Doctor of Philosophy Applied Linguistics UNIVERSITY OF

A CONSTRAINT-BASED ANALYSIS OF SYLLABLE BASED PROCESSES IN MAḤBASHI YEMENI ARABIC

Moustafa Ali Al-Hamzi

Supervisor Prof. Rubina Rahman (PhD) Co- Supervisor Prof. Miraj ul Islam Zia (PhD)

Submitted to the University of Peshawar in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

In Applied Linguistics

DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR

DECLARATION

I hereby declare that the work in this dissertation carried out the research work titled “A Constraint-Based Analysis of Syllable Based Processes in Maħbashi Yemeni Arabic” has been carried out by me under the supervision of Dr. Rubina Rahman. I also declare this dissertation has not been submitted for any other degree elsewhere.

______

Moustaf Ali Hassan Hashem Alhamzi

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SUPERVISOR’S CERTIFICATE

This is to certify that the dissertation titled “A Constraint-Based Analysis of Syllable Based Processes in Maḥbashi Yemeni Arabic” has been carried out under my supervision by Mr. Moustafa Ali Hassan Hashem Alhamzi for submission in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Applied Linguistics.

Dr. Rubina Rahman Supervisor

Dedication

This work is dedicated to the soul of my late father, Ali Hassan AL-Hamzi

Acknowledgments

First of all, thanks are due to Allah for giving me an opportunity, health and stamina to carry out this thesis. Successful completion of an academic project like this would not have been realized without the contributions of a number of individuals. I, therefore, would like to acknowledge those whose participation, guidance and encouragement helped to complete this thesis.

I wish to thank my supervisor Professor Rubina Rahman for her academic guidance, intellectual support and continued interest in my research work. I have attended three courses with her in Applied Linguistics. She, therefore, is my role model and a source of inspiration. Her great efforts encouraged me in all the time of the research. Throughout my thesis-writing period, her encouragement, advices, and guidance provided a good basis for my thesis.

I would also like to express my gratitude and acknowledgement to co-supervisor Professor

Miraj ul Islam Zia for his continuous support and assistance. His comments, suggestions, and revisions helped me to refine this study.

I must thank Professor Mujib Rahman. He helped me join the Department of English &

Applied Linguistics University of Peshawar. I would like to thank Professor. Nasir Jamal

Khattak and Dr. Amjad Saleem, for their academic nourishment. I also appreciate the immense help of support staff of the Department, Mr. Amjad Khan and Ms. Shaheen

Shahzad

I am equally grateful to my course mates with whom I have travelled the academic journey. They always encouraged me to soldier on. Special thanks to Sarder Daud, Arshad

Zeb, Sadeq Hussain, Safiyah Ihsan, Aqsa Maryam, Sahar Ismail Khan, Yusra Ali, Bibi

Ranra , Farah Raof, Uzma Khalil .

My heartfelt thanks go to Fatima Khaliq and Mohmmad Zubair for their support and for always being there for me when I needed them.

Dr. Mohammed Damom directed me to relevant materials and encouraged me to read widely. I gained immensely from his wealth of experience in Phonology, especially the

Optimality Theory. His continuous support had an eminent impact on my study and knowledge of Linguistics.

I also extend my gratitude to Dr. Radhwan Al-sharif and Dr. Sameer Samadi, for their proofreading and meticulous comments.

I would like to thank all the participants for giving their time and providing the data on which the study was based. Thanks to Adnan Alghaili, Yasser Hebah and Mahfouth Al-

Ashwal for their assistance and support in data collection.

I would like also to thank my sponsor University of Hajjah, Yemen for granting me the opportunity to pursue my study in Pakistan. Many thanks to all its members and I wish all the best to them.

I shall register my special thanks to Dr. Abdulrahman Al-Salehi for his brotherly advice and continuous encouragement. I consider myself very fortunate to have such a wonderful friend.

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I would like to thank everyone who encouraged me during the writing of this thesis. I am also grateful and indebted to all those who have contributed in their various ways, directly and indirectly, Ali Sharafuddin, Sayaf Amer, Shehab Al-Shebh and Zeid Al-Sahwi.

Thanks to Mr. Yosef Almaas for his continuous help for all the Yemeni students in

Pakistan. Words alone cannot express my indebtedness to him.

Last but not least, I also sincerely thank my parents and my family for supporting me in one way or another, and their patience during the completion of this work which distracted me from them. Their prayers and encouragement made me complete this work.

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ABSTRACT

This thesis deals with the phonology of Maḥbashi Yemeni Arabic (MYA). It is the first descriptive analysis of the phonology of MYA. It provides a normative analysis data for the syllable based processes of MYA demonstrating that the dialect under investigation have similar but not identical phonological environments of the syllable based processes: syncope, epenthesis and vowel shortening. The analysis is presented in terms of

Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky ,1993). As for the methodology and data collection, the researcher made use of data collected from a set of people who are native speakers of Mahbashi Arabic. The researcher recorded their conversations taking place in official, social, cultural, religious and domestic contexts. The recorded data covered different types of words: monosyllabic, disyllabic, tri-syllabic and quadri-syllabic. The findings confirm that MYA shares some the syllable structures with Modern Standard

Arabic (MSA) and it differs in other syllable structures. By closely examining a wide range of data, the study proved that MYA exhibits ten syllable structures; CV, CVC, CVV,

CVVC, CCV, CCVV, CCVCC, CCVC, CVCC and CCVVC. As far as syllable structure of consonant cluster is concerned, the faithfulness constraints MAX-IO>DEP prevails over the markedness constraints *σ[CC, *CC]σ . The syllable related processes: syncope, epenthesis and vowel shortening were examined through the interaction of different constraints. As far syncope is concerned, the study proves that the constraint i,u]σ is active in MYA and is ranked high in the constraint hierarchy. The study accounted for epenthesis and asserted that the constraints * σ [CCC is active in MYA. The study has shown that vowel epenthesis is governed by the relative ranking of the CONTIGUITY family

ix constraints; D-CONTIG and J-CONTIG where D-CONTIG dominates J-CONTIG in

MYA.

With regard to vowel shortening, the study revealed that the constraints *3 μ and MAX-

IO (μ) were in conflict. therefore, opacity constraint and lexical phonology and morphology (LPM) were able to account for vowel shortening when the long vowel of the verb is suffixed by either a subject or an object morpheme.

This thesis concludes that OT provides the means to effectively account for the syllable structure and its processes in MYA. The study shows that the superiority of OT was evidenced in solving and providing the reasons for the occurrence of these processes rather than merely stating the rules in a rule-based theory fashion. This has been proved and indicated in the universality of the constraints and is reflected in the dialect specific ranking of the constraints.

CONTENTS

1. CHAPTER 1: Introduction and Background

1.0 Introduction 1 1.1 Background of the Study 2 1.2 An Overview of Arabic Language 3 1.3 Modern Standard Arabic 5 1.4 Yemen: Geographical Setteing 7 1.5 Yemeni Arabic: An Introduction 8 1.6 Al-Maħbashah : An Introduction 11 1.7 Statement of the Problem 12 1.8 Objectives of the Study 13 1.9 Methodology 14 1.10 Data Collection and Analysis 15 1.11 Significance of the Study 15 1.12 Outline of the Research 15 1.13 Conclusion 17

2. CHAPTER 2: Literature Review

2.0 Introduction 18 2.1 Linguistic Research on Yemeni Arabic 18 2.2 A Review of Phonological Studies of Yemeni Arabic 20 2.3 A Review of Syllable Based Processes of Yemeni and other Arabic Varieties 22 2.3.1 Epenthesis 22 2.3.1.1 A Review of Epenthesis in the Dialects of Arabian Peninsula 23 2.3.1.2 A Review of Epenthesis in the Mesopotamian and Egyptian Dialects 33 2.3.1.3 A Review of Epenthesis in the Levantine Dialects 34 2.3.2 Syncope 39 2.3.2.1 A Review of Studies on Syncope in the Mesopotamian and Egyptian Dialects 40 2.3.2.2 A Review of Studies on Syncope in the Levantine Dialects 43 2.3.2.3 A Review of Studies on Syncope in the Dialects of Arabian Peninsula 43 2.3.3 Vowel Shortening /Closed Syllable Shortening 49 2.3.3.1 A Review of Studies on Vowel Shortening in the Levantine Dialects 50 2.3.3.2 A Review of Studies on Vowel Shortening in the Maghreb Dialects 52 2.3.3.3 A Review of Studies on Vowel Shortening in the Dialects of Arabian Peninsula 53 2.3.3.4 A Review of Studies on Vowel Shortening in the Mesopotamian and Egyptian Dialects 55 2.4 Conclusion 56

3. CHAPTER 3: Theoretical Background

3.0 Introduction 58 3.1 The Syllable in Phonological Theory 58 3.1.1 Syllable Weight 62 3.1.2 Moriac Theory 63

3.1.3 Prosodic Theory 65 3.1.4 Extrametricality 67 3.1.5 Syllable in Traditional Arabic Philology 69 3.1.6 Syllable Structures of Modern Standard Arabic 70 3.1.7 Kiparsky's Typology of Arabic Dialects 73 3.1.8 Semisyllables in Arabic 76 3.2 Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP) 80 3.3 Distinctive Feature Theory 84 3.4 Rule Based Theory 86 3.5 Optimality Theory (OT) 87 3.5.1 Syllable in OT 91 3.5.2 Constraints in OT 93 3.5.3 Representational Symbols in OT 95 3.6 Representation of Semisyllables in OT 96 3.7 Theoretical Justifications 100 3.8 Conclusion 101

4. CHAPTER 4: Methodology

4.0 Introduction 102 4.1 Research Design 102 4.2 Sampling of the Study 103 4.3 Data Gathering Procedures 106 4.4 Recording of Data 108 4.5 Transcription 110 4.6 Collection of syllables 111 4.7 Analysis procedure of syllables 111 4. 8 Ethical Issues 111 4.9 Conclusion 112

5. CHAPTER 5: An Analysis of the Phonological Background & the Prosodic Structure of Maħbashi Yemeni Arabic

5.0 Introduction 113 5.1 Phonological Background (Consonant Phonemic Inventory) 113 5.1.1 Distribution of MYA Consonants 117 5.1.1.1 Stop Sounds 118 5.1.1.2 Fricative Sounds 121 5.1.1.3 Affricate Sound 125 5.1.1.4 Nasal Sounds 125 5.1.1.5 Laterals 126 5.1.1.6 Trill 127 5.1.1.7 Semivowels/Glides 127 5.2 Vowels and Diphthongs 129

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5.2.1 Distribution of Vowels 131 5.2.1.1 Short Vowels 131 5.2.1.2 Long Vowels 131 5.3 Syllable Structure of Maḥbashi Yemeni Arabic 133 5.4 Word Structure in MYA 136 5.4.1 Monosyllabic Words in MYA 136 5.4.2 Disyllabic Words in MYA 137 5.4.3 Tri-Syllabic Words in MYA 137 5.4.4 Quadrisyllabic Words in MYA 138 5.5 Onset Restrictions in MYA 138 5.6 Phonotactics of MYA 141 5.7 Consonant Clusters in MYA 142 5.7.1 Initial Consonant Clusters in MYA 145 5.7.2 Composition of Initial Consonant Clusters 148 5.8 Medial Consonant Sequences in MYA 155 5.9 Final Consonant Clusters in MYA 156 5.9.1 Distribution of Final Consonant Clusters 158 5.10 Consonant Cluster and Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP) 162 5.10.1 Onset Consonant Cluster and SSP 163 5.10.2 Coda Consonant Cluster and SSP 167 5.11 The Classification of MYA According to Kiparsky’s Model of Arabic dialects 170 5.11.1 Syllabification Algorithm in MYA 174 5.11.2 Semisyllables in MYA 176 5.11.3 Foot Size and Extrasyllabicity in MYA 177 5.12 Syllable Weight System in MYA 179 5.13 Stress Patterns in MYA 179 5.14 Conclusion 181

6. CHAPTER 6: A Rule Based Analysis of the Syllable-Based Processes in MYA

6.0 Introduction 183 6.1 A Rule-based Analysis of syncope in MYA 183 6.1.1 Word Level Syncope in Nouns 184 6.1.2 Word Level Syncope in Adjectives 186 6.1.3 Syncope in Verbs 187 6.1.3.1 Phrasal Level Vowel Syncope in Verbs 187 6.1.3.2 Addition of Prefixes to the verbs 187 6.1.3.3 Addition of Suffixes to the verbs 189 6.2 A Rule based analysis of Epenthesis in MYA 194 6.2.1 Phonological Clause Epenthesis 195 6.2.2 Word Level Vowel Epenthesis in Nouns 198 6.2.3 Phrasal Level Vowel Epenthesis in Nouns 201 6.2.4 Phonological Clause Level Epenthesis in Verbs 202 6.3 Vowel Shortening in MYA 203 6.3.1 Phrasal Level Vowel Shortening in Verbs 203 6.3.2 Word Level Vowel shortening in Nouns and Adjectives 208

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6.3.3 Phrasal Level Vowel Shortening in Nouns 209 6.3.4 Phonological Clause Level Vowel Shortening in Nouns 210 6.4 Acoustic Analysis 212 6.5 Conclusion 217

7. CHAPTER 7: An Optimality Theory Account of the Syllable Structure and its Processes in MYA 7.0 Introduction 219 7.1 Syllable Structure Constraints 219 7.1.1 Onset and Coda Constraints in MYA 219 7.1.2 Simple Onset and Nuclei Constraints 221 7.1.3 Complex Onset Constraint 225 7.1.4 Complex Coda Constraint 229 7.1.5 Sonority Sequencing Principle Constraint 232 7.1.6 Syllable Weight Constraints 235 7.2 An Optimality Theory Analysis of Syncope in MYA 237 7.3 An Optimality Theory Analysis of Epenthesis in MYA 254 7.4 An Optimality Theory Analysis of Vowel Shortening in MYA 268 7.5 Overall Constraints Hierarchy 280 7.6 Conclusion 283

8. CHAPTER 8: General Findings and Conclusion

8.0 Introduction 285 8.1 Findings 285 8.1.1 Consonant Clusters 285 8.1.2 Syllable Structure in MYA 286 8.1.3 The Syllable based processes in MYA 287 8.2 An OT analysis of the syllable based processes in MYA 290 8.2.1 Syncope in MYA: An OT Analysis 290 8.2.2 Epenthesis in MYA: An OT Analysis 291 8.2.3 Vowel Shortening in MYA: An OT Analysis 291 8.3 Implications 293 8.4 Further researches and Recommendations 293

References 295

Appendices 313

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List of Tables Page Table (3.1): MSA Syllable Structures 71 Table (3.2): Sonority Hierarchy of Phonemes (Clements ,1990:288) 82 Table (3.3): The Major Distinctive Features of Sounds (Hyman ,1975, p. 44) 85 Table (3.4) Optimality Theory Structure (McCarthy and Prince 1993, p. 7) 90 Table (3.5) Classical Arabic vs. English OT Syllabic Structure 91 Table (3.6): CV syllable Structure Typology (Prince & Smolensly, 1993) 92 Table (3.7): Symbols used under Optimality Theory 95 Table (4.1): Participants’ Sheet 105 Table (4.2): An Overview of the Context of Data collection and Recordings’ Durations 110 Table (4.3): Syllable Template Abbreviation keys 111 Table (5.1): Consonant Phonemic Inventory of the MYA 114 Table (5.2): Distinctive features Matrix for MYA consonant phonemes 129 Table (5.3): Vowel phonemic inventory of the MYA 130 Table (5.4): Syllable Patterns in MYA & MSA 133 Table (5.5): Syllable Types in MYA According to Their Positions in the Syllable 134 Table (5.6): Distribution of MYA Syllable According to their Length 135 Table (5.7): Examples of Monosyllabic Words in MYA 136 Table (5.8): Examples of Disyllabic Words in MYA 137 Table (5.9): Examples of Tri-Syllabic Words in MYA 137 Table (5.10): Examples of Quadrisyllabic Words in MYA 138 Table (5.11): Consonant Clusters Attested in MYA 144 Table (5.12): Initial Consonant Clusters in MYA According to Their Composition 147 Table (5.13): Types of Initial Consonant Clusters in MYA (DF Classification) 153 Table (5.14): Types of Initial Consonant Clusters OBS/SON in MYA 153 Table (5.15): Medial Consonant Sequences in MYA 155 Table (5.16): Final Consonant Clusters in MYA 157 Table (5.17): Types of Final Consonant Clusters in MYA (DF Classification) 161 Table (5.18): Types of Coda Consonant Clusters (OB/SON) in MYA 161 Table (5.19): Examples of Initial Consonant Clusters with Respect to SSP 163 Table (5.20): Examples of Initial Consonant Clusters Violating SSP 164 Table (5.21): SSP Core / Reversals consonant cluster in the coda position. 167

List of Maps Page

Map (1.1): Geographic Distribution of Afro-Asiatic Languages 4 Map (1.2): Countries of the Arab world 5 Map (1.3): Republic of Yemen 7 Map (1.4): The Distribution of the Yemeni Arabic Dialects 10 Map (1.5): The distribution of the dialects in Yemen 10 Map (1.6): The Location of Alsharafayn 11 Map (1.7): Al-Mahabishah District 12

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List of Figures Page Figure (1.1): The Genealogy of the Semitic Languages 3 Figure (2.1): Penult non-deletion in verbs in TYA 45 Figure (2.2): Penult deletion in quadri consonantal verb roots in TYA 46 Figure (2.3): Extra syllabic initial consonant in TYA 47 Figure (3.1): Non-linear Representation of syllable 61 Figure (3.2): Representation of Syllable according to CV Theory 61 Figure (3.3): Syllable-Internal Structure (Onset/Rime Model) 62 Figure (3.4): Syllable-Internal Structure (Moraic Model) 63 Figure (3.5): Representation of Different Syllable 64 Figure (3.6): Adjunction to Mora (Moriac Model) 65 Figure (3.7): Prosodic Hierarchy 66 Figure (3.8): Prosodic Hierarchy and Foot Representation 67 Figure (3.9): Syllable Sonority Wave 80 Figure (3.10): Sonority Hierarchy of Sounds 81 Figure (3.11): An example of Sonority Scale (Szigetvári, 2012, p. 6) 83 Figure (3.12) The Mechanism of RBT (Roca, 1994, p. 39) 87 Figure (3.13): Input-Output Mapping in an OT Grammar (Kager, 1999, p.22) 89 Figure (5.1): Vowels in MYA (Modified from Watson,2002; Ryding, 2005) 130 Figure (5.2): SSP of the word /bwa:b/ ‘doors’ 164 Figure (5.3): the sonority profile of the word/rfu:f/ ‘shelves’ (Sonority Reversals) 165 Figure (5.4): the Sonority profile of the word /kta:b/ ‘book’(Plateau Sonority) 166 Figure (5.5) Sonority Profile of the word /ramz/ ‘symbol’ (Core SSP) 168 Figure (5.6): Sonority Profile of the word /ɡabr/ ‘grave’ (Reverse SSP) 169 Figure (5.7): Extrasyllabic Attached to PrWd 178 Figure (6.1): Acoustic of an Example of /ðu. 'nu:b/ ‘sins’ (CV.CVVC) (MSA) 213 Figure (6.2): Acoustic Analysis of Example of /ðnu:b/ ‘sins’ [CCVVC] (MYA) 214 Figure (6.3): Acoustic Analysis of of /ɡu:m / ‘stand up’ [CVVC] (MSA) 215 Figure (6.4): Acoustic Analysis of /ɡum.na / ‘stand up’ [CVC.CV] (MYA) 215 Figure (6.5): Acoustic Analysis of /ḥsa:b / ‘account’ [CCVVC] (MYA) 216 Figure (6.6): Acoustic Analysis of /m-ḥsa:b/ → [mḥsa:b] →[miḥ.sa:b] 216

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List of Abbreviations MYA Maħbashi Yemeni Arabic SSP Sonority Sequencing Principle DF Distinctive Feature OT Optimality Theory MSA Modern Standard Arabic C Singleton Consonant CC Consonant Clusters V Short Vowel V: Long Vowel PrWd Prosodic Word 3m.pl Third Masculine, Plural 2nd f. s Second Person Feminine Son Sonorant OBS Obstruent Symbols: σ Syllable . Syllable Boundaries µ Mora Extrametrical Consonant ` Stress ≠ Word Boundaries

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List of OT constraints

1. *3μ (Kager 1999) No trimoraic syllables.

2. *CLASH (Kager 1999) No adjacent syllables are stressed.

3. *CODA (Prince &Smolensky, 2004): Syllables must not have codas.

4. *COMPLEXCOD (Prince and Smolensky 1993): A syllable must not have more than one segment in the coda.

5. *COMPLEXONS (Prince and Smolensky 1993): A syllable should not have more than one segment in the onset.

6. DEP-IO (McCarthy & Prince, 1995) Every segment of S2 has a correspondent in S1 (S2 is dependent on S1)

7. Final-C-µ (Hayes, 1989) Word final coda consonant are weightless.

8. LICENSE-μ (Kiparsky 2003) This constraint is against moraic consonants that are unaffiliated to a syllable node.

9. MAX-IO (McCarthy & Prince 1995) Every segment of S1 has a correspondent in S2.

10. MAX-µ-IO (McCarthy & Prince, 1995; Moren ,1999) Every mora in S1 has a correspondent in S2 (no deletion of moras).

11. No [a] (Orgun et, al , 1995): /a/ is not allowed in light syllables.

12. O-CONTIG (CONTIGUITY-IO) (“No Insertion”) (McCarthy& Prince 1995): The portion of S2 standing in correspondence forms a contiguous string.

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13. ONSET (ONS) (Prince & Smolensky, 1993) Syllables must have onsets 14. Reduce (Kirchner 1996, McCarthy 1999): This constraint requires minimizing the duration of light syllables on the scale a>i,u> ø.

15. Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP) (Roca, 1994) The sonority profile of the syllable must slope outwards from the peak.

16. WSP (Weight-To-Stress-Principle) (Prince & McCarthy, 1995 2004) Heavy syllables are stressed

17. *GEM (Rose 2000) Long segments are prohibited.

18. MAX-IO (SFX) Abuabbas (2004, p. 153)

Every segment in the input suffix has a correspondent in the output.

21- *CCC] σ Tri-consonants word finally are not allowed.

22- ALIGN-RIGHT (McCarthy and Prince 1993) The right edge of a grammatical word coincides with the right edge of a syllable.

23- Domain-CONTIG(uity): contiguity between correspondents within a domain D. For some domain D within S, all correspondents α β in D must be contiguous. Where D = {Syllable, Foot, PrWd, etc.} (Lamontagne, 1996, p. 14).

24- Juncture- CONTIG(uity): contiguity between correspondents across identical domains D. For two identical domains D and D+1 in S, where β is the final correspondent in D+1 and α is the first correspondent in D+1, α and β must be contiguous. Where D = {Syllable, Foot, PrWd, etc.}

(Lamontagne, 1996, p. 14).

25- COMPLEX MARGIN (CM) Prince and Smolensky’s (1993, p. 87)

No more than one segment may associate with a syllable margin.

26- *DIPHTHONG (Kadenge, & Mudzingwa, 2011, p. 151) No diphthongs are allowed.

27- Ident-IO (GEM) ( Adra , 1999, p. 33)

Output correspondents of an input [gem] are also [gem]

28- MAX-IO (µ) (Abu-Abbas ,2003).

Every mora in the input must have a corresponding mora in the output.

29- i,u]σ (Kenstowics, 1996) High unstressed vowel in open syllables are not allowed

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Chapter 1

Introduction and Background

1.0 Introduction

Examining the phonological contrasts between the modern standard Arabic and its dialects is an interesting and intriguing field. Although the complexities of Modern Standard

Arabic and its dialects make the investigation of the phonological processes challenging, in the last few decades, there has been a rising interest in studies and research in Arabic dialects among language specialists. (Broselow, 1980; Abu Mansour, 1987; Watson,

2002; Al Yaari, Al Hammadi, & Luwa, 2012). Standard Arabic, as some other linguists call it, is the largest member of the Semitic language family (Watson, 2002, p. 1). Modern

Standard Arabic is the medium of instruction in all Arabic countries and is the official language (Chentir, Guerti, & Hirst, 2008, p. 668). In addition, in each Arab country, there are distinctive dialects; each one of them has its own phonological elements and shares

Classical Arabic linguistic features in an alternate manner.

Syllabification of a language is essential for phonological analysis. Syllable is a unit consisting of an onset and a rime (core). The rime, then, is divided into a nucleus (peak) and a margin (coda) (Pike & Pike, 1947). While the preceding consonant to the nucleus is called the onset, the consonant which follows the nucleus is labelled the coda. Syllable is a phonological unit that is obligatory to explain the existence of some other important phonological entities like stress and intonation. Syllabification and resyllabification are done due to application of insertion or deletion processes (Bokhari, & Pervez, n.d, p. 63-

65). The deletion and insertion processes tend to disturb the syllable template and fix the

1 undesirable templates. That is to say, the syllabification process is reapplied to get the desired applicable syllable templates. Almost all varieties of Arabic prohibit words with onsetless syllables (Boudlal, 2004, p. 48; Aquil, 2013, p. 260; Watson, 2002). Most of the varieties of Arabic allow words with complex codas but not complex onsets1. Therefore, the researcher argues in this thesis that the Maħbashi Yemeni Arabic (MYA henceforth) the dialect under investigation does allow complex clusters in the onset position of the syllable. Like other Arabic dialects, one of the most intriguing features of MYA’s syllable is the wide array of consonant clusters attested in the coda position of the syllable. This study will examine the syllable based processes within the framework of optimality theory in MYA2 which is one of the best known Yemeni dialects since it is spoken in and around one of the biggest governorates in Yemen, Hajjah.

1.1 Background of the Study

This study is an analysis of the syllable based processes in MYA. This study aims to analyze syllable structure, epenthesis, syncope and vowel shortening within the framework of optimality theory (OT, henceforth). Adopting the framework of OT as presented in (Prince & Smolensky, 1993/2004), an attempt will be made to identify the distribution of possible syllable types, syllable based processes and related syllabification patterns in MYA.

1 - The consonant that proceeds the nucleus is labeled as the onset, while the consonant that follows the nucleus is called the coda (Halle & Vergnaud 1980) 2 - Al Maḥabishah District is a district of Hajjah Governorate, Yemen. As of 2003, the district had a population of 50,865 inhabitants. Mahbashi Yemeni Arabic is an Arabic dialect spoken by the people living in the mountainous part of Yemen in the Governorate of Hajjah in the northwestern part of Yemen. Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al_Mahabishah_District

This chapter presents a general background on Arabic language. It also introduces MYA to familiarize us with its position and important status in relation to the other Yemeni varieties.

1.2 An Overview of Arabic Language

Arabic belongs to the Afro-Asiatic family of languages which are spoken in many parts of Africa and much of the Middle East. As argued by Frajzyngier and Shay (2012) and supported by Batais (2013), this language family group is divided into six main types:

Ancient Egyptian Cushitic (e.g., Somali, Coptic), Chadic (e.g., Hausa), Omotic (e.g.,

Wolaytta, spoken in the southern part of Ethiopia), Berber, and Semitic. Watson (2002),

Gragg and Hoberman (2012) and Batais (2013) propose that the Semitic languages consist of three main groups: East Semitic languages (extinct; Akkadian, Babylonian), South

Semitic languages (Amharic), and West Semitic languages consisting of Arabic, Hebrew,

Aramaic, and Ugaritic. Figure (1) below shows the Semitic languages tree:

Figure (1.1): The Genealogy of the Semitic Languages (Versteegh, 2014)

Originally, Arabic is the language spoken by the itinerant tribes who lived in the desert of the Arabian Peninsula (Nydell, 2012). The following map illustrates the geographic distribution of Arabic.

Map (1.1) Geographic Distribution of Afro-Asiatic Languages3

It has been claimed that Arabic spread with the Islamic conquest from the Arabian

Peninsula and within a few decades it spreaded over a wide territory across North Africa and the Middle East. Arabic is a language, spoken by 230 million people as a native language in twenty countries stretching from North Africa to the Middle East (Katzner,

1995; Aoun, Benmamoun, & Choueiri, 2009, p. 1) and by many millions as a second language. In addition, Arabic is the language of the Holy Quran (the holy book of

Muslims) and the liturgical language for more than one billion Muslims worldwide.

3 - Source: https://www.britannica.com/topic/Afro-Asiatic-languages/media/8488/19263

Presently, Arabic exists in three forms: Classical Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic (MSA, henceforth) and Colloquial Arabic. Classical Arabic is considered as the literary language and the language of the Quran since the seventh century (Batais, 2013, p. 27-28). Modern

Standard Arabic is “a modernized version of Classical Arabic” (Al-Ani 1970, p.18; Batais,

2013, p. 27; Bani-Khaled, 2014, p. 182). While both Modern Standard Arabic and

Classical Arabic share the same morphology and syntax, they greatly vary in lexis and stylistics (Watson 2002, p. 8).

Map (1.2): Countries of the Arab world (Watson 2002, p. 7)

1.3 Modern Stranded Arabic

Modern Standard Arabic (MSA, henceforth) is the uniform variety of language which is used all over the Arabic speaking world in modern literary works as well as in the media, including magazines, newspaper, television broadcasts, radio, personal letters, business and in some songs (Nagi & Rao,2015, p. 326). It is also used as the medium of oral communication on the stage in formal and semi-formal speech, such as sermon in

5 mosques, public and university lecturers, and conferences and in scientific and literary debates. Moreover, it is used as medium of instruction at all levels of school education

(Alazzawie, 1990)

Cowan (1968) has made an attempt to identify distinctive features of MSA and comes with the following definition:

Modern Standard Arabic is that form of Arabic used in practically all writing of Arabic, and the form used in formal spoken discourse, such as newsbroadcasts, speeches and sermons (p.29).

MSA is important not only as a source for contemporary forms of literature, but also as instrumental for communication among literate Arabs from all over the Arab World. A comperhensive knowledge of MSA is an indicator of education, prestige and social status.

Teaching MSA to children is imperative for eradicating dialect differences and introducing them into their historical tradition and literary heritage (Ryding, 2005, p. 7).

