian model of coexistence’. See https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prespa_agreement 54 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 27–8; Armakolas and Petkovski, ‘Blueprint Prespa?’, 3, 5–6; Ellereit, ‘Analysis of the Macedonian Referendum’, 15–16; ‘The Show Must Go On’, Political Trends & Dynamics in Southeast Europe- Overview, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (2018), 9; Biljana Vankovska, ‘A Diplomatic Fair- ytale or Geopolitics as Usual: A Critical Perspective on the Agreement between Athens and Skopje’, Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy, University of Hamburg, OSCE Yearbook 2018, No. 24 (Baden-Baden: Verlag, 2018), 7, 19–20. 55 Armakolas and Petkovski, ‘Blueprint Prespa?’, 3. 56 Ibid. 57 At least this was how it was interpreted on the part of New Democracy at the time. 58 Ioannis Armakolas and George Siakas, ‘Research Report: What’s in a Name? Greek Public Attitudes towards the “Name Dispute” and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia in 2018’ (Athens: ELIAMEP, 2018), 15; Armakolas and Petkovski, ‘Blue- print Prespa?’, 3–4, 15. 59 Nicolaos Tzifakis, ‘What the Ratification of the Prespa Agreement Means for Greek Politics’, European Politics and Policy (LSE, 30 January 2019). 60 Ibid.; Ioannis Armakolas, Ljupcho Petkovski and Alexandra Voudouri, ‘The Prespa Agreement One Year after Ratification: From Enthusiasm to Uncertainty?’, EUROTH- INK (February 2020), 16. 61 Tzifakis, ‘What the Ratification of the Prespa Agreement Means for Greek Politics’. 62 Ioannis Armakolas and George Siakas, ‘Greek Public Opinion and Attitudes towards the “Name Dispute” and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’ (Athens: ELIA- MEP, 2016), 8–9; Armakolas and Siakas, ‘Research Report’. 63 Tzifakis, ‘What the Ratification of the Prespa Agreement Means for Greek Politics’. 64 For this later view by the leftists in Macedonia (which has its counterpart in Greece as well), see Vankovska, ‘A Diplomatic Fairytale or Geopolitics as Usual’. 65 Armakolas and Petkovski, ‘Blueprint Prespa?’, 5; Open Society-European Policy Institute, ‘Russia: Playing the Spoiler’, 13–14. 66 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 28. 67 Ibid., 27. 68 See The Telegraph and The Independent (18 October 2019). 69 ‘Briefing Macron’s View of the World’, The Economist (9 November 2019), 20. Macron’s angry reaction to this was that enlargement ‘without reform of the EU and of its accession rules’ is ‘absurd’ and that ‘half’ of the EU member states agree with him on Albania, ‘but hide behind France’. In ibid. 70 ‘North Macedonia Parties ‘Almost Level’ before Election: Survey’, Balkan Insight (16 March 2020). 71 Armakolas, Petkovski and Voudouri, ‘The Prespa Agreement One Year after Ratifica- tion’, 15. 72 Kotzias in Kotzias and Kotrotsos, I megali diapragmatefsi, 97, 278. 73 Kotzias, ‘Prologos’, 9–12; Kotzias and Kotrotsos, I megali diapragmatefsi, 83–4, 163–4, 167, 204, 242–3. 74 Vankovska, ‘A Diplomatic Fairytale or Geopolitics as Usual’, 8, 13. 75 Ibid., 8. 76 Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute’, 212. 77 Armakolas, Petkovski and Voudouri, ‘The Prespa Agreement One Year after Ratifica- tion’, 10. 78 Syrigos and Hadjivasiliou, I Symfonia ton Prespon kai to Makedoniko. 79 Armakolas, Petkovski and Voudouri, ‘The Prespa Agreement One Year after Ratifica- tion’, 8. 80 Vankovska, ‘A Diplomatic Fairytale or Geopolitics as Usual’, 8, 10–11, 13, 22. 81 Such as this author, see Heraclides, To Makedoniko Zitima 1878–2018, 323–34. 82 Biljana Vankovska, ‘David vs. Goliath: The Macedonian Position(s) in the Socalled “Name Dispute” with Greece’, Südosteuropa, 58 (2010), 440. 83 Ibid. 84 Ibid., 444. 85 Ibid., 444, 450; Matthew C.R. Craven, ‘What’s in a Name? The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Issues of Statehood’, Australian Yearbook of International Law, 16 (1995), 199–200, 234–5; Daskalovski, ‘Clashing Historical Narratives and the Macedonian Name Dispute–Solving the Unsolvable’, 331–3. 86 Daskalovski, ‘Clashing Historical Narratives and the Macedonian Name Dispute– Solving the Unsolvable’, 333. See also Heraclides, To Makedoniko Zitima 1878–2018, 324–8. 87 Tzifakis, ‘What the Ratification of the Prespa Agreement Means for Greek Politics’. 