In Arabic speaking countries, MSA is formally taught in schools and is principally the language of communication in government and the media; therefore, it had a restricted access to formal written and spoken registers. On the contrary, Colloquial Arabic, serving all daily informal communications at home and among friends, shows remarkable diversity from both Classical Arabic and MSA regarding phonology, morphology, syntax and lexicon. Unlike MSA and Classical Arabic, the spoken form of Colloquial Arabic shows remarkable regional variation which results in mutual unintelligibility between two or more geographically distant varieties or dialects (Batais, 2013, p. 27-28).

1.4 Yemen: Geographical Setting

Yemen is an Arab country. Yemen is located on the southernmost tip of the Arabian

Peninsula. It is bounded by Saudi Arabia to the north, the Red Sea to the west, the Gulf of Aden and Arabian Sea to the south, and Oman to the east4.Yemen’s population is about

20,356,700, according to the census , 2003. The following map illustrates its location:

Map (1.3): Republic of Yemen

It is the second largest country in the Peninsula after Saudi Arabia. The Romans called Yemen as Arabia Felix (Happy Arabia)5 for being blessed with wide spaces of greenery that distinguishes it from the other countries in the Peninsula due to rainfall, fertile fields and lands

4Source:https://www.google.com.pk/search?q=yemen&biw=1366&bih=640&source=lnms&tbm=isch&sa =X&ved=0ahUKEwiB7pPv5_LMAhUGXhQKHXH8AeoQ_AUIBygC#imgrc=2ctMYmbTcQqDcM%3A

5 - The term Arabia Felix has been used for a long time as a designation for South Arabia or Yemen. Since the Semitic word Yemen combines the meanings 'south' and 'happy', the terms Felix have often been seen as a translation of it and a confirmation of the assumption that Happy Arabia was Yemen. The name would thus originate from the fertility and greenery of Yemen in comparison to the other parts of Arabia (Resto, 2000).

7 that support the cultivation of different kinds of plants, (Resto, 2000, p. 189). Yemen has been divided into twenty-two governorates since 2004. It is inhabited by about 24 million citizens6.

Whereas Modern Standard Arabic is the official language, Yemenis Arabic Dialect (YAD) is

8 the language spoken in all Yemen except for Mahra 7 and Socotra , where completely different languages are spoken which are unintelligible to the speakers of Yemeni Arabic.

1.5 Yemeni Arabic: An Introduction

Arabic is the national language of Yemen. It is spoken in various distinct dialects throughout the country in the form of what is called colloquial Arabic, the term which is used for the national and/or regional variations of Arabic spoken throughout the Arab world and acquired as a first language (Huthaily, 2004). These regional variations in the dialects from region to region or country to country, are sometimes so varied that they are mutually incomprehensible. Yemeni Arabic is considered to be a very conservative form of Arabic as it has retained many of the classical features.

Yemeni Arabic dialects are of great importance for having immense diversity. Versteegh et.al (2006) observe that “the Yemeni Arabic dialects are characterized by a great diversity and by a number of unique traits, unfound elsewhere in the Arabic speaking community”

(p. 751).

The dialects of Yemen, as noted by Versteegh et.al (2006), is one of the most neglected topics in Arabic dialect geography. Based on what has been pointed out by them with regard to the former Yemen Arab Republic in the West, Yemeni Arabic can further be

6 http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.TOTL 7 Mahra is a Yemeni governorate that is located in the extreme east of Yemen 8 Socotra is a group of four islands that belong to Yemen and are located in the Indian Ocean

8 divided into various dialects, with distinct vocabulary and phonology. A division of the

Yemeni Arabic dialects into 11 main types (with further subdivisions) was named after geographical zones (Behnstedt, 2016). These are as follows:

1. Tihamah dialect.

2. –‘k’ dialects (they include the ‘southern mountain range’i.e,Yafi and Adhali’ dialects)

3. Al-Hugariyah dialects.

4a. Jabal Washhah (It belongs to Hajjah governorate).

4b. Al-Maħabishah.

5a. Northern high plateau.

5b. Arhab.

6. Sana’a and central mountains.

7. Southern high plateau.

8. Marib and Al-Baydha’ dialects (former south-east dialects)

9. Northern high plateau 2 (perhaps a transition zone between 5a, 5b and 11)

10. Al-Jawf dialects (former north-east dialects)

11. Sa‘dah. (Behnstedt, 2016, p. 57)

The following maps illustrate the distribution of the Yemeni Arabic dialects; Mahbashi

Yemeni Arabic is one of them.

Map (1.4): The Distribution of the Yemeni Arabic Dialects (Versteegh, et al 2006, p. 751).

Map (1.5): The distribution of the dialects in Yemen (Behnstedt 2016, p. 57)

1.6 Al Maħabishah: An Introduction Al Mahabishah city is one of the biggest cities in Hajjah Governorate. It is a hilly terrain which is located in the center of Alsharafeen areas, known as Jibal Alsharafeen “the mountains of Alsharafeen” (Jahaf, 2013, p.137). Al-Mahbishah is considered the cradle of Jibal Alsharafeen. It is characterized by its prosperous role in commerce, agriculture and manual handicraft. Agriculture is the important economic activity of the people.

Nowadays, the most commonly cultivated tree is albun ‘coffee’. Due to the scarcity of water in Alsharfeen, the manufacturing interest of many workers shifted from agriculture to manufacturing weapons like pistols and jambiyah ‘a curved weapon’.

The following map shows the location of Jibal Alsharafeen.

Map (1.6): The Location of Alsharafayn (Weir, 2007, p. 36)

Al Mahabishah District is a district of Hajjah Governorate in Yemen. On the basis of

2003 census, the district had a population of 50,865 inhabitants9.It is located to the north of Hajjah city

Map (1.7): Al-Mahabishah District10

1.7 Statement of the Problem

In all dialects of Arabic, the core syllable types are CV, CVV and CVC but CVVC, CVCC and, more rarely, CVVCC can also be found (Watson, 2002) where C represents a

‘consonant’ and V a ‘vowel’. However, the syllable structure CCV, also known as complex onset, does not exist in almost all varieties of Arabic and is strongly rejected

(Angoujard 1990; Abu-Mansour 1992; Broselow, Huffman, Chen, & Hsieh, 1995).

9 "Districts of Yemen". Statoids. Archived from the original on 29 November 2010. Source: https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al_Mahabishah_District

10 - Source: https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al_Mahabishah_District

Almost all varieties of Arabic prohibit words with onsetless syllable (Boudlal, 2004). A few varieties of Arabic allow complex onset; although majority of Arabic varities allow words with complex codas, but they prohibit complex onsets. Some Arabic syllable structures such as syllable initial-consonant cluster and syllable-final consonants do not seem to be common in many Arabic varieties. MYA is a Yemeni variety which is unique as it allows initial-consonant cluster as opposed to MSA.

This study will investigate the patterns of initial/final consonant clusters produced in

MYA, and will determine the epenthesized sounds that are used to break the consonant clusters. Determining the environments in which the initial/medial/final consonant cluster occur in Mahbashi Yemeni Arabic (MYA) can help to determine the optimality theory constraints that govern the syllable based processes under investigation in this research: epenthesis, syncope, and closed syllable shortening of this variety of Yemeni Arabic.

1.8 Objectives of the Study

Considerable number of studies have focused on the syllabification patterns of Arabic dialects (Ali, 1996; Watson, 2002; Al-Azraqi, 2005; Ben-Meir, 2015); a few of which are rule-based studies and a few constraint-based studies have been conducted on the syllabification patterns and the syllable processes of Yemeni varities (Watson, 2002;

Alsharbi, 2010; Damom, 2013). The only recent work that deserves special attention is

Watson (2002) on the phonology and morphology of Arabic. This study, which is couched within generative phonology, revolves around two dialects of which San‘aˉni dialect is spoken in Sana’a , the capital of Yemen. Few studies (Abdulghani, 2010; Alsharbi, 2010;

Shaghi, 2010; Alnuzaili, 2012; Damom, 2013) in the Yemeni context have approached

13 the issue of phonological aspects However, the phonology of MYA has not been investigated to date. The objectives of this investigation are to:

1- Examine whether MYA and MSA exhibit similar or diverse syllabification

processes.

2- Find the extent MYA shares the syllable based processes with other investigated

literature of Arabic dialects.

3- Describe and explain the syllable based processes: syncope, epenthesis and closed

vowel shortening phonological processes in MYA.

4- Identify and characterize the different sites where the syllable based processes;

syncope, epenthesis and closed vowel shortening occur.

5- Find out the remedy strategy/strategies that are used by the dialect to fix

unfavorable or marked templates.

6- Demonstrate how OT accounts for syllable based processes; syncope, epenthesis

and closed vowel shortening in MYA.

7- Bring MYA of Yemeni Arabic to academic notice so that it can take its rightful

place among Yemeni Arabic studies.

1.9 Methodology

The purpose of this research is to provide a complete and exhaustive linguistic description of the syllable based process of MYA. A descriptive and analytical analysis will be used for this purpose. This investigation will be carried out within the framework of rule based theory and optimality theory as propounded by Prince and Smolensky (1993).

1.10 Data Collection and Analysis

This investigation will make use of data from a set of people who are native speakers of

Mahbashi Arabic. The primary informant of the data is the researcher himself who is a native speaker of this particular variety. However, with the permission of other native- speaker participants, the researcher will record their live conversations taking place in official, social, cultural, religious and domestic contexts. The recorded data will be transcribed and then analyzed to determine the phonological processes.

1.11 Significance of the Study

This study is important in many ways. First and foremost, it will provide a strong theoretical basis for phonological documentaion of MYA. Second, it will be a valuable addition to the limited reference literature available on Yemeni Arabic varieties.

Therefore, it can justifiably be said that there is a dire need for linguistic research and publication in this variety. As a result, this study is expected to mark the beginning of further linguistic research on Yemeni Arabic variety, particularly its phonological parameters. It is also hoped that the research would help to fill a gap in our knowledge of the MYA by offering a detailed study of the phonological processes of the syllable based processes in this variety of Arabic.

1.12 Outline of the Research

The research would comprise eight chapters. The detailed break up is as follows:

Chapter 1 It consists of two parts: the first part provides the readers with background information to the study; the problem statement, questions and objectives of the study. The second part

15 introduces the theoretical background on Yemeni Arabic language, in general, and

Mahbashi dialect, in particular. It also sheds light on the importance of MYA and the need for its investigation.

Chapter 2 Chapter two is devoted to survey previous research literature related to the syllable based processes of different Arabic verities.

Chapter 3

It deals with the theoretical background of the key concepts of different approaches on the syllable, semi syllable, sorority sequencing principle, distinctive features, mora theory and optimality theory.

Chapter 4 This chapter presents the methodology for collecting data and the type of techniques and research have been addressed in this thesis.

Chapter 5

This chapter elaborates on the surface inventory of the consonant/vowel sounds in MYA.

It presents the description of the methodology that will be used in this study. It also focuses on the discussion of the syllable structure in MYA within the framework of onset-rime theory and mora theory. It also looks at the phonotactics of MYA with a special reference to onset/ coda clusters. It discusses the syllable weight, semi syllable, stress and syllabification algorithm in MYA.

Chapter 6

This chapter focuses on the discussion of the syllable based processes in MYA within the framework of the rule based theory. It highlights the diverse locations where these processes occur within the phonological word, phrase or clause.

Chapter 7

This chapter provides a detailed optimality-theoretic analysis of syllable structure and related phonological processes in MYA.

Chapter 8

This chapter interprets the findings of the earlier chapters. Also, it compares the results of this study with other studies that are mentioned in the literature review. It sums up the most important conclusions and recommendation.

1.13 Conclusion

This chapter is meant to provide the reader with background information to the study; the problem statement and objectives of the study. The research methodology, which would be employed in the study so as to fulfil the objectives of the study, was briefly presented.

It also provided a brief overview of the theoretical framework that would be used in the research. An outline of the scope of the study has also been presented. The final section of this chapter provids the reader with a clear indication as to the chapter outline of this thesis and the delineation of the study. The following chapter is a detailed description of some related review of the relevant literature related to the study.

Chapter 2

Literature Review

2.0 Introduction

This chapter presents an exhaustive review of the relevant literature related to the study.

It gives a brief description of the early investigation of Yemeni Arabic. This chapter also focuses primarily on the literature on the phonology of syllable based processes in some

Arabic dialects in general. It is worth mentioning here that the studies which are closely relevant to the syllable based processes in Arabic dialects will be elaborated on so that their findings will be compared and contrasted with the findings of this study. These studies are classified into three domains. The first domain presents the studies related to epenthesis; the second one deals with those related to syncope and the third one introduces the studies related to vowel shortening. This chapter also comprises a commentary on these studies to show how the studies benefit the researcher and what distinguishes the current study from the previous research.

2.1 Linguistic Research on Yemeni Arabic

Many linguistic studies have been conducted on Yemeni Arabic varieties, Saudi Arabic dialects, and other dialects in the Arab world. However, to date, no comprehensive study has been conducted on the phonology and morphology of MYA Arabic. Some works investigate phonological characteristics, others have researched pragmatics of Yemeni

Arabic leaners (Al-hamzi, 1999; Qanbar, 2006; Al- Fattah, 2010) and some concentrate on the sociolinguistics of the respective areas (Qanbar,2011 ; Busaba, 2013).

As research in the field of the phonology of Yemeni Arabic progressed over the last two decades, some of the Yemeni dialects have been studied since the end of the 19th century.

The first dictionary (English – Arabic, in Arabic script) was issued by Stace (1893) for the dialect of Aden11. A few decades later, during the British domination, Emerson and

Ghanem (1943a, 1943b) composed a grammar book with exercises about the same variety.

In the northern part of the country, Yemeni dialects, particularly San’ani12 dialect was studied by the linguist, Watson (1993, 1993, 2000, and 2002) and Qafisheh (1990).

With reference to the above-mentioned studies, it can be inferred that they came up with a comprehensive collection for the lexicon of Yemeni Arabic rather than focusing on the phonological properties of Yemeni Arabic. So, it is imperative to mention that the first study that deals with the major phonological system of Yemeni Arabic is that of San’ani

Arabic (SA), as one of the most dominant dialects in Yemen, by Qafisheh (1990). His study aimed at investigating the major phonological processes. Those processes include epenthesis, assimilation, both progressive and regressive and geminate devoicing.

The study of the phonology of Arabic has captured the interest of many linguists

(Broselow, 1980; Qafisheh, 1990; Broselow, 1992; Watson, 2002; Kiparsky, 2003).

Watson (2002) tried to come up with a more comprehensive and an integrated account of the phonology and morphology of Arabic. She stated that:

…most of accounts of phonology and morphology of Arabic are fragmentary, with the findings proved in published theses, journal articles, and works which address particular aspects of phonology and morphology taking examples from Arabic. (2002, p. 9)

11 - Aden (UK /ˈeɪdən/) is a port city in Yemen, located by the eastern approach to the Red Sea (the Gulf of Aden). Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aden

12 - Sana'a is the largest city in Yemen and the capital of Yemen.

Rosenhouse (2007) does a decent job in trying to trace the history of Arabic phonetics, classical schools of Arabic phonetics and phonology and the modern developments of

Arabic phonetics and phonology. She stated that:

…since the 3rd quarter of the 20th century studies of various topics within Arabic phonetic systems have been increasing: published MA and PhD studies, journal articles and books deal with phonology and phonetics of many eastern and western Arabic dialects including Kuwait, Yemen (Sana'a), Lebanon, Syria (Damascus), Jordan ('Amman), Egypt (Cairo), and Morocco (Marrakech) and works describing specific dialects usually dedicate a chapter to phonology and phonetic features (p. 132).

It can be realized that the literature achieved in the late 20th century leads us to argue that many Arabic varieties like: Cairene, Damascene, San’ani, and Ammani received more attention with regard to research among the different Arabic dialects. That is on one hand but on the other hand it is clear that only one of the Yemeni Arabic dialects which is

San’ani Arabic received some kind of attention on the expense of the other Yemeni Arabic dialects.

2.2 A Review of Phonological Studies of Yemeni Arabic

Despite the paucity of research on the theoretical aspects of Yemeni Arabic, it has been pointed out in a number of socio-linguistic studies that Yemeni Arabic exhibits unique phonological and morphological variations that set it apart from other dialects of Arabic spoken in Arabic peninsula (Al-Fadly, 2007, Watson, 2002; Alshar‟bi, 2010; Abdul Ghani

2010; Alnuzaili, 2012; Damom, 2013). This section briefly presents some of Yemeni

Arabic studies related to their phonology and morphology.

Alsharabi (2010) investigated the interaction between prosody and morphology in Sharabi

Yemeni Arabic and Cairene Arabic within the frame work of optimality theory’s harmonic

Serialism (McCarthy,2008). Phonologically speaking, this thesis examines and accounts for the stress phenomenon in the variety and compared it with Yemeni and Cairene. From the morphological perspective, it examines subject agreement and the templatic morphology in Shar’bi variety and compares it with MSA. The subject agreement and the templatic morphology of Shar’bi variety exhibited a systematic process of restructuring and reduction compared to MSA.

Abdulghani's (2010) study of the phonology and morphology of Yemeni Tihami dialect constitutes a hallmark in the systematic study of this variety of Yemeni Arabic. It extensively elaborated on synchronic description and documentation of the morphology and phonology of the Yemeni Tihami dialect within the domain of Yemeni context in

Hodeidah city and its directorate Zabid. Within the framework of Autosegmental phonology theory, based on the feature geometry model by Clements (1985), the study attempts to identify, describe and examine the underlying structures, the phonological processes and rules that are involved in contemporary Tihami dialect in the Yemeni context.

Alnuzaili (2012) describes the morphology of Yemeni Arabic spoken in Ibb13. Based on fieldwork done in the old city of Ibb, his study highlights the basic morphological characteristics that differentiate this dialect from other varieties of Arabic. For example, he studies the morphology of nouns, verbs and adjectives, the insertion of the vocalic

a, an agricultural society. The population of Ibb؟Ibb city is located in the south of the capital Sana 13 Governorate is approximately two and millions, and most of them belong to the rural agricultural community (Alnuzaili ,2012)

21 prosodies between the radicals, and the attachment of the affixes, to mention a few. The linguistic frameworks applied in Alnuzaili’s (2012) work are lexical phonology and the non-linear approach of non-concatenative theory proposed by McCarthy (I 979).

2.3 A Review of Syllable Based Processes of Yemeni and other Arabic Varieties

In this section, the organization of the syllable based processes will be discussed according to the geographical divisions14 of Arabic dialects.

2.3.1 Epenthesis

Epenthesis is an addition of an extra-segment within a word. The term vowel epenthesis can refer to any process in which a vowel is added to an utterance. Vowel epenthesis is interpreted as a repair strategy that is triggered when an ill-formed structure emerges. It is a process which is used to satisfy a phonetic constraint. It phonologically governed by the requirement of Sonority Sequencing Principle (Farwaneh 1995). It is a repairing strategy which is functionally applied to split final consonant clusters (Alqahtani, & Musa, 2015, p. 77). Vowel epenthesis is considered to be a phonological process used in the adaptation of loanwords in languages (Mwihaki 2001; Uffmann 2002, Kenstowicz 2007; Alqahtani

& Musa, 2015). For example, non-native speakers of English may say [ʔiskii] instead of

/skaɪ/ ‘sky’ (Alqahtani & Musa, 2015).

14 - Arabic dialects are geographically divided into Western and Eastern dialects. The western dialects involve one dialectal group named as the Maghreb dialects, which are commonly spoken in Tunisia, Morocco, Libya, Mauritania and Algeria. On the other hand, the Eastern dialects consists of four groups: The Mesopotamian dialects (Iraq), the dialects of Arabian Peninsula (Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Oman, the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait), the Egyptian dialects (Egypt) and the Syro-Lebanese dialects or Levantine dialects (Syria, Lebanon, Jordon, and Palestine) (Kaye & Rosenhouse, 1997)

2.3.1.1 A Review of Epenthesis in the Dialects of Arabian Peninsula

In an analysis of the phonology and morphology of Meccan Arabic, Abu-Mansour (1987, p. 163) states that non-final superheavy syllables of the form CVCC which are suffixed with consonant-initial affixes are mostly forbidden in most modern Arabic dialects, including Meccan Arabic. Therefore, vowel epenthesis is permitted to avoid having non- final superheavy syllables, as in (2.1):

(2.1) Underlying Form Epenthesized Form Gloss

/ʕumr-ha/ [ʕum.ra.ha] ‘her age’

/ħusn-ha/ [ħus.na.ha] 'her beauty'

/ʕitˤr-ha/ [ʕitˤ.ra.ha] 'her perfume'

/ʔism-ha/ [ʔis.ma.ha] 'her name'

(Abu-Mansour 1987, p. 165)

She also notes when a consonant-initial suffix is added after a geminate, a sequence of two consonants, or a VVC sequence, (a) is inserted before the suffix as in the following examples:

(2.2) Epenthesis after geminates

/?umm-na/ ?um.ma.na ‘our mother’

/ʕadd-hum/ ʕad.da.hum ‘he counted them’

(Abu-Mansour 1987, p. 165)

(2.3) Epenthesis into medial consonant clusters

a. /ʕumr-ha/ ʕum.ra.ha ‘her age’

b. /kalb-kum/ kal.ba.kum ‘your dog’ (pl)

(2.4) Epenthesis after long vowels

a. /muftaah-kum/ muf.taa.ha.kum ‘your key’

b. /saab-hum/ saa.ba.hum ‘he left them’

(Abu-Mansour 1987, pp. 163-164)

In his descriptive analysis of epenthesis phenomenon in San’aˉni Arabic (SA), Qafiˉsheh

(1990) reports that epenthesis occurs to break the consonant cluster “when a word ends in a single consonant and is followed by a word beginning with a two consonant cluster and when a word with a final-two consonant cluster is followed by a word with an initial two consonant cluster” (p.178). The following examples from Qafiˉsheh (1990, p.178) represent his claim.

(2.5) Epenthesis in San’aˉni Arabic

a- ʔal.bayyaʕ .i.stwafat tamam “the seller was paid in full.”

b- ḥilm .i. ntasa “ A dream was forgotten.”

Ingham (1994) in his study of the phonology and morphology, syntax and semantics of

Najdi Arabic, as one of the common dialects in Saudi Arabia, analyses the consonant cluster patterning in order to identify the language’s syllable structure. He finds out that peripheral sonorant consonants such as /n/, /m/, /l/, /r/ in final consonant clusters motivate vowel epenthesis, particularly if the consonants closer to the peak are obstruents. This case in illustrated in the examples below:

(2.6) Underlying Form Epenthesized Form Gloss

/ħaml/ → [ħa.mil] ‘burden’

/sˤabr/ → [sˤa.bur] ‘patience’

/raʤl/ → [ra.ʤil] ‘husband

(Ingham, 1994, p. 17)

From the above examples, it is clear that there is an epenthetic vowel between the final consonant clusters because of the marginal segments which are more sonorous than those closer to the nucleus. Thus, the canonical shape of these words has been changed due to vowel epenthesis; these words become disyllabic because vowel epenthesis is inserted as a nucleus of a newly-created syllable.

Al-Mohanna (1998, p. 191) in his analysis of syllabification and metrification in Urban

Hijazi Arabic15 (UHA, henceforth) focuses on the relationship between syllable structure in UHA and the Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP) and how the violation of the SSP motivates vowel epenthesis, resulting in disyllabic words. In other words, he considers some factors that have a solid impact on the syllable structure in UHA, and one of them is the violation of the SSP. The following are some of the examples given in Al-Mohanna

(1998, p. 191).

(3.7) Underlying Form Epenthesized Form Gloss

/ʤism/ → [ʤi.sim] ‘body’

15 This dialect of Arabic is spoken in the Hijaz province of Saudi Arabia.

/ʔiðn/→ [ʔi.ðin] ‘ear’

/ħukm/→ [ħu.kum] ‘verdict’

Al-Mohanna (1998, p. 149) uses Optimality Theory to analyze epenthesis in UHA. He evaluates the candidates of the input /nahr/ in (2.8) below:

ONS>>*COMPLEX>>SSP>>MAX-IO>> DEP-IO>>-CODA.

(2.8)

/nahr/ ONS *COMPLEX SSP MAX-IO DEP-IO -CODA

☹a. nah.ri * *

b. na.har * *

c- nahr *! *

This tableau shows that the current constraints, as ranked, cannot select the true optimal candidate of candidates. Both candidates (b) and (c) violate the DEP-IO constraint as well as the -CODA constraint. The candidate (c) violates the *COMPLEX constraint due to the final consonant cluster. Therefore, it is worth mentioning to add another constraint. He refers to generalised alignment constraints introduced by McCarthy & Prince (1993). He notes that the generalized alignment constraints can possibly remove the wrong candidate

[nah.ri] from being an optimal output since its right edge does not align with the right edge of the input /nahr/. In the following tableau, the candidates [na.har], [nah.ri], and [nahr] will be evaluated with the ALIGN-RIGHT constraint as shown in the following hierarchy:

ALIGN-RIGHT>>SSP>>DEP-IO.

(2.9) /nahr/ ALIGN-RIGHT SSP DEP-IO -CODA

a. nah.ri *! * *

*! * ☞b. na.har

c- nahr *!

The tableau (2.9) removes candidate (a) from being an optimal output because of the violation of the high- ranked constraint, ALIGN-RIGHT, Candidate (c) violates the SSP due to the final consonant cluster; so, it has been removed from being an optimal output.

Therefore, candidate (b) emerges as the best candidate, because it violates the lower ranked constraints.

Watson’s (2002) work is important to the present study in that some of the phonological processes discussed in her work will also be investigated in MYA. The present study is inspired by Watson’s (2002) work and tries to give a theoretical explanation of the phonological processes in MYA. Watson’s (2002) investigation on San’ani Arabic is important to this study in that MYA and San’ani Arabic have a very high degree of mutual intelligibility to the extent that they are at times regarded as one variety of Yemeni Arabic.

In line with Broselow’s analysis of Cairene Arabic (1976), Watson (2002, p. 64) reports the epenthesis of [a] in San’ani Arabic occur when three consonants are juxtaposed within the phonological as in the following examples:

(2.10) San’ani Arabic

/ḥajj + na/  ḥaj.a.n ‘our pilgrim m.’ /gabl + ma/  gabl.a.ma ‘before’ /gult + lih/  gult.a.lih ‘I told him’ Based on Ingham’s (1994) study of the phonology and morphology, syntax and semantics of Najdi Arabic (NA), Alqahtani (2014) discusses the rules which govern the phonology of NA such as: syncope, epenthesis, metathesis, and word stress patterns within the framework of OT. After investigating the onset and coda in NA, it is found that the sequences of two consonants in the binyans16 (VII), (VIII), and (X) in NA motivates epenthesis as in the following examples:

(2.11) Binyan perfect active Example Gloss

VII /nkatab/ [ʔin.ka.tab] ‘got written’

VIII /kti ʃaf / [ʔik.ti.ʃaf] ‘he discovered’

X /staktab/ [ʔis.tak.tab] ‘caused to write’

(Alqahtani, 2014, p. 174)

He accounts for the above phenomena with an OT constraint. For ruling out a word like

/kti ʃaf/ “‘he discovered”, he uses *[VOICELESS PLOSIVES *[VP (which reads A sequence of voiceless plosives in the initial position assigns one violation mark) and selecting [ʔik.ti.ʃaf] as an optimal candidate as shown in the following tableau:

16 In traditional studies in Semitic morphology, binyan is viewed as a unit composed of vowels, affixal consonants and slots for the root consonants.

(2.12)

/ˈkti.ʃaf/ ONS *[VP DEP-IO

a. /ˈkti.ʃaf/ *! ☞ b. [ʔik.ti.ʃaf] *! c. ik.ti.ʃaf *!

The tableau (2.12) shows that output (b) is chosen as the optimal candidate analysis of the input /kti.ʃaf/ ‘he discovered’. Output (C) lacks an onset which results in violating the

ONS constraint. Output (a) cannot be optimal due to the violation of the *[VP constraint.

Following the works of scholars like Abdul-Karim (1980), Al-Mohanna (1998), Gouskova

& Hall (2009), Rakhieh (2009), and Ibrahim (2012); Alqahtani (2014) concentrated on the violation of the SSP in the coda position by inserting a vowel between the members of final consonant clusters, CVCC → CV.CvC. Consider the following examples below:

(2.13) Input Output Gloss a. /ħibr/ → ħibir ‘ink’ b. /dʒism/ → dʒisim ‘part’ c. / ħukm/ → ħukum ‘verdict’ d. /sukr/→ sukur ‘intoxication’ e. /faħm/ → faħam ‘coal

(Alqahtani, 2014, p. 183)

Applying the vowel melody spread rules introduced by Jarrah (1993), Alqahtani (2014, p.

188) provides the following example to show how both epenthetic vowels [i] and [u] are subject to progressive vowel harmony17 from the stem vowel based on the vowel melody spread rule shown in ( 2.14).

17 - Vowel harmony is a type of assimilation which takes place when vowels come to share certain features with contrastive vowels elsewhere in a word or phrase (Crystal, 2008:168)

(2.14) Vowel Melody Spread Rule

N N

X X

[ ]

(Alqahtani, 2014, p. 184)

It can be noticed that the epenthetic vowel [u] in the output [su.kur] ‘intoxication’, the vowel melody spread in (3.14) can be applied in three steps. The first step is to show an underlying form as in (2.15):

(2.15) Underlying form

σ σ

O R N

X X X X S u k r

The second step is to add a vowel slot; a vowel slot is inserted on the skeletal tier as in

(2.16)

(2.16) σ σ

O R N N X X [ ] X X X S u k r

In the final step, a vowel slot is filled by the spreading of a stem vowel matrix rightward on the skeletal tier as in (2.17):

(2.17) σ σ

O R O R N N

X X X X X S u k u r (Alqahtani, 2014, p. 184)

On the other hand, epenthetic vowels are not allowed in words in which their coda clusters conform to the SSP. This observation is clear in the examples below:

(2.18) a. /ɡarʃ/ ɡarʃ, * ɡaraʃ ‘coin’ b. /samʕ/ samʕ, *samaʕ ‘hearing’ c. /ħilm/ ħilm, *ħilim ‘a dream

(Alqahtani, 2014, p. 188)

He accounted for this phenomena by using Roca’s (1994) SSP constraint to eliminate the candidate with sonority violation and this constraint must out rank *COMPLEXCODA and DEP constraints as shown in the following tableau:

(2.19)

/ˈsˤabr/ ONS SSP DEP-IO *COMPLE XCODA a. ˈsˤabr *!

☞ b.ˈsˤa.bur *

c. ˈisˤabr *!

The tableau above shows (b) as an optimal candidate results from ranking SSP and

*COMPLEXONS higher than DEP-IO. This ranking consequently eliminates both outputs (a) and (c) from being optimal.

He uses the same hierarchy constraint to account for the candidates of the input /ˈɡarʃ/ where the word-final cluster obeys the SSP as illustrated in the tableau below:

(2.20)

/ˈɡarʃ/ ONS SSP DEP-IO *COMPLEXCODA

☞a. ˈɡarʃ *

b. ɡa.raʃ *!

c. ˈ ɡar.ʃi *!

Candidate (a) is determined in the tableau (2.20) as optimal because it avoids the violation of constraints including MAX-IO, O-CONTIG, and DEP-IO which are violated by the rest of the candidates.

2.3.1.2 A Review of Epenthesis in the Mesopotamian and Egyptian Dialects

On tri-consonantal clusters of Cairene and Iraqi Arabic, Broselow (1976; 1980) observes that non-final super-heavy syllable of the form CVCC stimulates vowel epenthesis in both dialects, especially when these syllables are preceded by a unity of dative plus initial vowel or initial consonant affixes; nonetheless, the places of vowel epenthesis are different in both dialects. For example, vowel epenthesis in Cairene Arabic is inserted between the second and the third member of medial tri-consonantal clusters, whereas it is inserted between the first and the second member of medial tri-consonantal clusters in

Iraqi Arabic as in the following:

(2.21) a. Cairene “I said to him” b. Iraqi “I said to him” /ʔult-l-u/→ [ʔul.ti.lu] /ɡilt-l-a/→ [ɡi.lit.la]

Complex syllable margins are not allowed in either dialect; therefore, this complexity has been split by vowel epenthesis, but Cairene and Iraqi Arabic deal with the occurrence of an epenthetic vowel differently. For instance, vowel epenthesis in Cairene Arabic happens between the second and third member of a medial tri-consonantal cluster. Accordingly, the second sound turns to be the onset of the following syllable in which the epenthetic vowel is utilized as its core. On the other hand, in Iraqi Arabic, it takes place between the first and second member of a medial tri-consonantal cluster which results in the resyllabification of the first and the second member of this cluster. The first member becomes an onset of a newly-internal syllable, and the second member becomes a coda of the same syllable.

In line with Broselow’s analysis of Cairene Arabic (1976), Watson (2002, p. 64) claims that the epenthesis of [i] or [u] in Cairene Arabic takes place when three consonants are juxtaposed within the phonological as in the following examples:

(2.22) Cairene Arabic

/ʔult + lak/  ʔult.i. lak ‘I told you m.s.’ /kull + hum/  kull. u.hum ‘all of them’

In a study which sets out to determine the location of epenthesis, Ibrahim (2012) examined the process of epenthesis in Iraqi Arabic. The results of his study revealed that the clusters in the nominal forms CaCC or CiCC , whose first element is not one of the guttural group

/ħ, x, and ʔ/, and whose second element is one of the liquids /m, l, r, n, and w/ show an epenthesis of /i/ or /u/ in both dialects:

(2.23)

Input Iraqi output Gloss /kubr/ [ku.bur] 'size' /ʃuɣl/ [ʃu.ɣul] 'work' /haðˤm/ [ha.ðˤum] 'digestion' /dihn/ [di.hin] 'oil' /miθl/ [mi.θil] ‘like’ /wazn/ [wa.zin] ‘weight’ Ibrahim (2012, p. 2457)

It can be noticed that CVCC nouns in Kuwaiti and Iraqi Arabic gain a vowel which is inserted to break the final consonant clusters which results in disyllabic words.

2.3.1.3 A Review of Epenthesis in the Levantine Dialects Abdul-Karim (1980) focuses on epenthesis in Lebanese Arabic. He observes that vowel epenthesis is obligatory in some final consonant clusters and optional in others. He presents these clusters as follows:

(2.24) Underlying Form Epenthesized Form Gloss

A- /ʔism/ [ʔisim] ‘name’ /ʔibn/ [ʔibin] ‘son’ B- /sabt/ [sabt ~ sabit] ‘Saturday’ /nafs/ [nafs ~ nafis] ‘self ’

(p.32-33)

It can be observed that final consonant clusters in words in (2.24) are disturbed by epenthetic vowels because the peripheral consonants are more sonorous than consonants that are closer to the nucleus. Therefore, the final consonant clusters have to be broken up in order to obey sonority. Otherwise, the sonority would rise again in the coda position.

For Abu-Salim (1980), Palestinian Arabic exhibits vowel epenthesis, informally given as:

(2.25) Epenthesis rule

Ө  V / C-C

The general effect of (2.25) ensures that a vowel /i/ prevents consonant clusters which might arise from a morpheme which specifies only a sequence of consonants. The following examples illustrate the above rule of Palestinian Arabic epenthesis:

(2.26) Morphemic form Syllabified form Gloss lakl lakil food lakl-kum lakilkum your food jisr jisir a bridge

Haddad (1983, 1984) looks at the phonological processes in Lebanese Arabic. He presents an exhaustive discussion covering every final CC cluster occurring in the language. For him, epenthesis is possible in any final CC cluster as long as neither consonant is a glide.

In some clusters, epenthesis is obligatory, in others optional. Haddad reports that

35 epenthesis is obligatory in a cluster of two coronal fricatives18, and when a stop is followed by [f] or by a non-coronal stop. Examples of such clusters are given in (2.27, a). In a cluster of a coronal fricative followed by [f], the realization without epenthesis is possible but ‘questionable,’ as shown in (2.27, b). In other non-guttural obstruent-obstruent clusters, realizations without epenthesis are acceptable, as shown in (2.27, c-f). Among sonorant-sonorant clusters, epenthesis is required in /mn/, /rl/, /rm/, /nl/, and /ml/ (see

(2.27, g), but not in /mr/ or /lm/. The following examples illustrates his argument:

(2.27) Epenthesis required in some obstruent-obstruent and sonorant-sonorant clusters

(a) /mazʒ/ máziʒ ‘mixing’

(b) /nasf/ násif~nasf ‘detonation’

(d) /kitf/ kítif ‘shoulders’

(e) /rikb/ ríkib ‘riding’

(f) /nafs/ náfis ‘self’

(g) /naml/ námil ‘ants’

Irshied (1984, p. 60) in his analyses of the phonology of Bani-Hassan19, notes that pre- pausal epenthesis is motivated by the final consonant cluster in the CVCC syllable which violates the SSP. To support his claim, he uses the following examples:

18 Coronal fricatives are produced using either the tongue tip or the tongue blade. Coronal fricatives involve the sounds (s, z, ʒ, ʤ, ɵ and ð) (Alotaibi, & Meftah, 2013). 19 Bani-Hassan Dialect is a Bedouin spoken in three cities in Jordan.

(2.28) Underlying Form Epenthesized Form Gloss

/haʤr-na/ [ha.ʤar.na] ‘we deserted’

/jin.sμ.ħib/ [jin.si.ħib] ‘to be pulled’

It can be noticed that this type of epenthesis results from the same syllable in the non-final position when associating with a consonant-initial suffix. However, general epenthesis is not conditioned by the violation of the SSP if the final consonant cluster in a non-final

CVCC conforms to the SSP, whereas it occurs after the consonant cluster when associating a consonant-initial suffix.

Gouskova & Hall (2009, p. 3-4) conducted a phonetic study on final consonant clusters in

Lebanese Arabic (LA). According to them, Epenthesis is applied in two cases. First,

Lebanese breaks up three or four consonant clusters due to morpheme concatenation.

(2.29) Epenthesis in /CCC/ clusters in LA

/katab-t-l-a/ ka.tá.bit.la ‘I wrote to him’

/ʔalf-na/ ʔá.lif.na ‘our thousand’

/ʔibn-na/ ʔí.bin.na ‘our son’

In addition, Lebanese often break up two-consonant clusters in the word final position.

They show that vowel epenthesis is motivated by the violation of the SSP in Lebanese

Arabic. Final consonant clusters which consist of obstruent plus sonorant motivate vowel epenthesis. This means that these clusters do not conform to the SSP due to the peripheral segments being more sonorous than preceding segments, as in the following examples:

(2.30) Underlying Form Epenthesized Form Gloss

/mitl/→ [mí.til] ‘like’

/ʔibn/→ [ʔí.bin] ‘son’

/ʒisr/→ [ʒí.sir] ‘bridge’

/ʔifl/→ [ʔí.fil] ‘lock’

(Gouskova & Hall 2009, p. 4)

It can be noted that the final consonant clusters in the above examples violate the SSP because the peripheral segments are more sonorous than the preceding segments (Reverse

Sonority). Therefore, epenthesis happens in order to avoid SSP violation.

Rakhieh (2009, p. 88) identifies the relation between sonority and syllable structure in

Ma'ani Arabic(MA, henceforth)20. He states that final consonant clusters in this dialect which do not conform to the SSP are avoided by vowel epenthesis as it is apparent from the following:

(2.31) Input Output Gloss

/ʔabd/ [ʔa.bid] ‘slave’

/tibn/ [ti.bin] ‘hay’

/ɡabl/ [ɡa.bil] ‘before’

/bikr/ [bi.kir] ‘first baby’

/mahr/ [ma.hir] ‘dowry’

From the above example, it can be noticed that the reverse sonority profile, where the peripheral segments are more sonorous than the preceding segment, is attested. Therefore, it is necessary to break up these final consonant clusters by an epenthetic vowel in order to conform to the SSP (Rakhieh, 2009).

20 Ma'ani Arabic is spoken in the city of Ma’an. The province of Ma’an is located about 216 km south of Amman, the capital of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.

Rakhieh (2009, p. 92) also makes an optimality theoretic analysis of the phonological process of epenthesis in MA. The following hierarchy is used to justify the selection of the output /ʕa.dil/ ‘justice’ as the optimal candidate:

SONSEQ > MAX-IO >ALIGN> DEP-IO> *COMPLEXCOD

(Rakhieh, 2009).

The following tableau illustrates how the above constraint hierarchy works for selecting the optimal candidate /ʕa.dil/ ‘justice’.

(2.32) ʕadl SSP MAX-IO ALIGN- DEP-IO *COMPLEX

RIGHT ☞a. ʕadil *

b. ʕadl *! * *

c- ʕad.li *!

(Rakhieh, 2009, p. 93)

The tableau above shows that candidate (a) is the winner as it has violated the lower- ranked constraint. On the contrary, candidate (b & c) turn out to be the losers, given the fact that they violate the highly-ranked constraint SONSEQ and ALIGN.

2.3.2 Syncope

Syncope is one of the most common processes among various dialects of

Arabic. Crystal (2008) defines syncope as:

A term used in comparative philology, and sometimes in modern phonology, to refer to the deletion of a vowel within a word; often contrasted with aphaeresis and apocope. Examples include the modern British English pronunciations of such words as secretary /'sekritri/, where American English has /'sekriteri/. Some authors extend the notion to include internal consonant deletion. (p.469)

There has been a growth in the number of studies conducted on the phonological process of syncope in 1980s and 1990s onward. Several works were conducted on the phonology of Saudi dialects and other Arabic dialects, including Broselow (1992), Ali (1996), Rose

(2000), Watson (2002), and Rakhieh (2009). In this section, I discuss some of these studies.

2.3.2.1 A Review of Studies on Syncope in the Mesopotamian and Egyptian Dialects

The first study to be surveyed is confined to the variety of Sudanese colloquial Arabic.

Hamid (1984) in his paper, proposes a prosodic account for the processes of syncope and epenthesis in Sudanese colloquial Arabic. The rules of syncope in Sudanese Colloquial

Arabic which, according to Hamid, applies across a word boundary (p. 122). The rules apply in two opposite directions (left-to- right and right-to-left) deleting high unstressed vowels. Because those rules delete final or initial vowels, Hamid defines them as

“phrasal”. This is shown in the following as borrowed from Hamid (1984, p. 2).

(2.33) + syll

+ high → Ө / (#) C-C (#) V

-stress

Hamid notes that the rule, when applying from right to left, is “merely phonological in nature” (p. 2). When it applies in the opposite, however, it seems sensitive to some syntactic relationships. Here are some of the examples he uses to illustrate this point:

(2.34) Right-hand syncope (RHS): V#C __ V

a. V + Obj ka'tab-u kita'ab  ka'tabu kta'ab wrote. (a) book – (3 .pl) ‘They wrote a book.’

(2.35) Left-hand syncope (LHS): VC __ C#V

a. V + Obj ʃi'rib Ɂal-˝qa'hwa  ʃi'rb Ɂal˝qa'hwa drank the-coffee (3.m.sg.) ‘He drank the coffee.’

(Hamid ,1984, p. 3)

He also elaborates in his paper on the effects of syncope on the process of resyllabification showing the shape of syllables before and after syncope (Hamid ,1984, p.

14) as illustrated below:

(2.36) A: Before syncope (V. CV.CV)

B: After syncope (VC. Ө. CV)

Another study that is worth mentioning here is that of Broselow (1992) on Cairene Arabic.

Cairene Arabic, for example, regularly utilizes syncope. This process has some boundaries, however, that “…in Cairene the affected vowel is almost invariably high, /i/ or /u/, and syncope is blocked if the subsequent structure would generate an impermissible syllable” (Broselow 1992). Syncope affects unstressed vowels only; if syncope creates an illegitimate sequence, such as CCC, the process is blocked. Besides these limitations, syncope has certain rules throughout this variety. The high unstressed vowel deletion in non-final monomoraic syllables takes place within the word in the case that the output does not breach structure preservation. That is to say, “/i/ is deleted from a monomoraic syllable only if flanked by vowel-final syllables— as CV (:) CiCV(:)” (Watson 2002, p.

70).

Syncope, however, does interact with epenthesis. Namely, epenthesis must occur before syncope. This is illustrated below:

(2.37) Underlying representation: /bint/ + /kibi:ra/ ‘a big girl’

Epenthesis: /bintikibi:ra/

Syncope: /bin.ti.kbi:.ra/ (Watson 2002, p. 71)

In the above example, it can be noticed that the process of epenthesis took place before syncope to break the triple consonants across word boundaries CCC. Then, the short high vowel is deleted in this variety to minimize the number of syllables.

Rose (2000) presents an OT analysis of syncope in Iraqi Arabic. She argues that syncope results from an unstressed short vowel in a light penultimate syllable. She presented the following constraints that were used to evaluate the candidates of the input /ki.tab-at/ ‘I wrote’. a. MAX-IO (McCarthy 1995)

Every segment of the input has a correspondent in the output (no deletion) b. *UNSTRESSED V (*V̌ ) (Rose 2000)

*Unstressed short vowel in two-sided open syllable

(2.38)

/ ki.tab-at/ (*V̌ ) MAX-IO

☞a. kit.bat * b. ki.ta.bat *!

It can be noted that the short vowel /a/ in an unstressed light syllable in the word /ki.ta.bat/ is deleted since the final syllable is suffixed with a vowel-initial affix /-at/; i.e., /ki.tab- at/→ /ki.ta.bat/→ [kit.bat]. Therefore, in tableau (3.38) candidate (b) is eliminated from being optimal due to the violation of the (*V̌ ) constraint. Consequently, candidate (a) becomes optimal.

2.3.2.2 A Review of Studies on Syncope in the Levantine Dialects

An extensive study carried out on Ma'ani Arabic. Rakhieh (2009, p. 215) claimed that initial bi-consonantal clusters are created due to the high vowel deletion /i/ in non-final open syllables in Ma'ani Arabic. The crucial outcomes displayed that the deletion of high short vowel occurs at the lexical levels only in Ma'ani Arabic as it prohibits high short vowels among equal consonants21 when they belong to one morpheme.

(2.39) kitaab /  /'ktaab/ book ʕiðaaṃ / / ʕiðaaṃ / bones ṣaaḥib-u //'ṣaaḥ.bu/ his friend

It can be observed that all non-final unstressed high short vowels are deleted. He accounts for his claim by stating that the constraint*i]σ outranks the constraint *CC- as is illustrated in the following tableau:

(2.40)

/ kitaab *i]σ *CC-

a. kitaab *!

☞b. ktaab *!

In the tableau (2.40), candidate (a) is eliminated from being optimal due to the violation of the *i]σ constraint. Consequently, candidate (b) becomes optimal.

2.3.2.3 A Review of Studies on Syncope in the Dialects of Arabian Peninsula

In the Yemeni setting, Watson (2002) investigated syncope in San'ani Arabic. According to Watson (2002, 72), syncope in San'ani Arabic not only reduces the number of

21- They have the same sonority index.

43 monomoraic syllables to maximize bimoraicity, it also targets vowels at the beginning of the phonological word to produce bi-consonantal clusters in the onset position. Moreover, in this dialect, unstressed short vowels at the end of the phonological word do not undergo syncope (Watson 2002, 73), unlike unstressed short vowels in non-final monomoraic syllables, as in the following examples:

(2.41) Form Syncope Form Gloss /fi.ˈhim.tii/ [ˈfhim.ti:] ‘you understood’ (fm. sg.) /ka.ˈtabt/ [ˈktabt] ‘I wrote’ /hi.ribt/ [hribt] ‘I fled’ /ʤi.ˈlist/ [ˈʤlist] ‘I stayed’ /muɣanniya:t/ [mɣanniya:t] ‘singers f.’ /yinaggiʃu:ha/ [ynaggiʃu:ha] ‘they tattoo her’

Watson (2002, p. 74)

As shown in the examples above, first syllables from the left are not stressed. As a result, short vowels in these syllables become the target of syncope, and initial bi-consonantal clusters are created.

Another study was added by Damom (2013) who provides a cross-linguistic and cross- dialectal study of Arabic prosody with a special reference to Tahami Yemeni Arabic

(TYA). Damom’s (2013) work is important to the present study because it dwells on TYA, a dialect spoken in the coastal area of the same province, Hajjah. It has some characteristics in common with MYA as far as their phonological structures are concerned. Damom (2013) aims at investigating the processes of penult and initial vowel deletion in TYA focusing on the ways in which those two types of vowel deletion occur in TYA. He compared TYA with MSA. His analysis traced the cases of vowel deletion in

44 verbs and nouns. Those verbs and nouns can be trisyllabic or quadric syllabic words. At the same time, he asserted that syncope fails to cause stressed vowel deletion in TYA.

Penult vowel deletion (henceforth PDV), in fact, shows a variation in its occurrence in the different types of roots in TYA. He showed that penult vowel deletion is initially connected with the process of phonological word formation and stress placement.

Summarizing his paper, I can say that two main important issues are worthy of note. First, he claims that “non-PVD takes place if and only if it is outside the foot in both nouns and verbs at the phonological word” (p.59). Consider the following examples:

(2.42) Penult vowel preservation in verbs in TYA

MSA TYA Form Meaning [ʃarib]uh [ʃirib]uh CVCVCVC ‘He drank it’ [katab] [kitab] CVCVC ‘He wrote it’ [ksar]na [ksar]na CCVCCV ‘We broke it’

It can be noticed from the above examples that the penult vowel deletion does not take place in disyllabic and tri-syllabic verbs because one foot is built on the two syllables since the word is disyllabic. The vowel /a/ in the heavy stressed syllable /tab/ is not possible to be deleted since it is a part of the foot built in this phonological word. He clarified the above point by the following diagram:

σ σ

µ µ

k i t 'a b Figure (2.1): Penult non-deletion in verbs in TYA (Damom, 2013, p. 59)

The diagram shows that the word is composed of two syllables. One is light (CV) and the other is heavy (CVC). One foot is built on the two syllables since the word is disyllabic. The vowel /a/ in the heavy stressed syllable /tab/ is not possible to be deleted since it is a part of the foot built in this phonological word.

Second, he argues that “PVD takes place if and only if it is outside the foot in both nouns and verbs at the phonological word” (p.59). The following illustrate the above statement:

(2.43) MSA Syncopated out-put TYA Form Meaning [daħrajt]uha [daħrajt]_ha [CVCCVC]CV ‘I rolled it’ [zaħzaħt]ani [zaħzaħt]_ni [CVCCVC]CV ‘You get rid of me /Sa:. ħi.bi/ [Sa: ħ.bi] [(CVVCV) CV] ‘my friend /Sa:.di.qun/ [S:d.qun] [(CVVCV) CV] ‘truthful’

In above, the penult vowel deletes in the quadri consonantal verb because it is outside the foot built on the stem. This is clear in the following diagram where another tri consonantal verb root is used to show the process of penult deletion.

Figure (2.2): Penult deletion in quadri consonantal verb roots in TYA

Damom (2013, p. 59) presents HVD in TYA informally as in the following rule:

(2.44) V  Ө / ( ) Ft – CV

He goes on to examine the syncope of initial vowel in verbs and nouns at a higher level than the phonological word “the phonological phrase” (p.65). Consider the following examples:

(2.45) (MSA) Syncope Form (TYA) Meaning a- /bi.laa.du.na/ /blaad.na/ ‘ Our country’ b- /faqi:.hu.na/ /fqi:h.na/ ‘Our sheikh’ c- /Ɂis.taq.bal.hum/ /staq.bal.hum/ ‘He received them’ d- /Ɂis.ta.lam.hum/ /sta.lam.hum/ ‘He received them’

The examples above show that the initial vowel deletion occurs at a higher level than the phonological word as (a-d) are made up of phrasal clitics following the head noun/verb.

Therefore, the rule of initial vowel deletion (henceforth IVD) is a phrasal level rule.

In corroboration with Chomsky’s (1968) argument, Damam (p.66) argues that “the initial consonant is not syllabic resulting in an extra syllable on the left edge. He assumes then that these consonants are comparable to the final extra syllabic consonants”. Therefore, he argues that the extra syllabic initial consonant is adjoined to the higher syllable as shown in the diagram below:

Figure (2.3): Extra syllabic initial consonant in TYA

It is clear from the above that the process of IVD occurs at the level of the XP resulting in some extrametrical consonants at the left edge as shown in (3.3). To take care of those extrametrical consonants, He opted should resyllabify them in the frame of the IP. This is shown in (2.46) below.

(2.46) Isolated words Merged in phonological phrases Word order /tmal.mal/ ‘complained’ /hu.wat.mal.mal/ ‘he complained’ SV (O) /staq.bal/ ‘received’ /hu.was.taq.balhun/ ‘he received them’ SVO /kta:b/ ‘a book’ /Ɂa.ʕŧa:.ni k.ta:b/ ‘he gave me a book’ VSO

It is clear from the above examples that the extrametrical consonant at the left edge of the phrase resyllabifies at the level of the IP. As Arabic allows a range of word order in the

IP (SVO) (VSO), he finds that resyllabification is attested in the cases provided in (59) above. It is clear that the initial consonant sequence is split into two parts. C1 plays a role of a coda in a preceding syllable while C2 is the onset of the next syllable.

As a result, Damom (p.67) formulated a rule for the syncope of initial vowels as follows:

(2.47) V → Ø/XP [ CV…

Alqahtani (2014, p. 121) is of the view that consonant cluster is formed in NA owing to the omission of high unstressed short vowel in open syllables as illustrated in the examples below:

(2.48) Input Output Gloss ði.ra:ʕ/→ [ðra:ʕ] ‘an arm’ /si.la:ħ/→ [sla:ħ] ‘a weapon’ /zu.lu:f/→ [zlu:f] ‘sideburns’ /fu.lu:s/→ [flu:s] ‘money’ Alqahtani (2014, p. 121)

It can be noticed that word-initial clusters in the words above occur because the syncope of high unstressed short vowel in an open light syllable. He goes on to evaluate the candidates of the input /ħi.ba:l/ ‘ropes’ using the following OT constraints:

a. MAX-IO (McCarthy & Prince 1995)

“An input segment has a correspondent segment in the output” (No deletion),

b. DEP-IO (McCarthy & Prince 1995)

“An input segment has a correspondent segment in the output” (No epenthesis),

c.*COMPLEXONS (Prince and Smolensky 1993)

A syllable must not have more than one onset segment.

d.*i]σ (Kenstowicz 1996)

“High short unstressed vowels in open syllables are not allowed”.

e. Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP) (Roca, 1994)

The sonority profile of the syllable must slope outwards from the peak.

In the next tableau, the constraints above with the ONS constraint have been used to evaluate the candidates of the input /ħi.'ba:l/ ‘ropes’.

(2.49) ONS>> *i]σ>>SSP>>MAX-IO>>*COMPLEXONS>>DEP-IO

/hi.ba:l/ ONS *i]σ SSP MAX- *COMP DEP-IO IO LEX a. /ħi.'ba:l/ *!

☞b. ħba:l * * c. iħ.ba:l *! *! *!

The tableau displays that output (b) has been as the best one as it pleases the high ranked constraints ONS, *i]σ and SSP which are seriously violated by candidates (a & c).

The analysis of the previous studies reveals that the high unstressed vowels [ i and u] are deleted in the disyllabic words resulting in consonant clusters with a monosyllabic word.

Syncope is highly motivated by the desire to reduce the number of syllables.

2.3.3 Vowel Shortening /Closed Syllable Shortening

Vowel shortening is a phonological process which reduces long vowels in open syllable

(Rakhieh, 2009). A number of studies have been conducted to sketch the phonological process of vowel shortening: Abu-Salim (1982), Harrama (1993), Kenstowicz, (1994) Al-

Mohanna (1998), Watson (2002) , Rakhieh (2009) and Alqahtani (2014) .They claim that this process targets the long vowel /a:/ in nouns and hollow verbs. Hollow verbs are verbs of the canonical shape CaaC. They also sought the motivating factors for this process and found three factors: the first is morphologically motivated and is related to the association of a hollow verb with a subject verb agreement suffix; the second is a long vowel in the final syllable resulting from the deletion of the final glottal stop and the final factor is the avoidance of stress clash. These issues are established in detail with reference to some modern Arabic dialects like Egyptian Arabic, Palestinian Arabic, Cairene Arabic, UHA,

Ma’ani Arabic, and Al-Jabal dialect in Libya.

2.3.3.1 A Review of Studies on Vowel Shortening in the Levantine Dialects

Abu-Salim (1982, p. 237) conducted a study on the syllable structure and patterns of

Palestinian Arabic within the framework of metrical phonology. He argues that in many

Palestinian dialects long-vowel roots of the shape CVVC shorten to CVC before suffixes consisting of a single consonant - in particular the negative -ʃ as in the following examples:

(2.50) a-/ʃaaf/ 'he saw'  b -/ma-ʃafiʃ/ ‘he did not see',

Abu-Salim realizes the shortening process as one in which the /ʃ/ of the negative is incorporated into the rime of the root syllable by a special rule creating an overlong

CVCVC syllable with a two-segment rime, which is subsequently shortened by a rule of

«nucleus reduction». The resultant syllable type CVCC is then broken up by an epenthetic vowel as displayed in the following diagrams.

(2.51) [ʃa a f] -ʃ [ʃ a f] -ʃ [ʃ a f] i- ʃ

C VV C C C VC C C V C V C

R R

Rakhieh (2009, p. 248) follows Al-Mohanna (1998) in generalizing the claim that the association of a hollow verb with a consonant-initial subject agreement suffix results in a long vowel shortening with reference to Ma’ani Arabic; e.g., /ʤa:b-na SUB/→[ʤib.na]

‘we brought’. Rakhieh (2009) offers a synthesis of recent work of the phonology of MA.

He accounts for the vowel shortening using OT with some constraints:

a. *VVC- (Kiparsky, 2003)

“Non- final long open syllables or long closed syllables which are followed by a

moraic consonant are not allowed”.

b. MAX-IO V [LONG] (Kenstowicz, 1994)

“Assign one violation mark for every long vowel that undergoes shortening”.

Rakhieh (p.248) refers to the above constraints in order to evaluate the candidates of the input /ʤa:b-na/:

(2.52)

dʒaab-na *VVC- MAX-IO V [LONG]

☞a. ('dʒib).na * b. ('dʒaab).na *!

A close examination of the tableau demonstrations that output (a) is the optimal candidate because it violates the lower-ranked MAX-IO V [LONG] constraint. Candidate (b) is removed from being optimal because it experiences a damage of the high-ranked constraint.

Applying the final motivating factor for long vowel shortening, Rakhieh (p.250) observes that in Ma’ani Arabic a long open syllable, as a penultimate syllable, is targeted by vowel

51 shortening when it is followed by CVVC or CVCC, as an ultimate syllable. Based on stress parameters in Arabic, both syllables, the penultimate and final syllables, are targeted by stress because they possess appropriate properties for stress assignment. A non-final

CVV, which is heavy, undergoes vowel shortening to avoid stress clash. He accounts for this behavior using OT and therefore, he evaluates the candidates of the input /ba:b-i:n/ using OT. He also refers to another constraint which accounts for stress clash; i.e.,

*CLASH. According to Kager (1999), this constraint prohibits adjacent prominent syllables. The effect of these constraints can be observed in the following tableau:

(2.53)

baab-iin *CLASH [MAX-IO]V long

☞a. /ba.('biin)/ * b. /(baa).('biin)/ *!

Output (a) turns out to be the winner since it avoids the violation of the *CLASH constraint. Unlike the optimal output, output (b) is eliminated from being optimal because it violates the high-ranked constraint.

2.3.3.2 A Review of Studies on Vowel Shortening in the Maghreb Dialects

With regard to the second motivating factor for long vowel shortening, Harrama (1993, p.

40) makes a brief descriptive analysis of some of the phonological process of vowel shortening in Al-Jabal dialect in Libya. He shows that a long vowel in the final syllable results from the omission of the final glottal stop, but this long vowel undergoes the

52 shortening process since it is in an unstressed final syllable. This shortening process is illustrated in the examples below:

(2.54) a. /ħamra:ʔ/→ /ħamra:/→ /ħamra/ ‘red (fm.)’ b. /sama:ʔ/→ /sama:/→ /sama/ ‘sky’

He accounts for vowel shortening by formulating the following rule:

(2.55) VV [-stress] →V/______# (Harrama 1993, p. 40)

2.3.3.3 A Review of Studies on Vowel Shortening in the Dialects of Arabian Peninsula

Al-Mohanna (1998) presents an analysis of long vowel shortening in Urban Hijazi Arabic

(UHA) and notices that a long vowel /a:/ in hollow verb of the form CVVC is shortened when this verb is concatenated with a consonant-initial subject agreement suffix.