88 Dimitris Christopoulos and Kostis Karpozilos, 10+1 Questions & Answers on the Macedonian Question (Athens: Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Office in Greece, 2018), 12. 89 Rohdewald, ‘Citizenship, Ethnicity, History, Nation, Region, and the Prespa Agree- ment of June 2018 between Macedonia and Greece’, 578. 90 Nimetz, ‘The Macedonian “Name” Dispute’, 214. 91 Armakolas and Petkovski, ‘Blueprint Prespa?’, 3. 92 Ibid. 93 Rohdewald, ‘Citizenship, Ethnicity, History, Nation, Region, and the Prespa Agree- ment of June 2018 between Macedonia and Greece’, 579–84. 94 See Heraclides, To Makedoniko Zitima 1878–2018, 323–34; and Alexis Heraclides, ‘I Symfonia ton Prespon: mia apotimisi’ [The Prespa Agreement: An Assessment], Sych- rona Themata [Current Issues], 143–144 (October-March 2019), 44–7. 1 Dimitar Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia (Lanham: The Scarecrow Press, 2009), 32. 2 Dimitar Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, Second Edition (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2019), 61. 3 Yorgos Christidis, ‘A New Balkan Rapprochement. Skopje Accepts Sofia’s Posi- tions Allowing for Bilateral Relations to Move Forward’, ELIAMEP Briefing Notes, 55/2017, 1–2. 4 Ibid., 1. 5 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 61. 6 Balkan Insight (1 August 2017 and 15 January 2018). 7 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 26, 61. 8 Christidis, ‘A New Balkan Rapprochement’, 1. 9 Ibid.; Balkan Insight (1 August 2017). 10 Cited in Balkan Insight (1 August 2017). 11 Bechev, Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia, 61. 12 Cited in Christidis, ‘A New Balkan Rapprochement’, 2. 13 Balkan Insight (14 July 2017). 14 Balkan Insight (1 August 2017). 15 Balkan Insight (14 July 2017) 16 Balkan Insight (15 January 2018). 17 Christidis, ‘A New Balkan Rapprochement’, 2. 18 Cited in ibid., 3. 19 Ibid. 20 Biljana Vankovska, ‘Geopolitics of the Prespa Agreement: Background and After- Effects’, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 22:3 (2020), 11. 21 Ibid. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. 24 Balkan Insight (10 August 2018). 25 ‘Long-Dead Hero’s Memory Tests Bulgarian-North Macedonian Reconciliation’, Bal- kan Insight (25 June 2019). 26 Quoted in Yorgos Christidis, ‘Bulgaria Sets Tough Conditions on North Macedonia’s EU Accession Path’, ELIAMEP, Policy Brief No.58/2019, 2. 27 Ibid., 2–3; ‘Bulgarian Minister Touches Raw Nerve in Macedonia’, Balkan Insight (10 December 2018). 28 Quoted in Christidis, ‘Bulgaria Sets Tough Conditions on North Macedonia’s EU Accession Path’, 4. 29 Quoted in ibid. 30 ‘Long-Dead Hero’s Memory Tests Bulgarian-North Macedonian Reconciliation’. And various reports in the Bulgarian press in April and May 2020. 31 Quoted in Christidis, ‘Bulgaria Sets Tough Conditions on North Macedonia’s EU Accession Path’, 4. 32 Ibid., 1. 33 In ibid. 34 Ibid. 35 In ibid. 36 Based on my discussions with officials in Skopje in January 2020. 37 Christidis, ‘Bulgaria Sets Tough Conditions on North Macedonia’s EU Accession Path’, 5. 38 Ibid. 39 Quoted in Yorgos Christidis, ‘Historical Disputes Threaten North Macedonia-Bulgaria Rapprochement’, European Western Balkans (15 May 2020). 40 Marija Bakalova, ‘Bulgarian “Macedonian” Nationalism in the Post 1989 Decade’, New Balkan Politics, 6–7 (2003), 73. 41 Ibid. 42 Mirjana Maleska, ‘With the Eyes of the “Others”: About Macedonian-Bulgarian Rela- tions and the Macedonian National Identity’, New Balkan Politics, 6–7 (2003), 6. 43 Ibid., 7. 44 Ibid. 45 Denko Maleski, ‘The First Foreign Minister of Independent Macedonia: We Were Once a People!’, Factor (28 April 2020). https://plus.google.com/share?url=https:// faktor.bg/bg/articles/mneniya-lacheni-tsarvuli-parviyat-vanshen-ministar-na-nezavi sima-makedoniya-bilisme-nyakoga-edin-narod 46 ‘Macedonia’s first Foreign Minister Maleski continues to denigrate Macedonians, says Delcev and Misirkov were Bulgarians’. https://english.republika.mk/news/macedonia/ macedonias-first-foreign-minister-maleski-continues-to-denigrate-macedonians-says- delcev-and-misirkov-were-bulgarians/ 29.04.2020 / 47 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Denes_nad_Makedonija Aarbakke, Vemund, Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 1870–1913 (Boulder: East European Monographs, 2003). 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