Moreover, the shortened vowel in this case experiences vowel ablaut22 as illustrated in the examples below:

(2.56) a. /ɡa:l+t SUB/ → [ɡult] ‘I said’

b. /ʤa:b+na SUB/ → [ʤib.na] ‘we brought’

c. /ʃa:l+ti SUB/ → [ʃil.ti] ‘you carried’ (fm. sg.)

d. /sa:b+tuSUB/ → [sib.tu] ‘you left’(pl.)

22 Ablaut is the regular vowel alternation in roots, stems or words which are etymologically or morphologically related. Such an alternation represents a change in grammatical function or category, but it can also be used in the process of word-formation. Although it is typical for Indo-European languages, it is noticeable in other language families, mostly in Semitic. This process of Vowel Gradation is no longer productive in English language, yet it was a central part of PIE morphology. It affected so called “strong verbs” in English which mostly changed their inner vowels in Past Simple Tense and Past Participle: e.g rise, rose, risen sing, sang, sung. Source: http://www.maturskiradovi.net/forum/attachment.php?aid=416

Alqahtani (2014, p. 121) examines vowel shortening in Najdi Arabic (NA.) He notices that long vowels in hollow verbs are targeted by vowel shortening when these verbs are associated with a consonant–initial subject agreement suffix. He illustrates with the following examples:

(2.57) a. /ɡa:.lμ+tSUB/ → [ˈɡiμlμ.t] ‘I said’

b. /ɡa:.lμ+tiSUB/ → [ˈɡiμlμ.tiμ] ‘you said’ (f. sg.)

c. /ɡa:.lμ+tuSUB/ → [ˈɡiμlμ.tuμ] ‘you said’ (pl.)

d. /ɡa:.lμ+naSUB/ → [ˈɡiμlμ.naμ] ‘we said’

(p.211)

It is noticed in the above examples that long vowels in hollow verbs undergo vowel shortening since these verbs are suffixed with consonant–initial subject agreement suffixes. Subsequently stem vowel /a/ is changed to /i/. He adheres to Abboud’s (1979) process which is known as vowel ablaut or alternation which occurs to change vowels in root or stem from CaC to CiC. He accounts for this process using the following OT constraints:

a- VOWEL ABLAUT (VA) Alqahtani (2014)

The shortened vowel that results from the attachment of a consonant-initial subject

agreement suffix should undergo vowel ablaut (vowel alternation).

b- Syllable Contact (SYLLCON) (Bat El 1996, p. 302)

The onset of a syllable must be less sonorous than the last segment in the

immediately preceding syllable, and the greater the slope in sonority the better.

For evaluating the vowel shortening in NA, he presented the following hierarchy constraints for the input /ɡa:.lμ+na SUB/‘we said’:

*3μ >>VA>> SYLLCON>>MAX-IO>>MAX-μ-IO

The following tableau shows how the above hierarchy constraint works for the input

/ɡa:.lμ+na SUB/‘we said’:

(2.58)

/ɡa:.lμ+naSUB/ *3μ VA SYLLCON MAX-IO MAX-μ-IO

μμμ μ *! * a. ɡa:l. na μμ μ *! * * ☞b. ɡ i l. na μ μ μ *! * * c. ɡa l.na

Candidate (b) wins because it only violates low ranked SYLLCON, MAX-IO and MAX-μ-

IO, as opposed to candidates (a) and (c) that do incur violations of the higher ranked constraints *3μ and VA.

2.3.3.4 A Review of Studies on Vowel Shortening in the Mesopotamian and Egyptian Dialects

For Watson (2002, p. 66), the long vowel is shortened when morphology concatenates a domain final CVVC with a consoant-initial morpheme within the phonological phrase.

(2.59) Underlying Form Shortened Form Gloss

/ba:b/ + /kum/ /bab.kum/ ‘your door’ (pl).

It can be concluded the long vowel /a:/ found in hollow verbs and in some nouns is targeted by long vowel shortening through three factors. The first factor is morphophonological which regards the association of a hollow verb with a subject verb agreement suffix with reference to UHA (Al-Mohanna, 1998) Ma’ani Arabic (Rakhieh,2009) and Alqahtani

(2014) ; e.g. /ɡa:l+t/ → [ɡilt] or [ɡult] ‘I said’ and /ɡa:.lμ+naSUB/→ [ˈɡiμlμ.naμ] ‘we

55 said’.The second factor is unquestionably related to the avoidance of an unstressed heavy syllable that results from the deletion of a final glottal stop, according to Harrama (1993) and Alqahtani (2014) ; e.g. /ħamra:ʔ/→ /ħamra:/→ /ħamra/ ‘red (fm.)’ and /ˈħam.ˈra:ʔ/→

/ˈħam.ra:/→ [ˈħam.ra] ‘red (fm. sg.)’. The final factor is the avoidance of stress clash in light of OT with reference to Ma’ani Arabic (Rakhieh, 2009) and NA Alqahtani (2014); e.g., /ba:b-i:n/→long vowel shortening →[ba.ˈbi:n]/*[ˈba:.ˈbi:n] and /ˈʃa:.ˈriʕ.haOBJ/→

[ʃa.ˈriʕ.ha OBJ] ‘her street’ .

2.4 Conclusion

The chapter debated general works on phonology and looked at only some of the common phonological processes found in different Arabic languages. It presented a number of previous studies related to the current study by different scholars on some of the common phonological processes and the classification of Arabic varieties. Additionally, this chapter presented a literature that investigated phonological processes that involve epenthesis, syncope and short vowel shortening. The current study is informed by all the studies reviewed.

In light of the review, it becomes obvious that the aims, methods, samples, tools and results of the previous studies are varied. Also, it is apparent that the current study is in line with some of these studies. However, the current study may deviate in certain parameters of investigation

In this chapter, I have reviewed the literature pertinent to the phonology of Yemeni Arabic studies and studies of the syllable based processes in different varieties of Arabic. A number of observations can be made about the reviewed studies. First, most of these

56 studies have depended primarily on the work of scholars who conducted some investigation in the south of the Arabian Peninsula. These studies presented some texts exemplifying MSA and its dialects, which were later criticized by Western scholars themselves (Broselow, 1992, Kiparsky, 2003; Watson, 2002). The present study intends to employ fresh data which will hopefully lead to important novel findings on MYA phonology. Secondly, there has been a general neglect of research specifically dedicated to an investigation of MYA. It is significant that only five studies, as far as I know, appear to have been conducted on the phonology of Yemeni Arabic dialects. MYA is in need of further detailed study into all its various aspects phonology, morphology, syntax, phonetics, which have not been dealt with before. The current study is an attempt to fill in this gap as the first comprehensive study on MYA in the field of modern linguistics with regard to some elements of its phonology. It can be considered as the starting point for conducting both descriptive and theoretical studies on the phonology of MYA. This study can be partially seen as a contribution to Yemeni Arabic dialects documentation. Finally, it is hoped that it will serve as a model for further studies of other Yemeni Arabic dialects; the data and the results might provide linguists with information that would help them to reach a comprehensive understanding of the phonological typology of the dialects in

Yemen. The next chapter focuses on the theoretical framework that is used in the study.

Chapter 3

Theoretical Background

3.0 Introduction

This chapter laid the theoretical foundations for the current study. At the outset of this chapter, special attention was given to the notions of the syllable, mora, and sonority sequencing principle and distinctive features. More importantly, it presented the architecture of optimality theory; its motivation, its underpinnings and how input-output mappings function within this theoretical framework.

3.1 The Syllable in Phonological Theory

The notion of ‘Syllable’ in English language has been documented a long time ago, perhaps right from the age of Chaucer 1343-1400 A.D, when English literary writers made use of rhyme-schemes to add to the beauty of poetry (Hogg & McCulley 1987, p. 32).

Since that time, scholars and linguists have made various attempts to define the ‘syllable’.

However, Ladefoged (2005, p. 276) contends that so far “there is no satisfactory definition for this unit of speech”. Cox & Harrington (2005, p. 2) also note that “there is no convinced definition of the syllable that phoneticians and phonologists currently agree upon”. But Sidi and Jibril (2011) claim that theory perceive the syllable as an articulatory unit which requires a vowel as its nucleus with consonants optionally on either side.

Phonologically, it is claimed that syllables are produced with a single chest pulse (Khan

& Bukhari, 2015, p. 45).

The syllable as a phonological structure has been variously viewed in phonological theory in spite of its long history in phonological description. Reference to the syllable can be traced back to as early as 18th century by some pre-eminent phonologists (Nandelenga,

2014, p. 16). In his overview of the syllable, Goldsmith (2011) argues that the syllable has a long history behind it. However, in spite of its centrality in accounting for various phonological regularities and phenomena, it remains controversial. He says;

The syllable is one of the oldest constructs in the study of language, and most studies of phonology have created a place for the syllable within them. The momentous reconstruction of the behaviour of Indo-European sonants, which was the greatest accomplishments of the 19th century linguistics, was ultimately linked to the realization that certain segments could be realized in strikingly different ways, depending on the location in which they appeared in their syllable: elements that could be identified as glides, nasals, and liquids would be realized as consonants in some contexts, but in others, when a vowel was not present for morphological reasons, the segment would be realized as syllabic peak.” (p. 3)

Consequently, there have been several principal views of the syllable with each giving rise to one or more formal models based on very different assumptions about the role and status of the syllable. Among the key approaches offered, the first takes the view that spoken sounds are ordered into wave-like groupings of increasing and then decreasing sonority. The second view considers the stream of segments of the language as ordered into constituents. The third view is more focused on sequential segments such that the syllable is a term used to sum up the recurring pattern of segment possibilities over the course of an utterance (Nandelenga, 2014, p. 17).

Goldsmith (2011) believes that the first three broad approaches: the sonority view, the constituency view and the segment sequence view are critical because of their role in phonological representation. What remains a reality is the fact that largely incompatible

59 perspectives have flourished over the years in phonological theory and none seems to have all the answers to key phonological questions. The oldest view of the syllable (the waves of sonority view) may have been inspired by the fact that the jaw opens and closes as one speaks, based on the view that each segment in an utterance has a sonority value.

Consequently, there are crests and troughs (or peaks and valleys) of sonority in the speech chain (Goldsmith, 2011, p. 3). Peaks coincide with vowels and syllable nuclei, and troughs coincide with boundaries between syllables. There is rising sonority (onset), falling sonority (coda) and the peak of sonority (nucleus).

Phonological representations were believed to consist of linear strings of segments with no reference to the syllable as a unit in such representations. In particular, in the standard theory of the Sound Pattern of English (SPE) (Chomsky & Halle 1968), arguably the landmark work on phonology in modern linguistics, the syllable “had no official recognition” (Kenstowicz, 1994, p.250) and was not conceived of as a directly relevant phonological entity.

This perception, however, soon changed as most phonologists came to conclude that the syllable is an essential concept for understanding phonological structure.

Phonologists like Vennemann (1972), Hooper (1972), and Kahn (1976), among others, proposed the syllable as a unit in phonological representation. Vennemann (1972) and

Hooper (1972) claimed that phonotactics are best described by referring to the syllable as a domain for constraints on segmental sequences. Thus, in their view, syllables are phonologically represented with boundaries.

Goldsmith (1976) presented the theory of Autosegmental Phonology in which the representations consist of several tiers connected to each other by association lines. It was

60 first presented to deal with tone languages, but later on was expanded to handle other phenomena, such as the syllable, problematic to the SPE.

Kahn (1976) was the first to introduce the non-linear approach to the syllable making use of the Autosegmental Theory. He also established a framework for setting the syllable boundary positing certain syllabification rules. In this flat model, a word like cat is exemplified in the following figure:

k a t

Figure (3.1): Non-linear Representation of syllable (Kahn ,1976, p. 84)

In his model, it can be noticed that segments are linked to the syllable node on a single tier where no further parts of the syllable can be demarcated.

McCarthy (1981) proposed the CV theory, in which a skeletal level links between the segments and the syllable node. In CV model, the segments, as represented in Figure 23

(3.2), are connected to the skeletal tier and then to the syllable node.

Figure (3.2): Representation of Syllable according to CV Theory

23 - Note σ = syllable node, O= Onset, R= Rhyme, N= Nucleus and Co= Coda

One of the most popular theory is the onset-rhyme theory (OR). According to Hyman

(1985), many phonological studies have adopted the traditional branching model in which the syllable is regarded as a unit consisting of an onset and a rime (core). The rime, then, is divided into a nucleus (peak) and a margin (coda). An example of the traditional onset/rime representation of a syllable of the shape CVC is given in the following figure.



Onset (O) Rime (R)

Nucleus (N) Coda (Co)

C V C Figure (3.3): Syllable-Internal Structure (Onset/Rime Model) (Pike & Pike, 1947, p. 91)

The representation of syllable-internal structure has also played a significant role in establishing syllable weight. For example, a branching model such as that in McCarthy

(1979) admits that only segments controlled by the rime node can determine the syllable weight, whereas the onset contributes no weight to the syllable.

3.1.1 Syllable Weight

As discussed above, there are various representations of the syllable in phonological theory. In relation to syllable weight, however, the X-slot and the moraic models are perhaps the two most common models of the syllable. In the following subsections, I briefly review one of the two theories, the moraic theory which this thesis employs because it is comprehensive enough to describe the syllable weight in MYA. Each model

62 has its own characteristics and can be applied on the syllable structure of a language, if the nature of the data allows and it also depends on the phonological process which I am going to investigate. Therefore, in the present study, I have used the moraic theory because it distinguishes between the different types of syllables.

3.1.2 Moriac theory

Moriac theory (Hyman1985; Hayes 1989) proposes a phonological unit called mora. This unit is used to determine the weight of the syllable (Hyman, 1985; Hayes, 198 9; McCarthy

& Prince, 1996). The mora (μ) is the unit that reflects syllable weight (McCarthy & Prince,

1990a). Moraic theory, in general, assumes that prevocalic segments (onset consonants) are moraless and are dominated directly by the syllable node, a vocalic element is linked via a mora, and postvocalic segments may be assigned moras in a language-specific manner. An example of the moraic representation of a syllable of the shape CVV is given in figure (3.4).

Figure (3.4):Syllable-Internal Structure (Moraic Model) (Hyman, 1985; Hayes, 1989, p. 10)

Syllable types can also be classified according to their weight, often expressed in moras

(Hyman 1985, McCarthy and Prince 1996). Originally, a mora is in fact a unit of quantity which is used to formalize the notion of weight, although Moraic Theory views moras as veritable prosodic positions. For most languages, a light syllable is monomoraic, a heavy syllable bimoraic and a superheavy has three or more moras. A short vowel is assigned one mora, a long vowel two moras; each coda consonant is also assigned one mora, while

63 onsets are weightless (Bosisio, 2003, p. 36). However, while vowels and geminate consonants exhibit a mora simple consonants do not: they are assigned a mora only when they appear in a coda, by Weight-by-Position (Watson 2002, p. 3). Hence, a light syllable will be of the shape V or CV (or CCV), a heavy syllable of the shape (C)VV, (C)VG

(where G = glide) or (C)VC, a super-heavy syllable of the shape (C)VVC, (C)VCC,

(C)VCCC. Syllable weight can be represented on a moraic tier, as follows:

Figure (3.5): Representation of Different Syllable (Moriac Model) (Hayes, 1989, p. 10)

Hayes (1989) recapitulates the sources of syllable weight as follows:

(a) Short vowels contribute one mora and long vowels two moras (universal)

(b) Geminate consonants contribute one mora (universal)

syllabification (parametric)

Cross-linguistically, trimoraic syllables are not allowed, if not altogether avoided by means of devices such as insertion, deletion or shortening (McCarthy and Prince 1996,

Steriade 1991). While peripheral CVVC or CVCC syllables can be considered as bimoraic syllables with a final extrasyllabic consonant, nonperipheral CVVC have been represented as bimoraic by means of a concept called 'Adjunction to Mora' (see Broselow, 1992;

Broselow et al. 1995; Watson, 2007), by which a CVVC syllable is represented as follows:

Figure (3.6): Adjunction to Mora (Moriac Model) (Broselow 1992, p. 14)

3.1.3 Prosodic Theory

This section focuses on a detailed description of prosodic theory with a special emphasis upon those principles and concepts within this theory which are related to this research.

In moraic theory, it can be noticed that a prosodic hierarchy as commonly realized in syntactic or morphological structure is like the one presented in the phonological structure

(Selkirk, 1980; Nespor & Vogel, 1986; Hayes 1989; Hayes 1995). The following diagram displays a seven level prosodic hierarchy of an intonational phrase. But in regular moraic tree structures, only the lowest three or four levels24 will be used in this research.

24 Three or four levels will be used in this thesis since I am not going to look at higher prosodic levels like intonation. I will leave this for further investigation.

Figure (3.7): Prosodic Hierarchy (Nespor & Vogel, 1986)

From the above figure, it is clear that the prosodic hierarchy is composed of a set of layers beginning with the segment and ending with the utterance. The foot as a prosodic constitute has to have at least one stressed syllable (́σ) and one unstressed syllable. Then feet are organized into prosodic words (Abdoh, 2011, p. 40).

Each of these prosodic elements is controlled by a constituent of the directly superordinate set in the hierarchy as shown in Figure (4.7) above. Therefore, (Selkirk, 1996) proposed the universal condition of Proper Headedness condition stated in (4.1) below:

(3.1) Proper Headedness (PH) (Selkirk, 1996, p. 185)

Every (non-terminal) prosodic category of level i must have a head; that is, it must immediately dominate a category of level i-1.

This condition is exemplified in the following diagram:

Figure (3.8): Prosodic Hierarchy and Foot Representation (Abdoh, 2011, p. 40)

From figure (3.8), it can be noticed that structures such as (a) and (b) are ruled out since the prosodic word in (a) is not headed by a foot and the foot is missing a head syllable in

(b). However, the Proper Headedness satisifed in (c) and (d) resulting into well-formed structures.

3.1.4 Extrametricality

All segments must be licensed, i.e. parsed into syllables. Segments that are left unparsed are subject to Stray Erasure (Steriade 1982, p. 89), i.e. they are not phonetically realized, unless some process such as epenthesis intervenes to rescue them. This is a corollary of the more general Prosodic Licensing (Ito, 1986, p. 237), by which all phonological units must be parsed into larger prosodic constituents. Peripheral segments may be left unparsed because they are subject to extrasyllabicity, i.e. made invisible to syllabification (Clements and Keyser 1983, p. 158). The concept of extrametricality was first suggested in metrical theory by Liberman and Prince (1977) and Hayes (1989). The notion of extrametricality was then established in subsequent works of Hayes (1981, 1995) and Ito (1986).

Extrametricality “designates a particular prosodic constituent as invisible for purposes of rule application” (Hayes 1995, p. 57; Chen, 2011, p. 147; Rakhieh, 2009, p. 77). In order to control extrametricality, Hayes offered the following restrictions:

(3.2) Restrictions on extrametricality

a- Constituency: Only constituents (segments, syllable, foot, phonological

word and affix) may be marked as extrametrical.

b- Peripherality: A constituent may be extrametrical only if it is at a

designated edge (left or right) of its domain.

c- Edge Markedness: the unmarked edge for extrametricality is the right edge.

d- Nonexhaustivity: An e extrametricality rule is blocked if it would render

the entire domain of the stress rules extrametrical.

(1995, p.57-8)

An extrametrical element is usually marked by placing it between angled brackets 〈 〉. The final consonant in katab ‘he wrote’ is extrametrical as exemplified in (3.3)

(3.3) σ σ

µ µ

k a t a 〈b〉

Consonant extrametricality is supposed to take place before the assignment of the mora through weight-by-position as long as syllabification is achieved according to the following algorithm:

(3.4) Syllabification Algorithm

a- Consonant clusters extrametricality: C > /___] word.

b- Associate moraic segments to a syllable node.

c- Given Q ( an unsyllabified segment ) preceding Q ( a syllabified segment), adjoin

the syllable containing Q iff P has a lower sonority rank than Q.

d- Given Q ( a syllabified segment ) followed by Q ( an unsyllabified segment),

assign a mora to R ( Weight-by-Position) [ iff R has a lower sonority rank than Q.

e- Adjoin moraic R to the syllable containing Q.

f- Incorporate the extrametrical consonant to the final syllable.

(Clements 1990, p. 299; Watson 2002, p. 63)

Rakhieh (2009:77) adapted the algorithm that is used by Watson (2002: 63). The algorithm can exemplify the syllabification of the word maktab ‘office’ in Mani Arabic (MA) as shown in (3.5)

(3.5) The syllabification Algorithm of the Word maktab ‘office’ in Mani Arabic (MA)

3.1.5 Syllable in Traditional Arabic Philology

Every language has its own combination of sounds within a syllable and word (Ladefoged,

2005, p. 230). According to Katamba (1989, p. 165), all syllable structures follow

69 phonotactic rules which dictate combinations of sounds that are allowed in a particular language. The syllable structure of Arabic is similar to English syllable structure in that it consists of a nucleus (an obligatory segment either short or long) and rhyme; onset and coda (only the coda is an optional segment) (AlBzour, 2015, p. 186). The onset of Arabic differs from English onset in that it is obligatory and always consists of a single consonant; the coda consists of zero, one, or two consonants. Each vowel in an utterance in MSA represents a syllable nucleus. Furthermore, syllabic consonants are not found in MSA.

Thus, the number of syllables in an utterance is identical to the number of vowels (Al-Ani and May 1978, p. 120).

A syllable that has no coda and consequently ends in a vowel having the structure [CV]σ, is called an open syllable. One having a coda and therefore ending in a consonant - of the type [CVC] σ - is called a closed syllable (Ohsiek, 1978). A division between light and heavy syllable has been reported in the literature. A syllable that is open and ends in a short vowel is called a light syllable (Ohsiek, 1978; Scheer & Szigetvari, 2005). Its general description is CV. If the syllable is still open, but the vowel in its nucleus is either long or a diphthong, it is called a heavy syllable [CVV].

3.1.6 Syllable Structures of Modern Standard Arabic

MSA has two types of syllables: a closed syllable and an open syllable. In MSA, the closed syllable consists of a consonant followed by a vowel and a consonant (CVC), or a consonant followed by two vowels and a consonant (CVVC). The latter syllables consist of (CVCC) or (CVVCG). The open syllable consists of a consonant and a vowel (CV) or a consonant followed by two vowels (CVV). The inventories of MSA syllable structures with regard to open and closed is illustrated in the following table:

Syllable Template Type Example Gloss CV Open ki.ta:b Book CVV Open fi: In CVC Closed mak.tab Office CVCC Closed barg Thunder CVVC Closed da:r House CVVG Closed ʃaabb Young Table (3.1): MSA Syllable Structures

(Ali & Ghani, 2014, p. 40)

Furthermore, MSA does not allow initial consonant clusters (double onsets) and even if they appear close to each other, the first consonant of the cluster belongs to the coda of the first syllable and the second acts as a second of the second syllable (Mitchell, 1993;

Abdoh, 2011). For example, in the word /mis. ʤid / ‘mosque’ the sound –s] σ acts as the coda of the first syllable and the sound σ [ʤ-acts as the onset of the second syllable.

The attested syllable types in MSA are as follows: (3.6) Examplesof MSA Syllable Structures 1- CV /ga. lam/ ‘pen’

2- CVC /sin/ ‘tooth’

3- CV: /la:/ ‘No’, / tˤa:lib/ ‘student’, /ʕa:.li.mon/ ‘scientist’

4- CV:C /ba:b/ ‘door,’, /fusta:n/ ‘dress’

5- CVCC /nahr/ ‘river’, / ðˤarabt/ ‘I hit’, /ʕilm/ ‘science’

(Abdoh, 2011.p. 88; AlAmro ,2016, p. 2231)

The last syllable structure (CVCC) is not considered a basic syllable structure in MSA because this syllable type is found only in phrase final position and results from an interaction of two phonological processes that are active in MSA. According to Gadoua

(2000, p. 74), these two processes are: the deletion of a short vowel at the end of a phrase

71 and the prohibition of a paragoge rule, i.e., “the insertion of one or more segments to the end of a word” (Trask, 1996, p. 256). This rule in Arabic inserts /n/ at the end of the phrase.

Accordingly, a word like / ʕilm / emerges as / ʕil.mun / before the application of the above mentioned processes.

Following (AL-Jarrah, 2002; Mwaliwa, 2014, AlAmro ,2016), the syllable structures of

MSA is classified into the following types:

(3.7) Syllable Types in MSA

a- Light syllable:

CV (ka.ta.ba) (wrote). This syllable occurs word initially, medially, and

finally.

b- Heavy syllable:

/CVV/occurs word initially (ka: .tɪb) ‘writer’, medially (ka.lɪ.ma.tɪ) ‘my

words’ and finally (rama:) ‘threw’.

/CVC/ occurs in all positions (e.g. jak.tub) ‘he writes’ and it is light word

finally.

c- Superheavy syllable: The following super heavy syllables occur word finally.

CV: C (fu:l) ‘beans’

CVCC (barq) ‘thunder’

CV:G (sha:bb) ‘young’

It can be observed from the above examples that the majority of these syllable types occur in monosyllabic words. However, they occur in multisyllabic words also, but no word contains more than one heavy syllable. Onsets in Arabic are mandatory because the syllable always begins with a single consonant, but it ends with either zero consonant

(CV/CV:), single consonant (CVC), or two consonants (CVCC). Three consonants are not allowed in MSA in any position (Abdoh, 2011). Patterns with CVCCC are very rare and very restricted in occurrence (Watson, 2002; Abu Salim, 1982; Abdoh, 2011; Mwaliwa,

2014). In MSA, the core syllable types are CV, CVV and CVC but CVVC, CVCC and, more rarely, CVVCC can also be found (Watson, 1999a). However, the syllable structure

CCV, also known as complex onset, does not exist in MSA and strongly rejected in some varieties of Arabic (Angoujard 1990; Abu-Mansour 1992; Broselow et al. 1995).

3.1.7 Kiparsky's Typology of Arabic Dialects

Kiparsky (2003) offers a three-way classification of all Arabic dialects based on syllabic and moraic structure:

1- VC dialects in the Levant (Lebanon, Palestine, Syria), Easternmost of the Delta

(Egypt) and Upper Egypt, the Gulf (Iraq, Hijaz), Bedouin-type (Bani-Hassan),

Eastern Libya and Turkey.

2- C dialects throughout the Maltese language and North Africa (including,

Morocco, Mauretania, Tunisia).

3- CV dialects including, almost exclusively, the common of the dialects of Egypt,

such as Middle Egypt and Cairo).

(p.148)

In this typological classification, Kiparsky did not mention the Yemeni vernacular under any of the groups. He refers to North Yemeni, which is similar to MYA, under one of the diagnostic properties. Therefore, I will try to prove here that most of the properties special

73 for C- dialects correspond to MYA with minor differences which I will also try to account for by re-ranking the constraints he stipulates for C-dialects.

In harmony with Kipersaky’s classification of Arabic dialects, Watson (2007, p. 341) classified the Arabic dialects into three groups. The core dialects considered in her paper are the following: a. Group 1: CV dialects Yemen (San‘ani, Yaafi‘i, ,al-Hudaida, Ibb , Yariimi), Saudi Arabia (Meccan) , Egypt (Middle Egyptian dialects , Cairene,) b. Group 2: VC dialects Yemen (in-NaDhiir), Libya (Tripoli) , The Levant (Ras-Beirut , Haifa), Turkey (Kinderib and Çukurova dialects), Egypt (il-‘Aw¿m}a). c. Group 3: Dialects which obviously display both VC- and CV epenthesis patterns Sudan (Shukriyya, Central Urban Sudanese)

In favour of this taxonomy, Broselow (1992) terms VC dialects as “coda dialects” and CV dialects as “onset dialects”.

In an extension to Kiparsky (2003), Watson (2007) proposes a class of Arabic dialects,

Cv-dialects (with lower case ‘v’), that is intermediate between C- and CV-dialects, to explain some phenomenon that occur in these intermediate dialects and that are unpredictable by Kiparsky’s typology of Arabic dialects. Kiparsky came up with the following cross-dialectal generalizations:

1- Phrase-final -CC clusters occur unrestrictedly only in CV- and C- dialects

(columns A, B). They can be split by inserting a vowel, under environments that

vary according to style and dialect. E.g. /katab-t/ katabit, katabt (CV-dialects),

ktebt (C-dialects) ‘I wrote’, /?akl/ ?akl, ?akil ‘food’, /?ism/ ?ism, ?isim ‘name’.

The VC-dialects either license no -CC clusters (kalib, katabit) or license them only

with falling sonority (kalb, katabit).

2- Geminates are involved in the class of allowed initial CC- clusters in VC- and C-

dialects. Initial geminates create properly direct proof for unsyllabified moras.

These can be resolved by prothesis in VC dialects in the same way as other onset

clusters: /l-landan/ [llandan> [ʔillandan] ‘to London’, /l-tʃaaj/ [tʃtʃaaj]> [ʔi. tʃaaj]

‘the tea’.

3- High vowel deletion happens after geminates only in C- and VC-. For example, y-

kallim-u/ (y)ikal(l)mu `they talk to someone', /y-sakkir-u/  (y)isak(k)ru, `they

shut', /y-ʕallim-u/  (y)iʕal(l)mu `they teach'. However, the high vowel is retained

in CV-dialects e.g. yikallimu, yiʕallimu, yisakkiru (or yikillimu etc.).

4- Medial -CCC- clusters are broken up as -CiCC- in VC-dialects, and as -CCiC- in

CV dialects. e.g. Iraqi gilitla, Cairene ʔultilu(h), Moroccan qaltlu `I/you (M.) said

to him'. In other words, VC- and C dialects parse medial -CCC- clusters by making

the internal consonant as a semisyllable, e.g. /gil-t-la/→ (word level) (gil).tμ..la →

(post lexical) (gi.li)tμ.la in VC-dialects, but /ʔul-t-lu/ → (ʔul)(ti.lu) in CV-dialects.

5- As far as the closed syllable shortening is concerned, only in CV dialects does

closed syllable shortening take place to derive, for example, /kaatib-a/ [katba]

‘writing (FEM SG) ’and /baab-ha/ [babha] ‘her door’. By contrast, word-internal

CVVC syllables surface in all VC and C dialects because the third mora-C is

licensed as a semisyllable, as in: [(’baa) b-.ha] ‘her door’.

6- With reference to ‘Metathesis’ in Arabic dialects, ‘Metathesis’ of medial -CCiC-

to -CiCC- is restricted to VC dialects, as in :/ji-ktib u/>[jikitbu] ‘they write’. In

parallel cases, C dialects simply delete the vowel ([jiktbu]), and CV dialects

always maintain CCiC ([jiktibu]).

It can be concluded that Kiparsky (2003) provides a cross dialectal generalizations depending on his investigation of the set of the dialects he studied with particular reference to six phonological aspects involving the treatment of -CCC- clusters. The phonological aspects that are related to this study are the high vowel deletion, vowel shortening and triple consonant clusters.

3.1.8 Semisyllables in Arabic

To account for superheavy syllables in Arabic dialects, the notion of semisyllable has been adopted by numerous researchers (Aoun 1979, Selkirk 1981, McCarthy and Prince 1990a,

1990b, Broselow 1992, Farwaneh 1995, Kiparsky 2003 and Watson 2007). The last C of the domain final superheavy syllables CVCC was described as extrasyllabic by Hayes

(1995, p. 106-7), Kenstowicz (1994, p. 246), and Kiparsky (2003) or as forming a degenerate syllable (Aoun 1979; Selkirk 1981). However, the same consonant is no longer assigned an extrasyllabic or a degenerated syllable in non-final superheavy syllables. It is deemed a semisyllable since it is moraic and unaffiliated to the syllable node (Kiparsky 2003). Kiparsky mentions the following features to validate handling unsyllabified moras as semisyllables:

a- No nucleus b- No codas c- Unstressed, toneless d- Prosodically invisible e- Can be less sonorouns than the nucleus of the syllable f- Can be subject to minimum sonority requirement

g- Restricted to morpheme peripheral positions (p.156)

He states that the semisyllable is directly linked to a prosodic word as shown in the representations below: PrWd (3.8)

µ µ

C V C C (Kiparsky 2003, p. 57)

The Strict Layering Hypothesis (SLH) is violated by the existence of a semisyllable

(Selkirk 1984; Nespor and Vogel 1986; Itô 1986), which requires “every non-highest prosodic element to be in its entirety a constituent belonging to the next highest category on the prosodic hierarchy” (Nespor & Vogel, 1986, p. 7). As shown in (4.6), a semisyllable is neither linked to a foot nor a syllable. It results in the fatal violation of undominated constraints on syllable and foot binary. For this reason, it must be linked to the prosodic word, even though it violates the SLH.

One main feature differentiating the three groups discussed by Kiparsky (2003) is the means by which an unsyllabifiable consonant C is treated. For example, CV-dialects avoid semisyllables in non-final CVCC by allowing vowel epenthesis after a semisyllable in order to affiliate this moraic consonant to a syllable node. However, the moraic syllable will consequently lose its moraicity by being resyllabified as an onset of the syllable in

which an epenthetic vowel is employed as its nucleus. This produces a light open syllable

CV, which is a core feature of this type of dialects. A typical example of this type is

Cairene Arabic, which avoids the unfavourable type of syllable, a super-heavy, closed

syllable CVCC, maximising Broselow’s pan-Arabic “Bimoraicity Constraint” (1992 p.

10), which reads as “syllables are maximally and optimally bimoraic” . Unlike CV-

dialects, VC-dialects allow vowel epenthesis before a semisyllable. Mora sharing is used

to affiliate a semisyllable in a non-final CVCC in C-dialects rather than vowel epenthesis

if a final CC conforms to sonority sequencing. On the other hand, C-dialects, Kiparsky

argues, allow semisyllables and ascribes it as extrametrical, consequently allowed at the

the level of both word and phrase, where it is connected to the prosodic word directly (Al-

Qenaie, 2011). This is can be shown in the following diagrams:

(3.9) The treatment of Semisyllables in CV, VC and C-dialects

CV-dialect VC-dialect C-dialects PrW PrW PrW d d d

F F F F F

σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ

µ µ µ µ µ µ µ µ µ µ µ µ µ µ

C C C V C V C V C V V C V C V C C C V V C V C C C V

Similarly, some dialects that belong to CV-dialects permit mora sharing to affiliate a

semisyllable to a syllable node as do C and VC-dialects like Ma’ani Arabic (Rakhieh

2009) while other dialects which belong to the same group ban mora sharing by allowing

78 long vowel shortening like Cairene Arabic (Watson 2007) or vowel epenthesis as in UHA

(Al-Mohanna 1998). Consider the following representations of the input /baa.bμ.ha/ ‘her door’ adopted from (Alqahtani, 2014, p. 50-51):

(3.10) Cairene Arabic /ba:.bμ.ha/→ [bab.ha]

(3.11) Urban Hijazi Arabic (UHA ) /ba:.bμ.ha/→ [ba:.ba.ha]

3.2 Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP)

Phonetically speaking, the chain of speech sounds consists of waves of sonority (or of sound intensity) (Lehmann, 2005, p. 3). Points of high sonority change with points of low sonority. From this perspective, a syllable is a unit between two consecutive points of low sonority, as illustrated in (3.9).

Syllable Boundary Peak Boundary High

Sonority

Figure (3.9): Syllable Sonority Wave (Lehmann, 2005, p. 3)

Universally stated, the sonority of a segment in a syllable (mainly at the onset position) start rising towards the nucleus (peak) and then falls towards the end of the syllable (coda)

(Al-Mohanna, 1994, p. 42). The phenomena are formalized as the sonority sequencing principle by Clements (1990). The sonority sequencing principle (henceforth SSP) says:

“between any member x of a syllable and the syllable peak p, only sounds of higher sonority rank than x is permitted” (Clements 1990, p. 287).

In a normal syllable structure, a consonant forms the onset, followed by a vowel at the peak (which is, surely, with a higher sonority value than the onset). Then, in some cases, another consonant lower than the vowel at nucleus (peak), forms the coda. It must be kept in mid that many languages do not allow a coda when onset is a universal occurrence.

Following SSP, in a consonant cluster at the onset position, the first consonant must have

80 a lower sonority value than the following consonant. Similarly, in terms of sonority, at the coda position the final consonant should be lower than the previous consonant (Kar, 2009, p. 46). The following model represents SSP:

Nucleus Vowels

Glides Glides Onset Liquids Liquids Coda

Nasals Nasals

Fricatives Fricatives

Stops Stops

Figure (3.10): Sonority Hierarchy of Sounds (Lehmann, 2005, p. 3)

The rising and falling of sonority can be presented in a sonority scale. This scale is not a physical scale, but sort of a measuring index. In this index, plosives are the least sonorous sounds and vowels are most sonorous (Kar, 2009, p. 46). Clements’ Sonority Scale is outlined as the following sequence; Vowels >25 Glides > Liquids > Nasals > Obstruents.

Prince and Smolensky (2004, p. 12), restates Clements’ SS as Low Vowels>High

Vowels>Liquid>Nasal>Voiced Fricatives>Voiceless Fricatives>Voiced Stop>Voiceless

Stop (1990: 3). The following table exemplifies an adapted version of the sonority index of sounds of both Clements (1990) and Prince and Smolensky (2004).

25 -(the symbol “>” means more sonorous than)

Sonority Index Sounds ↑ 9 low vowels (e.g., æ, ȧ ) ↑ 8 mid vowels (e.g., e,)

More sonorous ↑ 7 high vowels/glides (e.g., i , u , j ,w)

6 Rhotics ,trill (e.g., r )

5 laterals (e.g., l)

4 nasals (e.g., m , n )

3 voiced fricatives (e.g., v , z )

Less sonorous ↓ 2 voiceless fricatives (e.g., f , s )

↓ 1 voiced plosives (e.g., b d g)

↓ 0 voiceless plosives (e.g., p t k)

Table (3.2): Sonority Hierarchy of Phonemes (Clements ,1990:288)

The above scale shows that voiceless stops are the least sonorant sounds while the low vowels have the maximum sonority among sound segments. The sonority scale is a helpful method to identify the number of the syllable. Peaks of any utterance, which refers to the sonority of sounds, always remains more outstanding than any other segment in a syllable

(Muhammad & Afsar, 2015, p. 2). It is claimed that complex onsets and codas are governed by (SSP), which suggests that sonority rises monotonically the closer one gets to the sonority peak (the nucleus), and falls as one gets away from that peak (Goldsmith,

1990, p. 110; Al Tamimi & Al Shboul, 2013, p. 21-22). SSP stipulates that onsets increase in sonority toward the nucleus, while codas decrease in sonority. (Clements, 1990; Nezhad

& Miri,2013). To put it differently, SSP states that in any syllable the segment in the peak has the highest sonority, and the sonority of any other segment is lower than that of its neighbour in the direction of the nucleus and higher than that of its neighbour in the direction of the edge of the syllable. In the sonority profile of a syllable the nucleus

82 constitutes the peak26, and sonority is falling in both directions away from the nucleus; there may be no sonority fall before the nucleus and no sonority rise after the nucleus within the syllable (Szigetvári, 2012, p. 6). Figure (3.11) illustrates this in the case of grind/graind/.

Figure (3.11): An example of Sonority Scale (Szigetvári, 2012, p. 6)

Clearly, the initial and final consonant clusters in the above example satisfy the SSP. for instance, the initial cluster consists of the plosive [g] and the trill [r]. According to the SS presented in (4.11), [g] is less sonorous than [r]. Hence, SSP is satisfied. In the same way, the final clusters satisfy SSP because [n] is higher in sonority than the following phoneme

[n].

Consonant clusters with reference to SSP have been classified into three main types. The first is the core clusters in which the clusters obey SSP, the second is the sonority reversal clusters which violate SSP and the third is the sonority plateau clusters where the two clusters have the same sonority scale and there is no difference (Clements ,1990, p. 290).

26 Peak is an alternative name for the nucleus.

Based on Clements’ (1990) sonority scale of major classes of segments (O < N < L < G)27, he categorizes two-member clusters as in (3.11).

(3.11) a. Core Clusters b. Sonority Reversals c. Sonority Plateaus Onset Coda Onset Coda Onset/Coda OG GO GO OG GG OL LO OL OL LL ON NO NO ON NN LG GL GL LG OO NG GN GN NG NL LN LN NL (Zahedi, Alinezhad, & Rezai, 2012, p. 76)

3.3 Distinctive Feature Theory

In the initial studies of phonology, the segment of sound (phoneme or allophone) was considered the smallest unit of phonological analysis (Bloomfield, 1933; Roach, 2000).

Since the Bloomfieldian era, contrastive differences were presented only in terms of sound segments. However, during the structuralist era, especially with the Prague school, the segment of sound was conceived of as a unit that is decomposable into distinctive features.

Distinctive Feature (DF, henceforth) theory was primarily presented by the structuralist phonologists Trubetzkoy (1939) and Jakobson and Halle (1956). This theory originated mainly during the 1940’s and was subject to considerable modifications by different phonologists in the following years (Naciri, 2014, p. 14). In this section, I will shed light briefly on the main principles of this theory.

Chomsky and Halle (1968) was the first phonologist who introduced the theory of distinctiveness. This theory was founded primarily on the acoustic properties of speech sounds because they based their studies on sound spectrographs. The features introduced by Jackobson were categorized in terms of binary oppositions, which means a feature is

27 O stands for Obstruents, N stands for Nasals, L stands for laterals and G stands for Glides.

84 either present and marked with a (+), or absent and marked with a (-) (Saidi, 2014, p. 44-

46).

Katamba (1989, p. 34) emphasizes that distinctive features are phonological components beyond a phoneme. DF theory reveals a complete relation between phonology and phonetics (Bloomfield, 1933). These distinctive features are the contrastive elements of a language not the phonemes. Zivenge (2009, p.47) claims that “features are helpful in distinguishing and describing vowels and consonants which exist in different languages”.

Knowledge of distinctive features makes phonological processes such as assimilation, vowel harmony, epenthesis, elision, metathesis among many others easy to understand

(2009, p. 47).

The Jacobsonian model used the vocalic and consonantal features, Chomsky & Halle reformed the vocalic feature into syllabic and sonorant. The major class features became: consonantal, syllabic and sonorant. Therefore, by using these features with binary oppositions, Chomsky & Halle were able to describe the different classes of sounds as follows:

Features Obstruents Vowels Liquids Glides Nasals Syllabic Syllabic liquids nasals

Consonantal + - + - + + + Syllabic - + - - - + + Sonorant - + + + + + + Table (3.3): The Major Distinctive Features of Sounds (Hyman ,1975, p. 44)

Furthermore, Chomsky & Halle (1968, p. 326) improved the acoustic features used for classifying both consonants and vowels. They presented new features based on diverse parameters (Place of articulation, manner of articulation, position of the tongue, lip

85 rounding...etc). For example, the main features used in the description of vowels are

[±low], [±back], [±high],and [±round]. On the other hand, the main features used for categorizing consonants in terms of their place of articulation [±anterior] and [±coronal], while [±continuant], [±delayed release] and [±tense] were used to categorize them according to their manner of articulation. Finally, [±voice] and [±strident] were used as source features to typify sub-glottal pressure.

3.4 Rule Based Theory (RBT)

Trask (1996, p. 313) defines a rule as “any statement which, in some analysis, is intended to express a generalization about the facts of the language being described… in phonology it is more usual to express them with the aids of various abbreviatory conventions”.

Phonological rules are applied to underlying forms to derive the surface forms. Goldsmith

(1995, p. 2) defines them as mappings between two different levels of representation.

Rule Based Theory28 (RBT) applies phonological rules to account for the patterns of speech sounds in our minds. These rules help us to track down our cognitive processes,

(the underlying forms) before we hear the words or the sentences (the surface forms)

(Rungruang, 2013). For example, the word ‘link’ is pronounced as [liηk] rather than [link].

This implies a psycho-cognitive process before the actual realization in the form of sound.

This requires phonological process to account for. This phenomenon is related to the

Sound Patten of English (SPE) (Chomsky & Halle 1968). SPE studies sounds and their

28 Rule Based Theory has different names such as traditional approach, a rule based approach or a rule based model.

86 rules which are affected due to the adjacent sounds. RBT explains how these rules work and how they are ordered. The following paradigm describes the mechanism of RBT:

Figure (3.12) The Mechanism of RBT (Roca, 1994, p. 39)

The above paradigm explains the change of the phonemic underlying (Deep Structure) from the actual phonetic form (Surface Structure) by means of some phonological rules.

Giving this general conception of RBT, the analysis of any phonological process requires that the surface form should be derived in a series of structural rules from the underlying form (Mashhady & Far, 2013). This is illustrated in the following linear rule:

(3.12) A B/ C------D (Clements & Keyser, 1983, p. 100)

This rule means that the sound A (the focus of change) changes into B sound (the structural change), if A is between C and D.

3.5 Optimality Theory (OT)

The center premises and principle parts of Optimality Theory (OT) as a generative model of grammar were presented by Prince and Smolensky in their (1993) first version of OT, which was officially published around ten years later in Prince and Smolensky

(1993/2004). OT is a formal theory of constraints interaction in universal grammar

(Legendre, 2001, p. 2). There are two kinds of constraints: faithfulness and markedness.

Faithfulness constraints require correspondence between two strings (the input and the output), while markedness constraints require that output forms meet some criterion of structural well-formedness (Kager, 1999, p. 9). OT grammar consists of four components:

The lexicon or input, the constraint (CON), the generator (GEN) and the evaluator

(EVAL) (Prince and Smolensky 2004, p. 4; Kager, 1999, p. 19). The lexicon or input is the core representation which includes forms before they undergo any phonological change or process. The constraint set (CON) comprises markedness and faithfulness constraints. These constraints are universal, simple and general but each language puts them in a unique ranking and that is how the grammars of languages differ from each other

(Benyoucef & Mahadin, 2013, p. 85). The surface forms of a particular language are actually the results of conflicts between competing constraints. The effect of a given constraint is relative to its ranking, which is specified on a language-particular basis

(Legendre, 2001, p. 2). In OT terms, one constraint is ranked higher than the other, and the violation of a higher ranked constraint is a more serious business than the violation of a lower-ranked constraint. This implies that the constraints are violable and are usually violated by the surfacing form, though this violation must be minimal; there is at least one violation (Kager, 1999, p. 10-11). A set of candidates are generated by GEN (Generator) from the input. GEN allows ungrammatical expressions to be generated unrestrictedly and leaves all the work of separating them out to a filtering device called EVAL (Evaluator).

When the candidates compete for the status of being the optimal output, they are filtered by EVAL and only one candidate, which is the most harmonic, which incurs the least serious violations of the set of constraints in the language-specific hierarchy, wins the

88 competition and is selected as optimal output. The other candidates are called losers and are ruled out by different constraints for being less harmonic (Kager, 1999, p. 19).

The following figure shows how the process ranges an output from the input through the function of GEN and EVAL (Davenport & Hannahs, 2005). It shows the mechanism of how OT works through input-output mapping.

Figure (3.13): Input-Output Mapping in an OT Grammar (Kager, 1999, p.22(

Figure (3.13) sums up the theory. It displays how from a certain input, GEN offers different candidates (a, b, c, d …); candidates in turn are submitted to EVAL to be evaluated, the output is the optimal form that is most harmonic with the input and that survives through the set of ranked constraints (C1 >> C2 >> … >> Cn).

The ranking of the constraints and their interaction among the input candidates will be typically presented in “tableau” (Prince & Smolensky, 1993, p. 19; Kager, 1999, p. 13) in

OT analysis. In this tableau, the candidates are arranged vertically while the constraints are ordered in the horizontal line. For a hypothetical language X, let us consider that constraint 1 is obeyed by candidate 1 and on the other hand, candidate 2 obeys constraint

2. The following tableau will show how the optimal candidate is being selected by EVAL through the constraint interaction:

(3.13)

Input Constraint 1 Constraint 2

29(a) Candidate 1 *!

(b)Candidate 2 *!30

Tableau (3.4) Optimality Theory Structure (McCarthy and Prince 1993, p. 7) In the above tableau, candidate (b) violates the top-ranked constraint (1) while candidate

(a) satisfies constraint (1) and it violates the lower ranked constraint (2), and so it emerges as optimal.

The following example from English and Arabic illustrates how OT works. Epenthetic segments occur in order to fulfill markedness constraints on the structure of the syllable, such as the condition that all syllables have an onset. However, there also exists faithfulness constraints, which involve identity between the input and the output (Holt,

2003; Slade, 2003, p. 338). One faithfulness constraint, FILL (so called because it requires that structural positions be filled with underlying segments), which bans the appearance of segments in the output that have no correspondent in the input, is flouted by use of an epenthetic segment. From this point of view, one way in which Arabic and English vary is in the relative ranking of these two constraints: FILL and ONSET (see Tableau 3.5). In

Arabic, ONSET takes priority over FILL; therefore, epenthesis is required if a syllable would otherwise lack an onset. English displays the opposite ranking, thus epenthesis is not employed even if it causes an onsetless syllable (Slade, 2003, p. 338).

29-The pointing hand "" indicates optimal candidates. 30-”!” Signal fatal violations. In addition, cells which do not participate in the decision are shaded.

Arabic: /al-qalamu/ ‘the pen’ ONSET FILL

al.qa.la.mu. *!

Ɂal.qa.la.mu. *

English: /ink/ ‘ink’ FILL ONSET

. ink. *

. Ɂink. *!

Tableau (3.5) Classical Arabic vs. English OT Syllabic Structure (Prince & Smolensky 1993, p. 24)

3.5.1 Syllable in OT

In OT, the syllable is a phonological prosodic structure arising from the interaction of markedness and faithfulness constraints. In essence, syllables emerge intact from input to output forms if faithfulness constraints dominate all markedness constraints. Conversely, if markedness constraints crucially dominate faithfulness constraints, the mapping between input and output forms must be changed if the resultant syllable types are marked in any form (Kager, 1999; McCarthy, 2002a, 2002b; Fery & Van de Vijver, 2003). Any repair on the surface manifestation of the syllable must optimally improve on markedness by making them less marked. In Prince and Smolensky's (2004) CV theory of the syllable structure, the authors offer the well-known universality of CV syllables as the unmarked type, arguing that some languages admit no other type except the canonical CV syllable type. They further posit that every language admits open syllables (CV and V) yet there are no languages devoid of syllables with initial consonants or of syllables without final

91 vowels. This view is shared by studies of syllable typologies of world languages

(Clements & Keyser, 1983; Ladefoged & Maddieson, 2005). Using the pattern X Y Z,

Prince and Smolensky (1993/2004) devise a notation ƩXYZ denoting languages whose syllables fit the pattern XYZ. This is captured in Table 3.6 which shows whether onsets and codas are obligatory, forbidden or not.

ONSETS Required Not Required Ʃ C V Ʃ (C )V CODAS Forbidden Allowed Ʃ C V ( C ) Ʃ (C ) V (C)

Table (3.6): CV syllable Structure Typology (Prince & Smolensly, 1993)

From the above table, I deduce two independent dimensions of choice open to natural languages: either onsets are required in their inventory (first column) or not (second column); either codas are banned in their inventory (first row) or allowed (second row). I can draw implicational universals from a close examination of Table (3.6) concerning onsets which seem to be allowed by all languages.

(3.14) Implicational universal for syllable onsets If a language has syllables that lack an onset, then it also has syllables that have an onset. (Kager, 1999, p. 93).

Viewed from this perspective, languages fall into two classes. First, those allow onsetless syllables such as English and Japanese. Secondly, languages that do not allow onsetless syllables such as Hawaiian and Arabic (lto, 1989; McCarthy & Prince, 1993, 1994). The fundamental observation is that no language disallows an onset while some languages do

'supply' an onset through epenthesis (Blevins, 1995). This typology shows that the presence of an onset is the unmarked situation and not its absence. Having an onset is a well-formedness requirement demanded by the markedness constraint ONSET, and in

92 languages where this constraint is undominated, onsets are obligatory. This constraint is grounded in articulatory phonetics and the perceptual domain; the preferred starting point for a vowel is a preceding consonant. The same implicational universal is relevant for languages that do allow coda segments.

3.5.2 Constraints in OT

In this section, I will present an initial introduction of the types of constraints which are related to syllable structures. Assuming that surface forms are constrained by both markedness and faithfulness constraints, the applicable constraints operating in the syllabification of any language:

(3.15) Markedness Constraints:

a- ONSET (ONS) (Prince & Smolensky, 1993): Syllables must have onsets Motivation: This constraint requires that a nucleus is obligatory in each syllable, that the ONS constraint is violated by syllables that lack onsets.

b. *CODA (Prince &Smolensky, 2004): Syllables must not have codas. Motivation: This constraint requires that a coda is not obligatory in each syllable, and that syllables that have codas violate the *CODA (NO-CODA) constraint. The only syllable type that satisfies all of these constraints at the same time is CV, which is cross- linguistically the least marked syllable type. This syllable has both a nucleus and an onset but lacks a coda.

c. *COMPLEXONS σ [CC (Kager, 1999)

A syllable should not have more than one segment in the onset. Onsets are simple.

Motivation: This constraint bans the consonant clusters in the onset position of the

syllable that is the onset has to be simple.

d.*COMPLEXCODA CC] σ (Kager, 1999)

A syllable must not have more than one segment in the coda. Codas are simple. Motivation: This constraint bans the consonant clusters in the coda position of the

syllable that is the coda has to be simple.

(3.16) Faithfulness Constraints:

a. MAX-IO (McCarthy & Prince 1995)

An input segment has a correspondent segment in the output (No deletion).

b. DEP-IO (McCarthy & Prince 1995)

An input segment has a correspondent segment in the output (No epenthesis).

Motivation: These two constraints are against both deletion and epenthesis relative to the

input, respectively.

For a hypothetical language X, if onsets are obligatory while complex onsets are banned

and complex codas are optionally permitted then the ranking below is required:

ONS>>MAX-IO>>*COMPLEXONS>>DEP-IO>>*COMPLEXCODA>>*CODA

/CCVCC/ ONS MAX-IO *COMPLEXONS DEP-IO *COMPLEXCODA *CODA a /CCVCC/ *! * *

b./CVC/ *! *

c. /CV.CVCC/ *! * *

(Modified from Alqahtani,2014)

From the above tableau, candidates (a) and (b) are eliminated from being optimal due to the violation of the high ranked constraints *COMPLEXONS and MAX-IO. Candidate

3.5.3 Representational Symbols in OT

The following representations summarized in the table are internationally recognized and will be used in this thesis to present OT symbols:

Symbol Description

*! A fatal violation mark (can never be optimal)

(☹) A true optimal candidate not selected

* A violation mark

() an optimal candidate

Solid line shows dominance, similar to (»)

Dotted line shows no crucial ranking

☻ A wrong optimal candidate is selected

>> Dominance of the constraints

Table (3.7): Symbols used under Optimality Theory (modified from Kager, 1999; Nandelenga, 2013)

The dotted lines indicate that the constraints immediately on either side are not crucially ranked (interchanging them will not make any difference in the evaluation of the optimal candidate). The asterisk * signals a violation while the forward pointing finger () shows the optimal candidate, the one representing the true form attested in the language. A frowning face (☹) indicates the true optimal candidate not selected due to inappropriate/inadequate constraints or ranking. A frowning black face (☻) indicates the

95 wrong optimal candidate is selected due to inappropriate/inadequate constraints or ranking. A candidate with a fatal violation (indicated with *! under the relevant constraint) means it is out of contention for harmony. Shaded cells indicate those constraints that have been rendered irrelevant in the selection of a winner; the winner has been decided by higher-ranked constraints. Double solid lines enclose both the candidates (on the left column) and the constraints (top row). Within the same language, ranking cannot be varied, variation is central in showing differences among languages.

3.6 Representation of Semisyllables in OT

The notion of semisyllable has been introduced extensively in section (3.1.8). There are conflicting constraints that account for its presence across Arabic dialects. This section will introduce the constraints which account for semisyllable across the typology of

Arabic dialects.

Kiparsky (2003, p. 148) claims that the Arabic dialects differ in whether they license unsyllabifiable consonants by moras adjoined to the prosodic word, a hypothesis made for the sake of concreteness. He refers to consonants which are licensed as semisyllables. He argues that semisyllables arise where a constraint License-μ which necessitates all moras to be licensed by syllables, is outranked by markedness constraints on the form of syllables and feet, as will be shown later in tableau (3.9).

According to Kiparsky’s (2003) typology of Arabic dialects, semisyllables in Arabic are licensed differently: (1) VC-dialects permit semisyllables only at the word level (License-

μ is undominated postlexically), (2) no semisyllables is allowed in CV-dialects at any

96 level (License-μ is undominated everywhere) and (3) C-dialects allow semisyllables both at the word level and postlexically.

He further argues that CV-, C- and VC- dialects differ in the ranking of the constraint

License-μ in the word-level phonology. In CV- dialects, License-μ is highly ranked in the hierarchy dominating a number of faithfulness constraints MAX-IO and DEP-IO, Foot-

Bin, License-C, and these, in turn, dominate the constraint Reduce (Kirchner,1996;

McCarthy 1999), which requires minimizing the duration of light syllables on the scale a

> i,u >. He accounts for such behaviour using OT. He refers to some constraints such as

REDUCE and LICENSE-μ, as in (4.24) below:

(3.8) a) Reduce (Kirchner 1996, McCarthy 1999) “This constraint requires minimizing the duration of light syllables on the scale a>i,u> ø”

b) LICENSE-μ (Kiparsky 2003) “This constraint is against moraic consonants that are unaffiliated to a syllable

node.”

The following two tableaux clarify the difference between VC-dialects, CV-dialects spoken mainly in Egypt, and between MYA which is another subtype of CV- dialects.

(The constraint hierarchy in both tableaux is introduced by Kiparsky (2003).

(3.9) CV-dialects: Word level

ki.(taa)b] LICENSE-μ Reduce

kµ(taa)b *! ☞ ki(taa)b *

In the above tableau, candidate (a) violates the highest ranked constraint License-μ for having an unaffiliated mora at the onset position, therefore it is ruled out; candidate (b) emerges as optimal for violating the lower ranked constraint – Reduce.

(3.10) VC dialects: lexical or word level

ki.(taa)b] Reduce LICENSE-μ

☞ kµ(taa)b * ki(taa)b *!

In the above tableau, candidate (a) wins for satisfying the highest ranked constraint –

Reduce at the cost of violating the lower ranked constraint License-μ. Candidate (b) violates Reduce for having one light non-final CV syllable and, therefore, it is ruled out.

Watson (2007) has a very important argument regarding semisyllables in C dialects. She states that semisyllables in these dialects share their mora with the preceding syllables in order to avoid having tri-moraic syllables. She adopts the notion of mora sharing (or a single mora dominating two or more constituents) from Broselow (1992) and Broselow et al. (1997) and incorporates it into Kiparsky’s proposal of semisyllables, as a second determinative factor in the classification of Arabic dialects. The mora-sharing parameter is crucial only in dialects that do not allow semisyllable. More specifically, Watson (2007) claims that both CV- and Cv-dialects do not permit semisyllables, but they differ in their permission of mora sharing. According to her, mora sharing is permitted in CV-dialects

“word-finally if the syllable rhyme contains a long vowel”, whereas it is permitted in Cv- dialects “if the syllable rhyme contains a long segment” (p.353-4). In other words, only

VC sequences and geminates are allowed to share a single mora. This explains the occurrence of non-final CVVC but not CVCC syllables in Cv-dialects; the final C in

CVVC syllables shares a mora with the preceding vowel. To put it differently, the second mora will dominate the first segment as a second member of a long vowel and the second segment as a semisyllable as illustrated in (3.11):

(3.11)

PrWd PrWd

F F

σ σ σ σ

µ µ µ µ µ µ µ

C V C C V C V C C V According to the representation of the non-final syllable/ CVCC/, it can be observed that a tri-moraic syllable is avoided by sharing the mora of a semisyllable /C/ with the mora of a preceding segment /v/ in C dialects: i.e. a semisyllable does not exist due to mora sharing. In OT terms, Adjunction-to-Mora is stated as the violable constraint

NOSHAREDMORA (3.12).

(3.12) NoSharedMora (Watson ,2007)

“Moras should be linked to single segments

Assign a * for each segment (beyond one) attached to a mora (if a mora is attached

to n segments, the number of violation marks=n—1)”

(Broselow et al. 1997, p. 65).

In all dialects, SYLLBIN, which requires syllables not to exceed two moras, is undominated; however, the way in which trimoraic syllables are avoided differs between dialect types. In Cv and VC dialects, NOSHAREDMORA is ranked low both at lexical and postlexical levels; in true CV dialects, such as Cairene, NOSHAREDMORA is ranked high (Watson, 2007, p. 350). The following two tableaux clarify the difference between

Cv-dialects, CV-dialects such as Cairene.

(3.13) a- Cv/VC dialects

[(baa)b]-ha SyllBin Max(μ) Dep(μ) NoSharedMora μμ * ☞ a- (‘baab).ha μμμ *! * b- (baab).ha

(4.30) b- CV dialects (Cairo type)

[(baa)b]-ha SyllBin NoSharedMora Dep(μ) Max(μ) μμ *! a- (‘baab).ha ☞ b- (bab).ha *

3.7 Theoretical Justifications The researcher opted to use generative theory because it accounts for the phonological structures of a language. Rule based theory has also been used to give important hints of the phonological environments of the processes under investigation. The onset/rime model and CV tier are used to determine the syllabicity of the onset and the marginal elements.

Optimality theory has been applied because there are some problematic issues that cannot be accounted for by rule based theory. Unlike rule based theory, OT is constraint based.

The rationale for applying OT is that it investigates prosodic and metrical phonology successfully (Kager 1999). The creation of new approaches in OT does not only assist in investigating the problematic issues for rule based theory, but it also accounts for the phonological processes which remained unaccounted for within the rule- based phonology.

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3.8 Conclusion

This chapter is an overview of the theoretical framework from which the present study draws concepts relevant to the analysis of the phonological processes in MYA. The chapter justifies the use of a multidimensional theoretical framework. Its main tenets such as syllable, mora, prosody and constraints interactions were shown to be useful in accounting for various aspects of the phonology of any language. The chapter also presents theories such as DF, OT and SSP to describe the phonological processes such as syllable building processes, vowel epenthesis and the structure of simple and complex onsets/codas of the syllable. The chapter has demonstrated that moriac and prosodic theories are mainly concerned with the internal structure of the syllable and knowledge of

OT architecture helps in insightfully explaining phonological processes such as epenthesis, syncope and vowel shortening.

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Chapter 4 Methodology

4.0 Introduction

This chapter describes the research design followed in this study. It includes the description of data collection. It also elaborates the methods adapted for data analysis.

This section outlines the research methodology that will be used to achieve the study’s objectives.

4.1 Research Design Seliger and Shohamy (1989) and De Vaus (2002) claim that the research methods and techniques implemented in any research project depend upon the questions and the focus of the researcher. In addition, one can say that the selection of a research method is therefore determined by the research interests, the context of the people recordings and practical limitations faced by the researcher. In this particular study, the researcher attempts to achieve the main objectives identified in the first chapter. The study will mainly utilize the qualitative research approach. Creswell (1994, p. 1) describes qualitative research as “a query process of understanding a social or human problem, based on building a complex, holistic picture, formed with words, reporting comprehensive opinions of informants, and conducted in a natural setting”. Glesne and

Peshkin (1992, p. 5) claim that qualitative research stresses the description and not testing the hypothesis as in quantitative research. They also note that data in qualitative research is always condensed to themes as facts are presented in the narrative method as opposed to statistical ones as is typically the case with quantitative methodology.

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Burgess (1985) states that all methods linked with qualitative research are characterized by their flexibility as the scholars can shape and re-shape their work, for instance, scholars may wish to amend concepts as the collection and analysis of data proceed. They also pay attention to phenomena that occur in natural settings, that is, in the real world. This produces investigation of important new issues and questions as they arise, and allows the investigators to drop unfruitful areas of research from the original research plan. As the study concerns itself with a constraint-based analysis of syllable based processes in

Mahbashi Yemeni Arabic, the section has been divided into sub-sections; research design, sampling, data collection and syllabification respectively. A descriptive analysis of any language is a difficult task and entails prolonged field work. It is not possible to describe a language entirely in a single research project. Therefore, it is necessary to limit the focus of this study to a few aspects of MYA dialect. This is descriptive research whose main objective is to describe the syllable structure of MYA and to focus on the phonological processes of the syllable attested in the language within the framework of Optimality

Theory. Thus a descriptive research design will be adopted in the study because it would assist the researcher to describe and explain the observed linguistic phenomenon. The study attempts to describe the syllable structure of the language as it is, while identifying those phonological processes that are clearly constrained by this structure.

4.2 Sampling of the Study

The study required data from native speakers of MYA who formed the study population.

The data collected from the native speakers was supposed to achieve the research objectives set out in Chapter One. The data had to exhibit all the syllable structure types and the syllable based processes attested in MYA. Consequently, data on specific topics

103 have been obtained from MYA native speakers through nonprobability and purposive sampling method (Nastasia & Schensul, 2005). Sampling decisions are made for the explicit purpose of obtaining the richest possible source of information to achieve the research objectives. Purposive sampling decisions influence not only the selection of participants but also settings, incidents, events, and activities for data collection (Ploeg

,1999; Nastasia & Schensul, 2005). According to Milroy (1987), this sampling is known as judgment sampling. The principle underlying judgment sampling is that “the researcher identifies in advance the types of speakers to be studied and then seeks out a quota of speakers who fit the specified categories” (p.26). In judgment sampling, the researcher uses his/her judgment in selecting the units from the population for study based on the population’s parameters. It is a type of nonprobability sample, that has been chosen on the basis of the knowledge of a subject matter expert within understanding of the process being studied (Deming,1966; Perla & Provost, 2012). Purposeful sampling of twenty respondents from the study populations was done from which twelve respondents were selected. Nonprobability sampling was necessary because the study had to use pure data from the study population (Lagefoged, 2004). In line with Roach’s argument (2000) “If we study only one or two speakers, it is likely that our results will not be typical of other speakers” (p.207). The researcher recruited twelve participants who are native speakers of

MYA. Several researchers have observed that large samples tend not to be necessary for linguistic surveys, therefore, the researcher used a small sample of respondents (Milroy &

Gordon, 2008). Respondents aged above twenty years and not beyond sixty years of age were selected. The speakers who were found with speaking and hearing problems were not considered. Data were first identified through self-examination by the researcher.

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The researcher had native speaker competence, specifically, the phonological competence to identify the well-formed and ill-formed structures besides being able to produce well- formed utterances that adhere to the phonological rules of MYA. This approach is supported by Chomsky (1986) who argues for native speaker intuition as key in generating linguistic data. As stated by Vanhove (1999), it is a taboo in Yemeni community for a foreigner to speak with a woman or to tape-record her voice. Therefore, due to these social restrictions and for the safety of the researcher, all the samples of the study were males of different ages between 20-60 years. The following table provides information about the participants31 of the study:

Code Name Age Profession

AMH 45 Teacher

YMZ 34 Social Activist

AAA 55 Farmer

ALA 53 Retired Police Officer

YHM 25 Farmer

MYA 33 Social Activist

AAH 42 Merchant

KAG 33 Iron smith

AAZ 41 Accountant

AAG 36 Farmer

ABD 24 Student

ADA 35 Social Activist

Table (4.1): Participants’ Sheet

31 All names of the participants are given codes. The code name was given based on the first, second and the family names.

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4. 3 Data Gathering Procedures

The present study, in general, was based on two types of data: (i) 'primary data' obtained mainly by working with informants or directly observing language use, (ii) 'secondary data' obtained from writings on MSA. Originally, the research is meant to make use of both kinds of sources in the investigation (Hocket, 2001, p. 135). The researcher decided to concentrate on spoken data for three reasons. The first of these is the apparent absence of descriptions of MYA based on systematically collected spoken data. The second reason is that the researcher was concerned to include at least a partial description of the phonology and prosody of MYA, for which recorded data is necessary. The third reason for including spoken data relates rather more directly to the research objectives which seeks the phonemic inventory of MYA.

The spoken data consists of series of free conversation among the members of a particular group (usually of 2- 4 people) who live in the same region. This is an attempt to collect data that is as naturalistic as possible and to minimize the Observer’s Paradox first described by Labov (1972, p. 61) who explained “our goal is to observe the way people use language when they are not being observed”.

Data was collected from a diverse topics of socio-cultural, religious, social and political parameters in order to cover basic lexical items that are used in this dialect such as: food, clothes, traditions, folk tales, animals, plants, history, means of communication, jobs, entertainments, jokes, songs, poetry, youth interests, agriculture, names of people, tourism, education, religion, morals, politics, etc.

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The researcher participated in in the activities of Almuhabishah speaking community such as wedding ceremonies and funerals. While participating in these activates, the researcher came up with a word list of data generated through introspection. In fact, the first thing elicited was a series of one-hundred words that supposedly exist in all the world’s languages— known as the Swadesh word list after the linguist who devised it in the first half of the twentieth century (Hocket ,2001). It is a useful point from which to start the fieldwork. This was granted reasonable argument by Hocket (2001) and (Varjas et al,

2005) that a fieldworker almost always begins by eliciting quite brief utterances, of approximately “word” length, because the investigator can hardly hope to have with accuracy any much longer stretch of speech until he has had practice. The word list has been constructed from the data generated by the researcher and participant observation

(the researcher was involved in day-to-day activities, and collected spontaneously-uttered material. It contained data consisting of words and phrases that exhibit the following: the syllable structure types and the syllable processes in MYA. The data consisted of words and phrases from the nouns, verbs and adjectives because they showed all the features required for analysis. The word list was also used by the researcher as a guide for data verification and elicitation from the twelve native speaker respondents. This was to make sure that the participants' recordings gave the appropriate data required to achieve the research objectives. The data elicited from respondents also contained words and phrases exhibiting the syllable structure and the syllable processes in MYA. The participants were not informed about the phonological interest of the researcher because once they realized that they might follow the standard Arabic way of pronunciation consciously.

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4. 4 Recording of Data

The advantage of tape-recording in data collection is that it provides what Samarin (1967 p. 8) refers to as “linguistically accurate corpus of data” since each and every sound will be recorded. Crystal (1987) also adds that recording enables the linguist’s claims about the language to be verified. The presence of the researcher and his equipment might disturb the usual way an interaction unfolds. Good language data requires systematic observation while the informants are not conscious of being observed (Labov, 1972). The researcher followed Labove’s guidelines to ensure that the data collected were spontaneous speech data. For the current research, a digital, battery-powered voice recorder (Mini Digital Speaker) had been used. It is very light weight and pocket-sized and has the choice of selecting the the digital files format being prepared, of which MP3 was selected for the aim of this study. This device when it was placed on a flat surface, such as a table-top or a floor surface, made the respondents feel more relaxed, and produced spontenious speech. Since any piece of recording equipment makes a speaker more sensitive and conscious of his speech tending to produce more of modern standard arbic uttences, thereby producing spontaneous speech. The unconventional appearance of the MP3 (a small mobile like piece) and the fact that it enabled the researcher to place the recorder out of sight or in the front on the floor, helped subjects to soon forget that they were being recorded. It has been noticed that self-consciousness of being recorded was only temporary.

A laptop computer (Lenovo) was also used for both storage and some acoustic analysis of the syllable processes in MYA. (not all the data required acoustic analysis). The Praat computer software version 5.3.56 (Boersma & Weenink, 2009), whose typical

108 applications are speech analysis, sound annotation and transcription, was used. Speech

Analyzer helped the researcher to analyze participants’ utterances, determining whether a participant inserted, deleted or shortened a vowel.

With reference to speech hours recorded, three hours is considered appropriate for achieving the objectives of the current investigation. The amount of work and time required to the process of transliterating and translation the speech was taken into account.

The total duration of the recordings is 141 minutes. More than 110 megabytes’ recordings were collected during the whole work. The overall number of recordings is 18; all were transcribed and translated into English. Each recording has been given a code using the alphabet letters in order to protect the identity of the research participants and to find them easily. A sample of the transcription is provided in Appendix (C). The recorded data were transcribed phonemically. The texts were translated into idiomatic translation. The following table offers an outline of the context of collecting the data, the duration of each recording along with the number of the participants of each session.

Setting No Topic Duration Participant Note/Code (in minutes) Males(Groups) 1 Agriculture 4:12 3 (F) 2 Wedding 8:14 4 (A)

3 Social Activities of the 7:14 4 (G) hospitals 4 Folklore 2:10 2 (H) 5 Politics 4:57 2 (I) 6 War in Yemen 10:12 3 (J) 7 Computers and their 3:55 2 (K) Prices 8 Salaries and Poverty 8:31 2 (L) 9 Traditions 14:14 3 (M) Diwaan War in Yemen 8:45 4 (N) Sessions Different Topics 13:00 3 (O) 10 (Quarrels in the city) The role of Social 8:00 3 (E) 11 Associations

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12 Social Associations 8:45 2 (P) 13 Social Affairs 5.74 2 (C ) 14 Youth Interests 5:25 3 (B) 15 Social Affairs 5:22 3 (D) 16 The Prices of Dowry 3:14 3 (Q) 17 Charity 7.47 12 (R) 18 Social Affairs & 14.47 2 (S) Politics Total 18 18 141.38 52(Group) Table (4.2): An Overview of the Context of Data collection and Recordings’ Durations 4. 5 Transcription The researcher independently analyzed participants’ utterances in order to determine the transcriptions of the utterances. The researcher transcribed the environment, the phonemic alterations, and the presence of epenthetic vowels. Syncope, long vowel shortening and epenthesis were taken into account. The transcriptions were made using IPA (International

Phonetic Alphabet) symbols (version 2005) (See Appendix A). The words studied are arranged in tables where the first column shows the words in IPA transcription in MSA with their syllabic templates. Column two represents the words in MYA Arabic. The last column reflects the gloss of the words in English language. Regarding the syllabic templates, the researcher adopted the following notations; symbol of long vowels was described as V: and short vowel as V. Similarly, in the description of consonants, symbol of singleton was marked as C, geminate consonants were presented as CG and consonant clusters were presented as CC. The following table illustrates the syllable template abbreviation keys:

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Symbol Detailed C Singleton Consonant V Short Vowel V: Long vowel G Geminate CC Consonant clusters σ Syllable µ Mora Extrametrical Consonant Table (4.3): Syllable Template Abbreviation keys

4. 6 Collection of Syllables

A corpus of 1000 representative words has been collected and put together from MYA for the purpose of the current work (see appendix (A). Relevant words used by native speakers were recorded in a notebook (always ready in the pocket) for the syllables and syllabification analyses of the study.

4. 7 Analysis Procedure of Syllables

The corpus of MYA was first transcribed into IPA and then each sound was marked as C and V and translated into English. As mentioned above, this corpus was built up for analyzing syllabic templates, consonant clusters word initially, medially and finally, syllable boundaries and SSP of MYA. The theory of Onset Rhyme was employed for this analysis. Syllable boundaries and SSP of MYA were analyzed qualitatively to discover syllabification rules.

4. 8 Ethical Issues For any research, ethics refer to rules of conduct; usually to conformity to a set of principles (Israel & Hay, 2006). The researcher contacted four of the participants through

Facebook and What’s App to seek their help in data collection. For ethical consideration, the researcher informed the four participants about the objectives, the procedures, the

111 benefits, and the confidentiality of the recorded material. The researcher undertook that all the ethical issues in this research particularly the respondents’ recording would be protected by keeping their information confidential. The participants showed their voluntary by signing the consent form which has been developed by the researcher

(Appendix B). Pictures, flashcards and oral communication in the form of questions and answers were employed as a warmup activity. The respondents were asked to talk about some pictures of historical places and other situations displayed by the researcher and were asked to give their opinions about different cultural topics such as marriage expanses.

For the validity, the researcher consulted two Yemeni phonologist32, who work on the phonology of Yemeni Arabic dialect. He was asked to listen to some of the recordings to check if the researcher is on the right track. The raw data consisted of 1020 words. The researcher identified and eliminated some words that appeared as loanwords.

4.9 Conclusion

This chapter has also discussed the methodology that was used in the investigation. The study was a descriptive research in which the syllable structure of MYA is described showing the phonological locations of the syllable-based processes in the language. The study collected and used primary data from native speakers; the data were generated by the researcher and native speaker. An MP3 device and a laptop computer were used for storing the data and some acoustic analysis using the Praat programme.

32- Dr. Mohammed Damom, Assistant Professor of Linguistics, Department of English, Faculty of Education –Abs, University of Hajjah. Dr. Sameer Samadi, Assistant Professor of Linguistics, Department of English, Faculty of Education, Taiz University.

112

Chapter 5

An Analysis of the Phonological Background & the Prosodic Structure of Maħbashi Yemeni Arabic

5.0 Introduction

This chapter describes the consonants and vowels phonemic inventory. The phoneme inventories of both MSA and MYA are presented with discussion about the particular nature of each of these inventories and the main differences of the two. This chapter also addresses the issues that are essential to the syllabification in MYA. It presents the structure of the syllable as well as the related prosodic structures, focusing also on the phonological constraints that shape the well-formed syllables in MYA. Following this, the patterns of syllabification and the phonotactic phenomena related to the structure of the syllable are also accounted for. Then, it also investigates the prosody of MYA33.

5.1 Phonological Background (Consonant Phonemic Inventory)

It is difficult to offer a completely accurate description of Arabic sounds exclusively through written description and classification because there are some sounds which are exclusively found only in the Arabic phonological system and not in any other language such as / ðˤ/, /x/, /χ/. Some sounds are very similar to English, others slightly similar, and others quite different (Ryding, 2005, p. 12). This section is sketched to provide a phonemic description of the MYA sounds and highlights some principles of their pronunciations.

33- Now and onwards, reference to any piece of rule/date and constraints cited from another work has been directly acknowledged. If no reference has been indicated, the rule/data/ constraint belong to the researcher of the current study.

113

A precise description of the phonemic sound system of MSA has been found in the

literature on Arabic language (Monassar, 2014, p. 58). However, with the help of the

consonant inventory of MSA, I have elicited the phonemic inventory of MYA and

highlighted the differences among them.

There are inventories that greatly resemble MSA, but the one that is specifically

resembling MYA has not yet been identified. MYA shares all twenty-eight consonants of

MSA (Ryding ,2005). According to table (1) below, there are 28 consonants in ten places

of articulation paralleling those of the Modern Standard Arabic orthography. All the

phonemes that exist in MSA exist in MYA as well but not vice versa. All sounds

represented in the MYA inventory follow the latest version of the International Phonetic

Alphabet transcriptions. )see Appendix A). The following table illustrates a modified

consonant phonemic inventory34 of MYA:

Place of

Articulation

- Manner

of Articulation Bilabial Labio dental Dental Alveolar Post Alveolar Palatal Velar Uvular Pharyngea l Glottal t d k ɡ q* ʔ Plosives b tˤ dˤ Nasal m n Fricative f θ ð s z χ ħ ʕ h ðˤ sˤ ∫ ʁ35 Affricate dʒ Trill / Tap r Lateral l Approximant w j Table (5.1): Consonant Phonemic Inventory of the MYA (Modified from Ryding ,2005)

34 Sounds in pairs are distinguished for being voiced or voiceless. The first sound of pair sounds is voiceless while the second one is voiced. 35 - In terms of phonetic realization, MSA uvular/χ/ and /ʁ/ are replaced in a few dialects with velar [x] and [Ɣ] respectively.

114

It is clear from table (1) that the phoneme inventory of a language is usually represented in the form that indicates place of articulation, manner of articulation, and voicing. There are twenty-eight attested consonants in Arabic: eight stops: /b/, /t/, / tˤ /,/dˤ /, /d/, /k/, / ɡ /,

/ʔ/, fourteen fricatives: /f/, /θ /, / ð /, / ðˤ /,/s/, /sˤ/, /z/, /∫/, /x/, / Ɣ /, /ħ/, /ʕ/, / h/ , one affricate;

/j/,two nasals; /m/ and /n/, one lateral: /l/, one trill: /r/, and two semivowel(Approximant):

/w/ and /y/( Ryding , 2005).

The consonantal inventory shows that there are some evident distributional gaps. First, as it is typical of Arabic dialects, the voiceless bilabial stop and the voiced labio-dental fricative sounds /p / and /v/ are absent from the inventory of both MSA and MYA. Second, the voiceless affricate /tʃ/ is absent and only its counterpart is found / dʒ/. The velar stop

/ɡ/ is present in some Arabic dialects though. The original uvular stop, *q, is preserved in many Syrian and North African dialects, in many dialects in which the reflex of *q is a glottal stop, yet, certain religious and Standard Arabic words are pronounced with a voiceless uvular stop (Watson, 2002, p. 17), as in the following examples from Cairene

Arabic:

(5.1) il-qahira ‘Cairo’

il-qurʔan ‘the Qur’an’

In Bedouin dialects and the dialects spoken in the central region of northern Yemen, including San’ani, the reflex of *q is a voiced velar stop, /ɡ/ (Watson, 2000, p. 17). As to the fricative and affricate classes of sounds, the voiced labiodental fricative/ v/ and the voiceless post alveolar affricate/ tʃ/are missing from both Arabic and the MYA.

115

On the other hand, both the MYA and MSA have pharyngealized or uvularized segments

(emphatics) like [ tˤ, ðˤ, dˤ and sˤ]. The classical view about these sounds was that they were rare cross-linguistically (on the basis that they physiologically difficult to produce).

Nevertheless, latest research has proved this hypothesis to be false (Al-Hashmi, 2004).

The pharyngealized (retracted tongue root) glottal stop /ʔ/ (as transcribed in Thelwall and

Sa'adeddin, 2005) is represented in table (5.1) as a pharyngeal approximant [ʔ]. In some

Arabic dialects (like Damascene) the voiced pharyngeal guttural / ʕ/ could be a stop, but in other dialects like Omani and Moroccan Arabic it is an approximant.

The pronunciation of glottal stop /ʔ/ is problematic throughout the history of Arabic language. Like many Arabic dialects; Meccan Arabic (Abu-Mansour, 1987) and Najdi

Arabic (Alqahtani, 2014), glottal stop/ʔ/ in MYA disappears and in some cases it is retained. An underlying glottal stop is retained in words like /ʔarðˤ/ ‘land’ /ʔajjam/ ‘days’

/ʔabu/ ‘father’ and /ʔahl/ ‘family’. However, in few cases a word-initial glottal stop disappears together with its vowel as in /ʔakja:s/ →/kja:s/ ‘plastic bags’ ,

/ʔahmad/→/hmad/ ‘ Ahmad’ and /ʔaħwal/→/ħwal/ ‘ cross-eyed. In the same vein with different dialects, there are instances where MYA words tend to lose the internal glottal stop. For example, /biʔr/→[bi:r] ‘well’ , /raʔs/→[ra:s] ‘head’ and /faʔs/→/fa:s/ ‘axe’. In the last three examples, the glottal stop is dropped, and the pre-consonantal vowel undergoes compensatory lengthening.

One of the distinctive aspects of MYA is the use of /ʔam/ as a definite article. In Arabic,

,or /ʔal/ is attached to the beginning of the nouns. That is to say ( (ال ( the definite article in MYA, the /l/ in the definite article /ʔal/ is recognized as /m/ to show definiteness when the referents are unique and specific. However, /m/ does not replace [l] if the referent is

116 generic. The case is parallel to the use of /n, m/ for [l] that has been broadly shared

(Watson, 2011; Hamdi, 2015) among south Arabian dialects including Yemeni. However, in MYA only /m/ is recognized as in the following examples:

(5.2) Examples of the definite article in MYA

/ʔal/ ,/ʔam/ + Stem MSA MYA Gloss

ḥisa:b ʔal.ḥi.sa:b miḥ.sa:b The account

kita:b ʔal.ki..taab mik..ta:b The book

ḥiwa:r ʔal. ḥi.wa:r miḥ.wa:r The dialogue

5.1.1 Distribution of MYA Consonants MYA divides its consonantal inventory into three classes: obstruents, sonorants and gutturals. Obstruents are those sounds whose production obstructs the airflow. They include; plosives and emphatics (Al-Hashmi, 2004, p. 26; Radford, et al. 2009, p. 37). The second pattern includes all the consonantal sonorants. Sonorants are those sounds which involve a greater degree of resonance (see Table 5.1). They include; nasals, approximants, lateral and trill sounds (l, m, n, j, w and r). MYA is also known to enjoy a series of coronals. The dental, alveolars, post- alveolars and palatals. They are called coronals because they all involve the tip or the blade of the tongue in their productions. Moreover,

MYA has a set of labials. These sounds include the bilabial and labiodental sounds and all involve the lips in their articulation. The final set of sounds treated as a natural class by the MYA is gutturals. In the MYA, this group includes the uvular /q/, the two pharyngeals /ħ/ and /ʕ/ and the laryngeal /x/ the pharyngeal /ħ/ and /ʕ/ and the laryngeals

/h/ and /ʔ/ (Radford, et al. 2009, p. 37).

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Some researchers like Zawaydeh (1999) identify the guttural class in Arabic to broadly include emphatics and the uvular /q/ in addition to the two uvulars /x/ and / Ɣ/, the two the pharyngeal /ħ/ and /ʕ/ and the two laryngeals /h/ and /ʔ/. She defines it as "a group of sounds that have a constriction in the back part of the vocal tract"(p.23). The description of the phonemes is based on MSA and TYA inventory (Shaghi, 2010; Sabir,2014; Shariq,

2015). The consonant inventory of MYA is technically described with illustrative examples as follows:

5.1.1.1 Stop Sounds a- /b/ is a voiced bilabial stop sound. [+obstruent, - continuent, +voiced, +labial]

It is articulated by completely closing the lips, stopping the air flow in the oral cavity. Its distribution is clearly presented in the following examples:

(5.3)

Phoneme /b/ Position Initial Medial Final Form be:t ɡabli mi tˤa: l.lib Gloss ‘house’ ‘before me’ ‘beggar

b- [t] is a voiceless alveolar stop sound. [+obstruent, - continuent, -voiced, +coronal, +anterior]

It is articulated with the tip of the tongue touching the alveolar ridge. Consider the following examples:

(5.4)

Phoneme /t/ Position Initial Medial Final Form ta.ma:m daftar ma:t Gloss ‘OK’ ‘notebook’’ ‘he died’

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[ +obstruent, - continuent, +voiced, +coronal, +anterior]

It is articulated with the tip of the tongue touching the alveolar ridge. The following examples illustrates its distributions.

(5.5)

Phoneme /d/ Position Initial Medial Final Form dam jidxul, madduh hind , bard Gloss ‘blood’ ‘he enters’, ‘they extended it’ ‘Proper name’ ‘cold’

(d) /k/ is a voiceless velar stop sound. [+obstruent, - continuent, -voiced, +dorsal]

Its articulation involded pressing the back of the tongue against the soft palate or velum.

Examples of its distributions are given below:

(5.6)

Phoneme /k/ Position Initial Medial Final Form kta:b maktu:b misk , bank Gloss ‘a book’ ‘a letter sent to someone’ ‘musk’ ‘ Bank’

(e) /ɡ/ a voiced velar stop sound.

[+obstruent, - continuent, +voiced, +dorsal]

This phoneme is articulated by raising the back of the tongue towards the soft palate or velum. It occurs word-initially, word-medially and word-finally as clarified below:

(5.7)

Phoneme /ɡ/ Position Initial Medial Final Form ɡirbah maɡtu:l maḥru:ɡ Gloss ‘water container’ ‘being killed’ ‘being fired’

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(f) /ʔ/ a voiceless glottal stop/plosive sound. [+obstruent, - continuent, -voiced, +constricted glottis]

During its articulation, the vocal cards are brought together then releasing them suddenly.

The distribution of this phenome is presented below:

(5.8)

Phoneme /ʔ/ Position Initial Medial Final Form ʔahl masʔalih ……….. Gloss ‘Family’ ‘solving problem’

(g) /tˤ/ a voiceless alveolar emphatic stop sound.

[+coronal, - continuent, -voiced, +anterior]

This phoneme is articulated when the tip of the tongue comes in contact with the alveolar ridge while the center of tongue is lowered and its back is raised. It takes palce in the three positions of the word as exemplified in the following table:

(5.9) Phoneme /tˤ/ Position Initial Medial Final Form tˤa:sah/ tˤaɡah rtˤubah tmaʃʃitˤ Gloss Cooking pot/window’ ‘humidity’ ‘you comb your hair'

(h) /dˤ / a voiced alveolar emphatic stop sound. [+coronal, - continuent, +voiced, +anterior]

It is articulated when the tip of the tongue comes in contact with the alveolar ridge while the center of the tongue is depressed and its back is raised It takes palce in the three positions of the word as exemplified in the following table:

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(5.10)

Phoneme /tˤ/ Position Initial Medial Final Form dˤabiḥ mdˤru:b be:dˤ Gloss ‘I am bored’ ‘being beaten’ ‘white (pl) F’

5.1.1.2 Fricative Sounds a- /f/ is voiceless labiodental fricative sound. [ +continuent, - voiced, +labial , - strident]

This phoneme is articulated with the lower lip is brought close to the upper teeth forming a narrow gap between them. It occupies all the initial, medial and final positions of a word as illustrated below.

(5.11)

Phoneme /f/ Position Initial Medial Final Form fa:nu:s mafsˤu:l/ ʕusfu:r ħarf/ wa:lif/ħilf Gloss ‘lantern’ ‘Disconnected/ A bird’ ‘Letter/ used to/ ally’

b- /ө/ a voiceless labiodental fricative sound. [ +continuent, - voiced, +coronal, +anterior, - strident]

Its articulation is formed when the tip of the tongue is brought between the upper teeth and the lower teeth. The following table shows its occurance:

(5.12)

Phoneme /ө/ Position Initial Medial Final Form өne:n/ өu:r mawөu:ɡ/ liθmah baħө/ mira:ө Gloss ‘two/ an ox’ ‘being trusted/ a veil’ Research/ inheritance’

c- / ð /a voiced interdental fricative sound. [ +continuent, +voiced, +coronal, +anterior, - strident]

It is articulated exactly like the phoneme /ө/. It is produced by placing the tip of the tongue between the upper teeth and the lower teeth. The following table shows its distributions:

121

(5.13)

Phoneme /ð/ Position Initial Medial Final Form ðnu:b mðabðab/maðhu:l mʕaað Gloss ‘sins’ ‘vibrated’/ ‘surprised’ ‘Muʕath’ (Proper name)

d- /s/ a voiceless alveolar fricative sound. [ +continuent, -voiced, +coronal, +anterior, +strident]

It is produced with the tip of the tongue is brought very close to touch the velum. It occupies all the positions of the word, initial, medial and final, as illustrated in (5.14) below:

(5.14)

Phoneme /s/ Position Initial Medial Final Form sħu:r misma:r/mabsam ʤins/ʔiḥsas Gloss ‘The dawn time’ ‘Nail/lip’ ‘Gender/ feelings’

e- /z/ a voiced alveolar fricative sound. [+continuent, +voiced, +coronal, +anterior, +strident]

/z/ is the voiced counterpart of/s/. It is also articulated exactly as /s/ except that during its articulation the vocal codrs vibrate. Its distribution is clarified in the following table.

(5.15)

Phoneme /z/ Position Initial Medial Final Form za:bi:b tubzuɡ/ mizma:r mu:z Gloss ‘raisin’ ‘You spit / flute’ ‘banana’

f- / sˤ / a voiceless alveolar emphatic fricative sound. [+continuent, -voiced, +coronal, +anterior, +strident]

/ sˤ / is the emphatic counterpart of /s/. It is produced exactly as /s/ exept that during its articulation the back of the tongue is raised in the direction of the velum. It has the following distribution:

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(5.16)

Phoneme /sˤ/ Position Initial Medial Final Form sˤabr masˤri: naɡsˤ/ ba:sˤ Gloss ‘patience’ ‘Egyptain’ ‘scarcity/ a bus’

g- /ʃ/ a voiceless post-alveolar fricative sound. [+continuent, -voiced, +coronal, +anterior, +strident, +distributed]

It is articulated by pressing the blade of the tongue against the hard palate. Its distribution is shown below:

(5.17)

Phoneme /ʃ/ Position Initial Medial Final Form ʃrib riʃħ / mʃamaʕ mabu:ʃ Gloss ‘he drank’ ‘Plastic/ sweat there is nothing’

h- /x/ a voiceless velar fricative sound. [+continuent, -voiced, +dorsal]

During its articulation, the extreme back of the tongue is brought very close to the velum so that there is a narrow gap between them allowing the air stream to flow creating audible friction and the soft palate is raised. Its occuracne in the word is illustrated in the following table:

(5.18)

Phoneme /x/ Position Initial Medial Final Form xma:r mxaji: tˤ / jisxan wsix Gloss ‘veil’ ‘tailor’/ to get warm’ ‘dirty’

i- /ɣ/ a voiced velar fricative sound. [+continuent, +voiced, +dorsal]

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/ɣ/ is the voiced counterpart of /x/. It is articulated exactly like /x/ exept that the vocal cords are vibrating during its articulation. It occupies all the positions of the word as illustrated in (5.19) below:

(5.19)

Phoneme /ɣ / Position Initial Medial Final Form ɣaramah muɣram fa:riɣ Gloss ‘fine, penalty’ ‘fond of’ ‘Empty’ without any work’

j- /ħ/ a voiceless pharyngeal fricative sound. [+continuent, +voiced, +glottal]

It is articulated in the pharynx with an open glottis some friction by norrowing of the

pharynx. The following examples show its distributions:

(5.20)

Phoneme /ħ/ Position Initial Medial Final Form ħma:r laħm/mitħa:mil/ madħ Gloss ‘donkey’ ‘meat /carrying things ‘praise’

k- /h/ a voiceless glottal fricative sound. [+continuent, -voiced, +spread glottal]

It is articulated in the larynex with an open glottis generating friction through which the air passes. Its distribution is presented below:

(5.21)

Phoneme /ħ/ Position Initial Medial Final Form hnu:d/ha:t sahir/ jiɡhar mhimih Gloss ‘Indians / give’ ‘Stay up / overwhelmed ‘mission’

l- / ðˤ / a voiced interdental emphatic fricative sound. [+continuent, +voiced, +coronal, +anterior]

124

It is the emphatic counterpart of / tˤ /36. It is pronounced with the back of the toingue is raised towards the velum. Its distribution is presented below:

(5.22)

Phoneme /ðˤ/ Position Initial Medial Final Form ðˤju:f nabðˤi: ɣali:ðˤ Gloss ‘guests’ ‘My pulse’ ‘thick’

5.1.1.3 Affricate Sound

There is only one affricate sound in MYA:

a- /ʤ/ voiced post alveolar affricate. b- [-continuent, +voiced, +coronal, -anterior, +distributed, +strident]

Catford (1977, p. 211) defines an affricate as a stop released with close transition into a homorganic fricative.

(5.23) Phoneme / ʤ / Position Initial Medial Final Form ʤamal maʤnu:n ħaʤʤ Gloss ‘Camel’ ‘mad’ Pilgrimage

5.1.1.4 Nasal Sounds a- /m/ a voiced bilabial nasal sound. [+sonorant, +voice, +labial, +continuant, +nasal]

Its articulation involves bringing up the lower and upper lips together, thus allowing the air to pass through the nose. Consider the following examples which present its distribution:

36 - Emphatic sounds are distinctive class of Semetic languages.

125

(5.24)

Phoneme /m/ Position Initial Medial Final Form maktabah mhimah/ minhamik ʕaðˤm Gloss ‘a library’ ‘mission / fully engaged’ ‘bone’

b- /n/ a voiced alveolar nasal sound. [+sonorant, +voice, +labial, +continuant, +nasal]

It is articulated by raising the tip of the tongue towards the alveolar ridge while the soft palate is lowered permitting the air to go out through the nose. Its distribution is presented below:

(5.25)

Phoneme /n/ Position Initial Medial Final Form nasˤr maʤnu:n fla:n Gloss ‘victory’ ‘mad’ A person

5.1.1.5 Laterals

a- /l/ a voiced alveolar lateral sound.

[+sonorant, +voice, +lateral, +continuant]

It is made by the front of the tongue presseing against the center of the alvealor ridge without contact with the sides of the hard palate. The air stream escapes freely on the sides of the tongue. The emphatic or velarized [I] found in MSA and many Arabic varieties does not occur in MYA (Ferguson, 1956). Examples of its distribution are exemplified below:

126

(5.26)

Phoneme /l/ Position Initial Medial Final Form laḥm mlaja:m ḥwal Gloss ‘meat’ ‘sweet’ ‘cross-eyed’

5.1.1.6 Trill a- /r/ a voiced alveolar trill sound. [+sonorant, +voice, +trill, +continuant]

This sound is produced by tapping the toungue repeatedly against appoint of contact. It involves intermittent closure. The following examples clarify its distribution:

(5.27)

Phoneme /r/ Position Initial Medial Final Form raʤa:l mirta:ħ bi:r Gloss ‘man’ ‘relaxed’ ‘well’

5.1.1.7 Semivowels/Glides There are two semivowels in MYA. They are demonstrated below:

a- /w/ a voiced bilabial (High Back Rounded) semivowel sound. [+approximant, +voice, +labial, +continuant, +round]

It is produced with the back of the tongue raised and the lips are rounded. It occurs in initial medial and final positions.

(5.28)

Phoneme /w/ Position Initial Medial Final Form wald mwafi:g/ jilwi: …………… Gloss ‘a boy’ ‘agreed / twist/ ………………

127

b- /j/ a voiced palate-alveolar (High Front Unrounded) semivowel sound. [+approximant, +voice, +labial, + continount, -round]

It occurs at the intial position only. It is produced with the lips spread and the center of tongue is raised towards the direction of the hard palate. Its occurance is presented below:

(5.29)

Phoneme /j/ Position Initial Medial Final Form jiʤlis ………….. …………… Gloss ‘he sits’ ……...... ………………

The following table represents the major distinctive features in MYA:

Place Manner

Consonantal

continount

spr glottal spr

Sonorant

Anterior Anterior

Coronal

strident

lateral

dorsal

Nasal

labial

voice

trill

Sound

b + + + - - f + + - - - + Ѳ + + - + - - + ð + + + + - - + ðˤ + + + + - - + t + + - + - - d + + + + - - s + + - + - + z + + + + - + sˤ + + - + - + tˤ + + - + - - r + + + + + + + l + + + + + + + m + + + + + + n + + + + + + + ʃ + + - - + - + w + + + + + + j + + - + + k + + - - - ɡ + + + - - dʒ + + + + - χ + + - - +

128

Ɣ + + - - + ḥ + + - - + ʕ + + - + ʔ + + - - h + - - + + Table (5.2): Distinctive features Matrix for MYA consonant phonemes (Modified from Chomsky, & Halle, 1968; Alotaibi, & Meftah, 2013).

5.2 Vowels and Diphthongs

Arabic vowel system basically revolves around three vowels and two diphthongs. All the

Arabic vowels are oral and fully voiced (Newman, 1987, p. 70). Arabic vowels basically follow the structure of cardinal vowels. The Arabic vowel system is uncomplicated: three different vowel qualities, each with a short and long variant. Mitchell (1993) reported that

"the vowel system of Arabic is a simple one of three vowel units or phonemes - open, close front, close back - with a superposed short, long distinction applicable to all three"

(p. 138).

Like most Arabic dialects, MYA vowel inventory has only three short vowels /i, u, a/ which are contrastive in length / i:, u: , a:/ and two long mid vowels /o:/ and /e:/. Consider the vowel inventory of MYA in figure (2.1).

For my own use and in agreement with a number of other scholars (Ryding, 2005, p. 17,

Abdoh, 2011, p. 84), I prefer to represent long vowels as the dotted length notation (a: i: u:).

For each short vowel / i, u, a/, there is a corresponding contrastive long vowel /i:, u:, a:/ , however, the diphthongs /au/ and /ei/ in MSA are absent in MYA and they are coalesced to become long vowels /o:/ and /e:/ (Abdoh, 2011, p. 84). . MYA vowel inventory is exemplified in the following table:

129

Short Long

i i:

a a;

u u:

--- o: a realization of MSA diphthong au

--- e: a realization of MSA diphthong ei

Table (5.3): Vowel phonemic inventory of the MYA (adapted from Watson,2002; Ryding, 2005)

To come up with a clear picture of MYA vowel inventory, I follow Gairdner (1925), and

Newman and Verhoeven’s terms of “the triangle” and “the Cardinal Vowel” diagram

(2002, p. 77). The following diagram presents MYA vowel inventory:

Figure (5.1): Vowels in MYA (Modified from Watson,2002; Ryding, 2005)

It can be observed that MYA does not have lexical schwa in its vowel inventory. (Abdoh,

2011) reports that Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) and Classical Arabic (CA) consist of two diphthongs /ai/ and /au/, however, /ai/ and /au/ are coalesced to be recognized as /e: / and /o: / in MYA as in /zait/ → /ze:t/ ‘oil’ and / sˤaum/ → / sˤo:m/ ‘Fasting’.

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5.2.1 Distribution of Vowels

5.2.1.1 Short Vowels

a- /i/ a short high front unrounded vowel.

In the articulation of/i/, the lips are generally spread. For example:

(5.30) Position form Gloss Medial jiktub ‘he writes’ Final ru:ti ‘bread’ Milħ ‘salt”

b- /u/ a short high back rounded vowel.

It is articulated with lip rounding.

(5.31) Position form Gloss Medial ktub ‘books’

c- /a/ a short low unrounded vowel.

It is fronted and it is produced without any lip rounding.

(5.32) Position form Gloss Medial ɡalb ‘heart’

5.2.1.2 Long Vowels

The long vowels are distinguished by the duration of time they take. The following explanations gives an idea about each vowel sound.

a- /i:/ a long high front unrounded vowel.

In its articulation, the lips are generally spread. Some illustrative examples are shown below:

(5.33) Position Form Gloss Medial mxaji:tˤ ‘tailor’ Medial za:bi:b ‘raisin’ bi:ðˤ ‘white,f”

b- /u: / a long high back rounded vowel.

131

It is the counterpart of /u/. It has more lip rounding and tenseness. The illustrative examples show the different positions of the sound:

(5.34) Form Gloss maʤnu:n ‘mad’ masˤ tˤu:m ‘feeling shocked’ su:ɡ ‘Market’

c- /a:/ a long low central unrounded vowel.

/a:/ is the counterpart of /a/ Some illustrative examples are shown below;

(5.35) Form Gloss ba:b ‘door’ dukka:n ‘shop’

d- /o:/ a long mid-back rounded vowel.

/o:/ is longer in duration and the lips are rounded, but have no glide or diphthongal quality.

Some illustrative examples are shown below:

(5.36) Form Gloss lo:z ‘Almonds’ ɵo:r ‘bull’ lo:n ‘color’ lo:ħ ‘board’ tˤo:ɡ ‘chain’

e- /e:/ a long mid front unrounded vowel.

It is longer than /ey/ or /ei/ , but it has no glide or diphthongal quality. Some illustrative examples are shown below:

(5.37) Form Gloss se:f ‘ Sword’ kunde:ʃan ‘an air conditioner’ xe:meh ‘tent’ ðe:b ‘ Wolf”

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5.3 Syllable Structure of Maħbashi Yemeni Arabic

No study has yet been carried out on the syllable structure of MYA. Like MSA, the core syllables of MYA are: CV, CVV, CVC, CVVC and CVCC plus the additional five types syllables; CCV, CCVCC, CCVV, CCVC and CCVVC respectively. MYA exhibits the following ten syllabic patterns:

Syllable Example Gloss Syllable Example Gloss Pattern Pattern in in MYA MSA /CV/ /ma.ʃa/ ‘he went’ CV /sa.maaʔ/ ‘Sky’ /CVC/ /mis. ʤid/ ‘mosque’ CVC /sin/ ‘Tooth’ /min/ , /ʤin/ ‘who’, ‘genie’ /CVV/ /ra:.sal/ ‘to contact’ /CVV/ /ʕa:.lim/ ‘scholar’ /CVVC/ /ma:t / ‘he died’ /CVVC/ /ba:b / ‘door’ /CVCC/ /mahr/ ‘Dowry’ /CVCC/ /nahr/ ‘river’ /CCV/ /twa. sˤil./ ‘you continue ’ ------/CCVCC/ /xtart/ ‘I chose’ ------/CCVV/ /ħmu:.dˁah/ ‘sourness’ ------/CCVC/ /ħmad/ /ḥmar/ ‘Ahamed’ ------‘Red coulur’ /CCVVC/ /sˤfu:f/ ‘classes’ ------Table (5.4): Syllable Patterns in MYA & MSA

From the above table, in the same vein with MSA, MYA prohibits words with onsetless syllable. Looking at the ten syllable patterns which represent all the possible types in

MYA, it is clear that the nucleus is always represented by either a short or long vowel.

Both the onset and the coda may consist of one consonant or two consonants. As opposed to MSA, consonant clusters in MYA are attested word-initially/finally by whether they obey Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP)37 or not. It is observed that the syllable

37 For more details about SSP, see section (5.10) of this chapter

133 structures CV, CVV, CCV and CCVV do not occur in monosyllabic words. They have to be found in bi-syllabic words. The following table shows the distribution of MYA syllable types with regard to their occurrences:

Syllable type Word-Initially Word-Medially Word-Finally CV wa.fi ‘loyal’ /ʃa. ʤa.rih/ ‘tree’ /wa.fi/ ‘loyal’ CVV /ka: tib / ‘writer’ /ða.ri:.bah/ ‘tax’ /ra.ma:/ ‘he /ba:.bu:r/ ‘ engine’ throw ’ CVC /mis. ʤid / ‘mosque’ /si.far. ʤal/ /mis. ʤid / ‘quince’ ‘mosque’ CVCC /ʃams/ ‘the sun’, /ða. baħt. ha/ /nħa. bast/ CVCG /sidd/ ‘Dam’ ‘I killed her’ ‘I was jailed’ CVVC / be:t / ‘house’ /xab.be: t. ha/ /nis.wa:n/ 'ladies' ‘I hid her’ CCV /kta ʃaf / ‘ He discovered' ------CCVCC /xtart/ ‘ I chose’ ------CCVC /stag.bal/ ‘he received’ ------/swad/ ‘black’ /ħwal/ ‘cross-eyed’ CCVVC /ħru:b/ 'wars' ------CCVV /ħmu:.dah/ ‘sourness’ Table (5.5): Syllable Types in MYA According to Their Positions in the Syllable

It can be observed that the first five syllable types occur freely in all positions while the last five are restricted to word initially and they result from syncope or suffixation. It is also shown that the dialect has a peripheral set of syllables which are restricted in their occurrence. These are the superheavy syllables: CCV, CCVCC, CCVC, CCVVC and

CCVV which all occur only word initially. With respect to length, the syllable in MYA can be divided into the following:

134

a- Weak ‘light’ Syllables Syllable Pattern Example Gloss CV /la/ ‘no’ CCV /sta/ as in /sta.wa/ ‘he became straightforward ’ b- Strong ‘heavy’ Syllables CVC /mis/ in /masjid/ ,/ʃil/ ‘Mosque’, ‘take’ CVV /ħa: in /ḥa:.sab/ ‘to count’ CCVC /lhim/, /ħmad/ ‘for them’, “proper name Ahmad” CCVV /ħmu:/ in /ħmu:.dah/ ‘Sourness’ c- Super-strong ‘superheavy’ Syllables CVVC /ɡa:m / , /ra:s/ /he stood/, 'head’ CVCG /ɡirr/, /sadd/ , /ʃams/ ‘shut up’ ‘to close’, ‘the sun’ CCVVC sˤfu:f/, ʕlu:m/, / fnu:n/, sni:n ‘classes”, ‘news’, ‘arts’, ‘years’ CVVCC / ħa:dd/,/ʃamm/ ‘to sharpen’ , he smelled Table (5.6): Distribution of MYA Syllable According to their Length

To sum up, in MYA light syllables appear as open short syllables; heavy syllables contain both open and closed syllables but they are all long syllables; and, finally, superheavy syllables consist of only long closed syllables. It is also to be noticed that the onset in MYA is obligatory up to two consonants, while codas are permitted up to two consonants. Two- consonant codas occur only word-finally following a short vowel, or a geminate following a short vowel, as in CVCG and CVCC.

An interesting point which has been observed in MYA is that it allows triple consonant clusters in the coda position in one case only. Consider the following examples:

(5.38) /ma-xazan-t-ʃ/  [ma.xa.zantʃ] ‘I did not chew Qat’

/ma-xtart-ʃ/  [max.tartʃ] ‘I did not choose’

/ma.sˤu:m-t-ʃ/  [ma.sˤumtʃ] ‘I did not fast’

Examining the above data form MYA shows the formation of tri-consonant clusters due to the addition of the affixation of the double negation markers [ma] and [-ʃ]. This is considered to be a dialectical gap. This is syntactically driven phenomenon. An

135 investigation of the double negation and its relation with the tri-consonant clusters in the coda position is within the domain of phonology-syntax interface. Therefore, the behavior of double negation and consonant clusters requires separate studies.

5.4 Word Structure in MYA

In order to establish the core lexical types in MYA, I would investigate some types only due to the given time and space limit. Moreover, a study of lexicon beyond the phonological word domain would have been too broad. Therefore, only lexical words within the domain of the phonological words were considered to study the word structures of MYA. MYA lexemes are monosyllabic, disyllabic, tri-syllabic or quadric-syllabic. It exhibits words with more than this number of syllables but the current study will be restricted only to those four categories of words according to their number of syllables.

Word-final syllables (including monosyllabic words) are regularly maximal consisting of a simple onset, nucleus and coda. MYA requires a syllable with an onset, therefore, it always begins with and optionally end with a consonant as it is made clear in the following examples:

5.4.1 Monosyllabic Words in MYA Monosyllabic words in MYA involve the syllable templates with the varieties of canonic structures like /CV/, /CVC/, /CVVV/, /CCVVC/ and CVCC.

Word Syllable Pattern Gloss /la/ CV ‘No’ /lak/ CVC ‘Yours, m.s.’ /nu:m/ CVVC ‘sleep’ /kla:b/ CCVVC ‘dogs’ /ʃams/ CVCC ‘sun’ /tˤħi:n/ CCVVC flour Table (5.7): Examples of Monosyllabic Words in MYA

136

5.4.2 Disyllabic Words in MYA

Disyllabic words in MYA comprise a final /CVC/, /CV/ or /CVVC/ preceded by an open/ light syllable as in the following examples:

Word Syllable Pattern Gloss /ɡir.bih/ CVC.CVC ‘sack for water’ /ha.la/ CV.CV ‘welcome’ /fa.ras/ CV.CVC ‘horse’ /ˈda:.fi CVV.CV ‘Warm’ /ʢid.wa:n/ CVC.CVVC ‘Aggresion’ /zin.bi:l/ CVC.CVVC ‘Basket made of palm leaves’ mik.ta:b CVC.CVC ‘the book’ /za.mi:l/ CV.CVVC Classfellow /bun.duɡ/ CVC.CVC ‘ Gun’ /ɡin.di:l/ CVC.CVVC ‘Bulb’ /maʃ. ɡar/ CVC.CVC ‘The man with blonde hair’ Table (5.8): Examples of Disyllabic Words in MYA

5.4.3 Tri-Syllabic Words in MYA

MYA tri-syllabic words commonly contain a final / CVVC/, /CVC/ or /CV/ syllable preceded by a light or heavy penultimate syllable as in the following examples:

Word Syllable Pattern Gloss /mda.ri.sa:t/ CCV.CV.CVVC ‘female teachers’ /bid.wij.jih/ CVC.CVC.CVC ‘Bedouin woman’ /mit.ʕall.mi:n/ CVC.CVCC.CVVC ‘Educated m.p.’ /mṣa:.ra.ʕah/ CCVV.CV.CVC ‘wrestling’ /θal.la:.ʤah/ CVC.CVV.CVC ‘fridge’ /θa.ˈla:.θah/ CV.CVV.CV ‘Three’ /ba:ridi:n/ CVV.CV.CVVC ‘Careless’ Table (5.9): Examples of Tri-Syllabic Words in MYA

137

5.4.4 Quadrisyllabic Words in MYA

Quadrisyllabic words in MYA typically consist of a final /CVVC/ syllable preceded by a heavy syllable or light syllable as can be seen below:

Word Syllable Pattern Gloss /tal.faz.yu:.na:t/ CVC.CVC.CVV.CVVC ‘televisions’ /mus.taʃ.fa.ˈja:t/ CVC.CVC.CV.CVVC ‘Hospitals’ /mus.taw.sˤa.ˈfa:t/ CVC.CVC.CV.CVVC ‘Clinics’ Table (5.10): Examples of Quadrisyllabic Words in MYA

It is noted that the commonest MYA words have four syllables at the most. However, this does not include the affixes, verb extension combinations and reduplicated words. With all these, MYA have words or verbs with more than four syllables.

5.5 Onset Restrictions in MYA

Like MSA and many Arabic dialects, the syllable in MYA always begin with a consonant.

Onsetless syllables are banned in MYA. Syllables starting with a vowel are not allowed.

Consequently; the syllable type (VC) is not permitted as it is evident in the example below:

(5.39) */ɡirb. ih/ “sack for water”

The following figure captures this structure: *σ

N C

V C

i h

138

One common strategy to avoid onsetless syllables is to resort to the syllabification process.

Therefore, the following examples will have the surface representation:

Underlying Representation Surface Representation Gloss

(5.40) a */ɡirb.ih/  / ɡir.bih/ ‘flask for water b */ʃuft.ak/  /ʃuf.tak / ‘I saw you’

Consider the following Onset/rime structures for one of the obove examples: -

σ * σ σ σ

R R ----- R R

O O O N C N C N C N C

b i */girb.ih/ ɡ i r“sack b for water” i h ɡ i r h

The above examples show how the underlying onsetless syllables (i.e. /.ih/ and /.ak/) emerge with an onset by the process of re-syllabifying the second sound of the preceding syllable coda. Likewise, the coda of the first syllable in the word /qirb.ih/ becomes the onset of the second syllable /bih/. Resyllabification is used as a mean to prevent onsetless syllables which the language prohibits.

The following monomoraic syllable is the minimal syllable pattern in MYA in general.

To keep in mind, under the moraic theory, onset consonants are moraless (Hyman, 1985;

Hayes, 1989). This syllable is obligatorily filled by a consonant and a vowel:

139

(5.41) /wa/ in /wa.fi / ‘loyal’ σ

C V

w a

Syllable structures like CVC and CVV are bimoraic. Consider the following examples:

(5.42) a. /CVV/ as in /ħa: / in /ħa:.midˁ/, “sore” b. /CVC/ as in /min/, ‘Who?’

σ σ

µ µ µ µ

C V C V C

ḥ a: m i n Patterns /CVVC/ and /CVCC/ are super heavy syllables since they consist of two moras plus an additional consonant:

(5.43) a. /CVVC/ as in /ma:t/ “he died’ b. /CVCC/ as in /ɡalb/ “heart”

*σ *σ σ σ

µ µ µ µ µ µ µ µ µ µ

C V V C C V C C C V C C V C C V

m a : t ɡ a l b m a : < t > ɡ a l < b >

140

It can be seen that the super heavy syllable /CVVC/ and /CVCC/ exceeded the number of moras. Being tri-moraic in Arabic dialects is not allowed. Therefore, the last consonants are parsed as extrametrical (non moraic) (See 5.10.3). It is extrametrical in MYA in order to satisfy Broselow’s (1992) Pan-Arabic “Bimoraicity Constraint” which states that

“syllables are maximally and optimally bimoraic” (p.10) . Now, consider the syllables that exhibit margin clusters:

(5.44) CV.CVVC/- /CCVVC/ /ki'ta:b/ -- /kta:b/ “ book”

µ µ O

C C V C V

k t a : From the above structure, it is observed that the onset is occupied by two consonant clusters due to the deletion of the high short unstressed vowel in the open syllable.

However, the consonant at the right periphery is extrametrical in conformity with the bimoraicity constraint. CVVC and CCVVC syllables in MYA, similar to other Arabic dialects, are maximally bimoraic. Pattern /CCVVC/ is at the underlying level represented as /CV.CVVC/; the short vowel in open syllables is subject to deletion when it is unstressed.

5.6 Phonotactics of MYA

Languages of the world vary in their phonotactics. Speech sounds are constrained and accounted for by using various phonotactics. Languages in a specific manner differ in

141 identifying and applying constraints which provides an insight into the reason that speakers are naturally able to break and form consonant sequences. Phonotactic constraints refer to the restrictions on the distribution of speech sounds and their sequences at different places: initially, medially and finally in the phonological word or phrase

(Kenstowicz, 1994).

5.7 Consonant Clusters in MYA

It is important to start our discussion by identifying how the term ‘consonant cluster’ is defined in the literature. Consonant cluster also known as a ‘consonant blend’ is defined as a ‘combination of two or more consonants that contain no intervening vowel’38

(Sadanand & Kala, 2006 cited in Haroon & Sohail, 2012, p. 777).

Investigation on consonant clusters is usually divided into two major groups. Odisho states:

Studies pertinent to consonant clusters fall into two major categories: 1- those that define a cluster as a combination of consonants occurring in a sequence within a word… or even across a word boundary and 2 - those that define it as a combination of consonants occurring in a sequence within a syllable. (1979, p. 205)

This section provides a brief discussion of consonant clusters in word-initial, word- medial, and word-final positions. It looks at consonant clusters that are permissible and existing and a description of their phonological distribution. It also presents a discussion of the occurrence as well as the structure and composition of word-initial, word-medial,

38 This definition implies that any adjacent consonants form clusters even if they occur in different syllables and there are a lot of arguments with regard to this definition. , However, I like most researchers ( Hwaidi, 2016) , do not agree with this definition and stipulate the consonants must occur in the same syllable for them to be analyzed as being clusters. Thus in a word like / rkibna/ “we (masculine) rode”, the /b/ and /n/ do not form a cluster they are adjacent heterosyllabic consonants and therefore form a consonant sequence rather than a cluster and as a result the word / rkibna/ is syllabified as [rkib.na].

142 and word-final clusters. However, it should be noted that the consonant clusters discussed here are those found in words consisting of the stem and affixes, high unstressed vowel deletion, and glottal stop deletion. These are the three major occasions that lead to the surfacing of consonant clusters in the word initial position.

The following table illustrates the combinations of consonant clusters that are attested in

MYA in this study. The vertical line C1 indicates the first consonant, and the horizontal line C2, the second consonant.

Notations: o = clusters appearing word-initially, o/c = clusters appearing word-initially and finally and c = clusters appearing word-finally, shaded boxes = cluster is impossible

143

C ʔ b t Θ ʤ ħ X d ð r z s ʃ sˤ dˤ tˤ ðˤ ʕ ɣ f ɡ k l m n h w j 2  C 1 ي و ه ن م ل ك ق ف غ ع ظ ط ض ص ش س ز ر ذ د خ ح ج ث ت ب ا

b c c c c o c c o o o o o c o o

t o o o o o o

θ O

ʤ O

ħ c o O c o o o/c o

x o O o o o c

d c o c o c c c

ð o o o o

r o/c c c C C o/c c c c c c o/c o c c o

z c O

s c O c o o o o/c o o

ʃ c o o O

sˤ o o c c o o O

dˤ c tˤ c o

ðˤ c

ʕ c c c c o c o c o

ɣ c c f o o c o o o O

ɡ O c o/c c o c o o k o o c o o o c c l o/c o/c C o o c c c o/c o m o o/c o o o/c o/c o/c c c o o o o c c o

n C o O c o/c

h c

w 0 o o o

j o o o

Table (5.11): Consonant Clusters Attested in MYA

144

Table (5.11) recapitulates the facts of MYA clusters that have been recorded in the current study. Several interesting patterns can be observed:

1- Consonant clusters appear in both word initial, medial and final positions;

2- Clusters of the form *ʔC- are impermissible, i.e., there are no clusters beginning

with the glottal stop /ʔ/. Words of the form *ʔbi and *?xi are impermissible and

non-existing;

3- There is gemination resulting from clustering;

4- Some of the consonants can occur word initially and word finally;

5- Consonant clusters in MYA are limited to two consonants.

6- Some clusters exhibit sequences with their mirror images39. For example, the /br/

in /brid/ ‘cool down’ has its mirror image /rb/as in /rbu tˤ/ ‘bind’.

7- Most importantly, it has been demonstrated that initial clusters are the most

frequent, while final ones are the least frequent.

5.7.1 Initial Consonant Clusters in MYA

There are so many clusters that are permissible and exist in MYA, but there are some that are impermissible. The initial clusters can be classified and analyzed according to their composition. What follows is a description of the various types of initial consonant clusters.

39 - The role of mirror images will be discussed in this chapter, section (5.10.1).

145

MSA CC- Cluster in MYA Gloss 1- Initial Consonant Cluster due to the Deletion of High Unstressed Vowel (Verbs) ka.t’ab (CV.CVC) kb- ktab (CCVC) He wrote ʕa.rift (CVCV)CV ʕr- ʕrift (CCVCC) I knew la.bis.tu.hum lb- lbist-hum (CCVCC CVC) I wore them (CV.CVC.CV.CVC) sa.miʕ.tu.ha sm- smiʕt.ha (CCVCC CV) I heard it (CV.CVC.CV.CVC) 2- Initial Consonant Cluster due to the Deletion of High Unstressed Vowel (Nouns) zi.ra.ʕah (CV.CV.CVC) zr- zra.ʕah (CCV.CVC) Agriculture ħi.maar (CV.CVC) ḥm- ħmaar (CCVC) Donkey ðu.nu:b (CV.CVVC) ðn- ðnu:b (CCVVC) Sins tu.ra:b (CV.CVC) tr- tra:b (CCVC) Soil rɪ.wa.jah (CV.CV.CVC) rw- rwa.jah (CCV.CVC) Novel (Literary Genre) ḥi'ṣa:n (CV.CVVC) ḥs- ḥṣa:n (CCVVC) Horse ɡu'lu:b (CV.CVVC) ɡl- glu:b (CCVVC) Hearts 3- Initial Consonant Cluster due to morphological processes (Verbs) nu.bar.wiz (CV.CVC.CVC) nb- nbar.wiz (CCVC.CVC) we frame (a picture) nu.daw.wir (CV.CVC.CVC) nd- ndawwir (CCVC.CVC) we search ni.ʃaw.wiy (CV.CVC.CVC) nʃ- nʃaw.wiy (CCVC.CVC) we grill nu.ʤah.hiz (CV.CVC.CVC) nʤ- nʤah.hiz (CCVC.CVC) we prepare nu.saw.wij (CV.CVC.CVC) ns- nsaw.wij (CCVC.CVC) we make nu.ṣu:m (CV.CVVC) nsˤ- nṣu:m (CCVVC) we fast nu.ha:ʤir (CV.CVV.CVC) nh- nha:ʤir (CCVVV.CVC) we immigrate nuḥib (CV.CVC) nḥ- nḥib (CCVC) we love nu.mar.rin (CV.CVC.CVC) nm- nmar.rin (CCVC.CVC) we train nu.rab.bij (CV.CVC.CVC) nr- nrab.bij (CCVC.CVC) we raise (our children) nu.wad.dij (CV.CVC.CVC) Nw- nwad.dij (CCVC.CVC) we take to

146

4- Initial Consonant Cluster due to the Deletion of Glottal Stop Sound (Nouns and Adjectives) ʔak.ja:s (CVC.CVVC) kj- kja:s (CCVVC) plastic/paper bags ʔib.li:s (CVC.CVVC) bl- bli:s (CCVVC) Satan ʔas. farr (CVC.CVG) sˤf- sˤ farr (CCCVG) Become yellow ʔaḥ.wal. (CVC.CVC) ḥw- ḥwal. (CCVC) cross-eyed ʔaḥ.mad (CVC.CVC) ḥm- ḥmad (CCVC) Ahmad (Proper Name) ʔab.waab (CV.CVVC) bw- bwa:b (CCVVC) Doors 5- Initial Consonant Cluster due to the Deletion of Glottal Stop Sound ( Imperative Verbs) ʔuk.tub (CVC.CVC) kt- ktub (CCVC) Write ʔiʤ.ma:ʕ (CVC.CVVC) jm- ʤma;ʔ (CCVVC) Gather ʔiʃ.rab (CVC.CVC) ʃr- ʃrab (CCVC) Drink ʔaf.taḥ (CVC.CVC) ft- ftaḥ (CCVC) Open ʔiɡ.lib (CVC.CVC) ɡl- ɡlib (CCVC) To turn something ʔidˤ.rib (CVC.CVC) dˤr- dˤrib (CCVC) Hit ʔiɡ.laʕ (CVC.CVC) ɡl- ɡlaʕ (CCVC) remove ʔuk.tub (CVC.CVC) kt- ktub (CCVC) Write Table (5.12): Initial Consonant Clusters in MYA According to Their Composition

MYA contains words with two consonant clusters at the onset as it allows maximum of

two consonant clusters in the onset of the syllable. It can be noticed from the above table

that the consonant cluster surfaced as a result of applications of some phonological or

morphological rules as in /ḥisˤa:n/ [ḥsˤa:n] 'horse' by deletion rule (syncope)40,

/nu.bar.wiz/ ‘we frame’ which yields /nbar.wiz/ due to deletion of high unstressed vowel

/u/ when the prefix /nu-/ is added to mark first person plural and by the omission of the

40 The discussion of syncope will be pursued further for this study in chapter (six).

147 glottal stop/ʔ/ and the vowel which follows it as in /ʔaḥ.wal/ which becomes /ḥwal/ ‘cross- eyed’.

5.7.2 Composition of Initial Consonant Clusters

This section deals with the composition of the consonant clusters according to their distinctive features classification41 as illustrated in the following table.

Cluster Type (D.F) #CC- Example Gloss

Labial-Labial

[mf-] mfalis ‘broke’

Sonorants + Obstruents [mb-] mbarwa:tҁ ‘ Being cut by the reaper’

[mf-] mfa:ʢil ‘ Reactor’

Obstruents + Sonorants [bw-] bwa:b ‘Doors’

Labial [Son] + Labial [Son] [mw-] mwatˤin ‘citizen’

[mw-] /mwafiq/ ‘agree’

Labial-Coronal

Labial [Obst]+ Coronal [Obs] [fsҁ-] /fsҁu:l/ ‘Chapters’

[ftҁ -] /ftҁa:m/ ‘ablactation’

[btҁ -] /btˤu:n/ ‘Bellies’

[br-] /brofa:t/ ‘ rehearsals’

Labial [obs]+Cor [son] [bj-] /bja:r/ ‘ Wells’

[bj-] /bju:t/ ‘Houses’

[fr-] /friħna:/ ‘ We become happy’

41 - This classification is adopted and modified from Elfarhaoui (2013).

148

[ms-] /msa:lim/ ‘pacifist’

Labial [son] + Cor [ obs] [mʃ-] /mʃakkal/ ‘Mixed Fruit Juice’

[wz-] /wza:rah/ ‘ Ministry’

[mr-] /mrawwiħ/ ‘ Going home’

[mr-] mrudˤ ‘ He get sick’

2.4 Labial [son] + Cor [son] [wr-] wra:ɵah ‘ Inheretence’

[wl-] wla:dah ‘delivery’ Labial-Dorsal [Guttural]

Labial [Son] + Dorsal [Stops] [mk-] /mkaħal/ ‘He used eyeliner’ [wɡ-] wɡaf/ ‘ Imperative, Stand up’ [k] [ɡ]: /mħ-/ /mħa:rib/ ‘Warrior’

[mx-] /mxa:lif/ ‘ A person who violates the rule’

Labials+ Gutturals [x, γ, ɡ, ħ, ʕ, [mγ-] /mγu:l/ ‘Intra – abdominal’ h] [bγ-] /bγa:l/ ‘mules’

[bɡ-] /bɡa:lih/ ‘ A shop’

[bʢ-] /bʢi:d/ ‘ Too Far’

Coronal-Labial

[nf-] /nfa:riʢ/ ‘We stopped the fighting’

[rb-] /rba:ħ/ ‘ Monkeys’

Coronal[Son]+Labial [Obs] [lb-] / lbas/ ‘Clothes’

[jb-] /jbu:s/ ‘ He kisses’

[jb-] /jbis/ ‘ It becomes dry’

[df-] /dfi:t/ ‘ I become warm’

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Coronal[obs]+labial [obs] [df-] /dfin/ ‘ Imperative, Burry’

[sˤb-] / sˤbaʕ/ ‘ A finger’

[sˤf-] /sˤfarr/ ‘ Yellow’ Coronal[Son]+labial[Son] [lw-] /lwa:ɡ/ ‘Unstraightforward Person’

[lw-] /lwi:/ ‘Imperative , twist’

Coronal [Obs]+ Labial[Son] [sm-] /sma:n/ ‘ Fat’ (pl)

[sm-] smaʕ Imperative , listen’

[ʃw-] /ʃwa:l/ ‘ Sack’

[ʃw-] /ʃwa:jah/ ‘steam’

Coronal-Coronal

Coronal[obs]+Coronal[son] [sn-] /sni:n/ ‘ Years’

/sna:n/ ‘ Teeth’

[ðn-] / ðnu:b/ ‘ Sins’

[ʃr-] / ʃraħ/ ‘Imperative, explain’

/ ʃrab/ Imperative, drink’

Obstruent+ Liquids [sl-] /sla:ħ/ ‘ Weapons’

[zr-] /zra:ʢah/ ‘Agriculture’

[zr-] /zra:r/ ‘A button’

[zr-] /zraɡ ‘ Blue’

[tˤj-] /tˤju:r/ ‘Birds’

Obstruents + Glide [sj-] / sju:f / ‘Swords’

[sˤj-] / sˤja:m/ ‘Fasting’

[nd-] /nda:fiʢ/ ‘ We defend’

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Coronal[Son]+Coronal [obs] [nd-] /ndammir/ ‘We destroy’

/ndim/ ‘ He regrets”

[nt-] /ntu:b/ ‘ We repent’

[rs-] /rsib/ ‘ He failed’

[ls-] /lsa:n/ ‘ Tongue’

Coronal-Dorsal [Guttural]

[ʃh-] ʃhu:r ‘Months’

[ðħ-] /ðħukna/ ‘ We laughed’

[dx-] / dxul/ ‘Imperative, enter’

Coronal [Obs] + Gutturals [tγ-] /tγajjir/ ‘You change’

tγadda ‘ Have your lunch’

[tx-] txasˤim ‘To quarrel’

/txa:bir ‘To converse’

[tħ-] /tħasib/ ‘ To account’

[tk-] /tka:bir/ ‘ You complain’

[tk-] /tkallam/ ‘ Imperative, talk’

Coronal [Obs]+ Dorsals [k]/ [ɡ] [ðk-] /ðku:r/ ‘ Males’

[sk-] /sku:t/ ‘Silence’

/skun/ /Imperative, live’

[rɡ-] /rɡud/ ‘ Imperative, sleep’

Coronal [Son] + Gutturals [lħ-] /lħa:f/ ‘ Guilt’

[jʕ-] / jʕiss/ ‘ He touches’

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[jħ-] /jħa:wil/ ‘He tries’

/jħinn/ ‘ He is kind with’

[jɡ-] /jɡu:m/ ‘ He stands’

Dorsal-Guttural[Labial]

[xf-] /xfa:f/ ‘They are light’

[ħw-] /ħwal/ ‘ Cross-eyed’

Gutturals + Labial [Obs] [ɡw-] /ɡwa:s/ ‘ Arches’

[ʕw-] /ʕwar/ ‘Blind’

Dorsal-Guttural-Labial

Dorsal stops [ɡ]+ Labial [Obs] [ɡb-] /ɡbu:r/ ‘Graves’

Dorsal-Guttural [Coronal]

[ɡl-] /ɡla:s/ ‘ Cups’

Dorsals [k]/[ɡ]+ Coronal [Son] [kl-] /kla:b/ ‘ Dogs’

Dorsals [k]/[ɡ]+ Coronal [Obs] [ɡd-] /ɡdu:r/ ‘ Pots’

[ks-] /ksu:r/ ‘ Fragments’

[kʃ-] /kʃu:fa:t/ ‘ Files’

[xd-] /xda:m/ ‘ Marginalized People’

[ɡt-] /ɡta:l/ ‘ Fighting’

[xt-] /xta:r/ ‘ He chose’

Gutturals + Coronal [Obs] /xtaraʕ/ ‘ He invented’

[ħʃ-] / ħʃi:ʃ ‘ Grass’

[ʕt-] /ʕtˤuʃ/ ‘ He got thirsty’

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[xdˤ-] /xdˤar / ‘ Green’

[ħr-] [ħru:b] ‘ Wars’

Gutturals+ Coronal [Son] [ɡl-] /ɡlu:b/ ‘ Hearts’

[ʕr-] / ʕru:ɡ/ ‘ Arteries’

Table (5.13): Types of Initial Consonant Clusters in MYA (DF Classification)

In the following table, the initial consonant clusters are summarized, organized and exemplified according to the two basic feature-combinations of obstruents (OB) and sonorants (SON).

Major Distinctive Features Type of Sonorants /Obstruents Obstruents/Obstruents Clusters (SON/OB) (OB/OB) mb- mf- mf- wz- ms nt- nd- ls- fʃ- ft- btˤ- fsˤ- bk- df- sˤb- sˤf- tk Sounds wɡ- lb-nf- rb- jb- rs- lḥ- lʕ- rɡ- ðk- sk- tx- tɣ- tḥ- ðḥ-dx- ʃh- xf- lʕ- rg- kð- ks- ɡd- kʃ- xd- xt- gt- xdˤ- ḥʃ- ʕtˤ- Type of Obstruents/ Sonorants Sonorants/ Sonorants Clusters (OB/SON) (SON/SON) bw- br- fr- by- mk- sm- ʃw- sn- mw- ml- mr- wl- wr- lw- Sounds ðn- sˤn- sl-ʃr- zr- ɡb- ɡw- ḥw- ʕw- kl- ɡl- ʕr- ḥr- Table (5.14): Types of Initial Consonant Clusters (OB/SON) in MYA

The table above demonstrates that the combination of obstruent/obstruent (OB/OB) is the most dominant type in MYA. According to Morelli (1999) and in the same vein with

Hwaidi (2016), this type of combination is called “obstruent clusters”. It is the most popular type across languages. The second dominant type is the obstruent/sonorant

(OB/SON) combination, followed by the sonorant/obstruent (SON/OB) combinations, while the sonorant/sonorant (SON/SON) is the least dominant type. This is similar to

Al’ain Libyan Arabic (Hwaidi, 2016).

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Mounting evidence for the consonant clusters in the onset position of the syllable in MYA comes from the existence of a variety of different processes like vowel deletion, glottal stop deletion and affixations. Thus, it is concluded that MYA shows some similarities with Yemeni dialects such as San’ani Yemeni Arabic (Watson, 2002), Tahami (Damom,

2013), Taizi and Ibbi dialects (Al Yaari, Al Hammadi, & Luwa, 2012) and other Arabic dialects like Ammani Arabic dialect (Daana, 2009), Toulkarim Palestinian dialect (Tayeh,

Daana & Tahaineh, 2012), Najdi dialect (Alghmaiz, 2013), Casablanca Moroccan Arabic

(Mohammed, 2013) and Al'ain Libyan Arabic (Hwaidi, 2016). However, this does not mean that the consonant clusters types are identical to the types of consonant clusters of these Arabic dialects. To put it differently, MYA still displays some particularity. This particularity is shown through the composition of consonant clusters using distinctive features perspective. For Toulkarim Palestinian dialect, Tayeh, Daana & Tahaineh (2012) asserted that clusters with a nasal as the first elements are found to be the most frequent, clusters headed by approximants come next and clusters headed by a fricative are found to be the least frequent. Alghmaiz (2013) investigated the consonants clusters in Najdi dialect. He showed that clusters in Najdi dialect were allowed in certain environments: stop followed by fricative, fricative followed by nasals and liquid followed by glides.

Almashaqba (2015) examined the consonant clusters in Wadi Ramm Arabic in Jordon. He concluded that the sonorant sounds /m/, /n/, /l/ /w/ and /r/ to the right or the left of any consonants and initial sonorant- sonorant, obstruent- sonorant and obstruent- obstruent are attested in this particular variety. To sum up, MYA showed a particular pattern and in the same vein with Al’ain Libyan Arabic (Hwaidi, 2016) in its use of initial consonant cluster types and proved that obstruent/obstruent (OB/OB) is the most dominant type in MYA.

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5.8 Medial Consonant Sequences in MYA The distribution of consonant clusters in the middle of words in MYA is similar to their distribution in MSA. A quick look at table (5.12) clearly illustrates this observation.

MSA Cluster in MYA Gloss maḥram (CVCCVC) maḥram (CVCCVC) Women part of the house’ majlis (CVCCVC) majlis (CVCCVC) Guest room nalʕab (CVCCVC) nalʕab (CVCCVC) we play baġlah (CVCCVC) baġlah (CVCCVC) Mule ja.ʕi.ri:f (CV.CV.CVC) jaʕrif (CVCCVC) He knows daftar (CVC.CVC) daftar (CVC.CVC) exercise book fursah (CVC.CVC) fur.sah (CVC.CVC) Opportunity wak.kal (CVC.CVC) wak.kal (CVC.CVC) To delegate ta,waðˤ.ðaf (CV.CVC.CVC) twaðˤðaf (CCVCCVC) he was employed maktu:b (CVC.CVC) maktu:b (CVC.CVC) a letter sent to someone ɡirbah (CVC.CVC) ɡirbah (CVC.CVC) "water container" maɡtu:l (CVC.CVVC) maɡtu:l (CVC.CVVC) Being killed maḥru:ɡ (CVC.CVVC) maḥru:ɡ (CVC.CVVC) being fired ʔiḥsas (CVC.CVC) ʔiḥsas (CVC.CVC) Feelings mun.ha.mik (CVC.CV.CVC) munha.mik (CVC.CV.CVC) Fully engaged majnu:n (CVC.CVVC) majnu:n (CVC.CVVC) Mad jaʤilis (CV.CV.CVC) jiʤ.lis (CVC.CVC) He sits ḥabħab (CVCCVC) ḥabħab (CVCCVC) Watermelon ḥammam (CVCCVC) ḥammam (CVCCVC) Bathroom ma:.ʔid.ri: (CVV.CVC.CV:) midri: (CVCCV) I don’t know maʃti:ʃ (CVCCV:C) maʃti:ʃ (CVCCV:C) I don’t want ʃuf.ta.hum (CVC.CV.CVC) ʃuftahum (CVC.CV.CVC) I saw them maqlaʕ (CVC.CVC) maqlaʕ (CVC.CVC) get lost ɡun.durah (CVC.CVC.CVC) ɡundurah (CVC.CVC.CVC) Shoes ðalħi:n (CVC.CVVC) ðalħi:n (CVC.CVVC) Now zaw.ja.tuh (CVC.CV.CVC) zuwjtuh (CVC.CV.CVC) His wife /ruxsah/ (CVC.CVC) /ruxsah/ (CVC.CVC) permit /ʔaʕra:s/ (CVC.CVVC) /ʔaʕra:s/ (CVC.CVVC) weddings /murhaɡ/ (CVC.CVC) /murhaɡ/ (CVC.CVC) exhausted /murɡam/ (CVC.CVC) /murɡam/ (CVC.CVC) compelled /ʕosfu:r/ (CVC.CVC) /ʕosfu:r/ (CVC.CVVC) bird Table (5.15): Medial Consonant Sequences in MYA

It can be seen that medial consonant sequences attested in MYA are restricted to two consonants and all involve at least one sonorant: /mur.haq/ ‘exhausted’, /ʔaʕ.ra:s/

'weddings’. Moreover, it is apparent that MYA followed MSA rules in in the forming the medial consonant sequences. A two consonant sequences in the medial position can be a

155 geminate as in /twaðˤðˤaf/ 'he was employed'. Moreover, it can be noticed that each consonant of the sequences is maintained by a distance governed by the syllable boundary.

In other words, all word-internal clusters are in fact hetero-syllabic relating to two adjacent syllables.

5.9 Final Consonant Clusters in MYA

MYA final clusters are similar to MSA. What follows is a presentation of the occurrence and the composition of final clusters.

MSA -CC Cluster in MYA Gloss ḥaðˤðˤ (CVCG) -ðˤðˤ ħaðˤðˤ (CVCG) Luck sahl (CVCC) -hl sahl (CVCC) Plain baɣl (CVCC) - ɣl baɣl (CVCC) Mule (Male) ʃaḥm (CVCC) -hm ʃaḥm (CVCC) Hair ɡamḥ (CVCC) -mḥ ɡamḥ (CVCC) Wheat ribḥ (CVCC) -bḥ ribḥ (CVCC) Profit ʃamʕ (CVCC) -mʕ ʃamʕ (CVCC) Wax kabʃ (CVCC) -bʃ kabʃ (CVCC) Ram mahr (CVCC) -hr mahr (CVCC) Dowry naḥs (CVCC) -ḥs naḥs (CVCC) Bad luck rimʃ (CVCC) -mʃ rimʃ (CVCC) Eyelash ɡarn (CVCC) -rn ɡarn (CVCC) Horn ḥirz (CVCC) -rz ḥirz (CVCC) Sinister hirsˤ (CVCC) -rsˤ hirsˤ (CVCC) Keenness ʕurf (CVCC) -rf ʕurf (CVCC) Custom ɡardˤ (CVCC) -rdˤ ɡardˤ (CVCC) Loan ʃarɡ (CVCC) -rg ʃarɡ (CVCC) East ʕarʃ (CVCC) -rʃ ʕarʃ (CVCC) Throne ʃarḥ (CVCC) -rḥ ʃarḥ (CVCC) Explanation ʕilm (CVCC) -lm ʕilm (CVCC) Science xalf (CVCC) -lf xalf (CVCC) Behind milḥ (CVCC) -lh milḥ (CVCC) Salt kalb (CVCC) -lb kalb (CVCC) Dog ramz (CVCC) -mz ramz (CVCC) Symbol ʃams (CVCC) -ms ʃams (CVCC) Sun ʔanf (CVCC) -nf ʔanf (CVCC) Nose bust (CVCC) -st bust (CVCC) I kissed/you (m) kissed ɡiṣt (CVCC) -st ɡiṣt (CVCC) I dove/You (m) dove ɡasˤtˤ (CVCC) -sˤtˤ ɡasˤtˤ (CVCC) instalment

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baḥɵ (CVCC) -ḥɵ baḥɵ (CVCC) research (n) biʕt (CVCC) -ʕt biʕt (CVCC) I sold/you (m) sold baʕɵ (CVCC) -ʕɵ baʕɵ (CVCC) Resurrection samn (CVCC) -mn samn (CVCC) Ghee ḥiɡd (CVCC) -ɡd ḥiɡd (CVCC) Hatred bust (CVCC) -st bust (CVCC) I kissed/you (m) kissed ɡiṣt (CVCC) -st ɡiṣt (CVCC) I dove/You (m) dove ɡasˤtˤ (CVCC) -sˤtˤ ɡasˤtˤ (CVCC) instalment baḥɵ (CVCC) -ḥɵ baḥɵ (CVCC) research (n) biʕt (CVCC) -ʕt biʕt (CVCC) I sold/you (m) sold baʕɵ (CVCC) -ʕɵ baʕɵ (CVCC) Resurrection samn (CVCC) -mn samn (CVCC) Ghee kanz (CVCC) -nz kanz (CVCC) Treasure baʕd (CVCC) -ʕd baʕd (CVCC) After ruʕb (CVCC) -ʕb ruʕb (CVCC) Horror maɣsˤ (CVCC) -ɣsˤ maɣsˤ (CVCC) Colic sˤidɡ (CVCC) - dg sˤidɡ (CVCC) Truth xartˤ (CVCC) -rtˤ xart (CVCC) Telling lies banʤ (CVCC) -nj banʤ (CVCC) anaesthesia bard (CVCC) -rd bard (CVCC) cold/it is cold barɡ (CVCC) -rg barɡ (CVCC) Thunder nafs (CVCC) -fs nafs (CVCC) similar to Table (5.16): Final Consonant Clusters in MYA

Table (5.13) shows that final consonant clusters are possible. It is important to mention here that the syllable template (CVCC) in MYA is similar to that of MSA. Maximum two consonants can occupy coda at word-final position in MYA. It can be concluded that final consonants are allowed in three conditions: when they are constrained by a fall of sonority sequence42 as in / bard/ “cold” ; when C1 and C2 for the trilateral noun/verb are identical as in / ħaðˤðˤ/ “luck”; or when the inflectional suffix is the first subject pronoun as in

/ktabt/ “I wrote”.

42 - See Section (5-10) of this chapter for a more in-depth discussion of the effect of sonority sequence principle

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5.9.1 Distribution of Final Consonant Clusters

The possible clusters in the coda position with reference to their distinctive features’ classification are being illustrated in the following table:

Cluster Type (DF) -CC# Example Gloss

Labial-Coronal

- bd ʕabd ‘Slave’

Labial [Obs] + Coronal [Obs ] / [Son] - bs ħabs ‘jail’

-bt /sabt/ ‘Saturday’

/ʤibt/ ‘ I brought

/-bʃ/ kabʃ ‘sheep’

Labial [Son] + Coronal [Obs] /-mr/ /Ɂamr/ ‘order’

/ʢumr/ ‘Age’

/-mz/ ramz ‘symbol’

Labial-Dorsal-Guttural

Labial [Obs] + Gutturals /-bḥ/ sˤubḥ ‘Sunset’

/-bx/ tˤabx ‘cooking’

/-mħ/ rimħ ‘Spear’

Labial[Son] + Gutturals ɡamħ ‘‘wheat’

/-mʕ/ damʕ ‘Tears’

samʕ ‘Hearing’

Coronal-Labial

/-nb/ ðanb ‘sin’

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Coronal[Obs]+Labial [Son]/ [Obs] ʕanb ‘Vine’

/-rb/ ħarb ‘war’

/-rf/ ħarf ‘ A letter

/-sm/ ɡism ‘A portion’

ʡism ‘ Name’

Coronal[Son]+Labial [Son]/ [Obs] /-lm/ ðˤulm ‘Injustice’

ʕilm ‘ Science’

/-lb/ ɡalb ‘Heart’

kalb ‘Dog’

Coronal-Coronal

/-sˤr/ ʕasˤr ‘Afternoon’

Coronal[obs]+Coronal[son] masˤr ‘Egypt’

/-dl/ ʕadl ‘justice’

/-rn/ furn ‘Oven’

ɡarn ‘horn’

Coronal [Son] + Coronal [Son] /-ll/ ħall ‘solution’

/-rr/ murr ‘Bitter’

/-ss/ ʕiss ‘Touch Imperative’

/-ds/ ɡuds ‘Al-quds Jerusalem’

Coronal [Obs] + Coronal [Obs] /-ʃt/ ʕiʃt ‘I lived’

/-tˤtˤ/ ħutˤtˤ ‘Put down, Imperative’

mutˤtˤ ‘ Extend , Imperative’

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/-rd/ fard ‘ A single person’

ɡird ‘monkey’

/-rʃ/ ʡarʃ ‘ Blood Money’

Coronal[Son]+Coronal [Obs] farʃ ‘ Mattress’

/-nz/ kanz ‘treasure’

/-rs/ γars ‘plants’

/-ld/ ʤild ‘skin’

Coronal-Dorsal Guttural

/-dˤʕ/ wadˤʕ ‘situation’

Coronal [Obs] + Gutturals /-dħ/ madħ ‘praising’

/-lħ/ milḥ ‘salt’

Coronal [Son] + Gutturals /-lɡ/ ħalɡ ‘throat’

Dorsal-Guttural-Labial

/-ʕm/ tˤuʕm ‘Trap’

Gutturals/Dorsal + labial [Son] daʕm ‘support’

/-km/ ħukm ‘verdict’

Dorsal-Guttural

7.1 Gutturals + Guttural /-ɡh/ fiɡh ‘Muslim law’

Dorsal-Guttural-Coronal

/-kn/ rukn ‘A basic principle’

/-ɡr/ faɡr ‘Poverty’

Dorsals [k]/[ɡ]+ Coronal [Son] /-ɡn/ haɡn ‘ Injection’

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/-kr/ fikr ‘Knowledge’

/-xl/ buxl ‘Miserly’

/-ɡʃ/ naɡʃ ‘Tattoo for women’

/-ʕd/ waʕd ‘Promise’

baʕd ‘after’

/-ʕdˤ/ waʕdˤ ‘Preaching’

Dorsals/ Gutturals + Coronal [Obs] /-ḥs/ laḥs ‘Licking’

naḥs ‘ Jinx’

/-hl/ sahl ‘Easy’

ʤahl ‘ignorance’

/-ɡt/ fuɡt ‘I woke up’

waɡt ‘Time’

Table (5.17): Types of Final Consonant Clusters in MYA (DF Classification)

Following the classification which I adopted for the initial consonant clusters, the

consonant clusters in the coda position are also organized according to the consonants’

feature-combinations of sonorants (SON) and obstruents (OB) as will be shown in the

following table:

Major Distinctive Features Type of Clusters Sonorants /Obstruents (SON/OB) Obstruents/Obstruents (OB/OB) -mz -mr -mḥ -mʕ -nb -lb - bt -bd -bs -bʃ -bx -bḥ Sounds -rb -rḥ -rf -ld -rd -rs -tˤtˤ -ds -ʃt -ss -dḥ -dˤʕ -rʃ -nz -mʃ -rz -rsˤ -rdˤ -ɡt -ɡʃ -ʕd -ʕdˤ -ḥs -ɡh -rg -rʃ -lf -lḥ -ms -nf -ðˤðˤ -ʕb -ɣsˤ -dɡ -st -fs -rt -lɡ -sˤtˤ -zt -ḥɵ -ʕt -ʕɵ -ɡd Type of Clusters Obstruents/ Sonorants (OB/SON) Sonorants/ Sonorants (SON/SON) -sm -dl -sˤr -km -ʕm -lm -rn -mn Sounds -kr -kn -hl -xl -ḥm -ɣl -hr -rt Table (5.18): Types of Coda Consonant Clusters (OB/SON) in MYA

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From the above table, I deduce that the combination of obstruent/obstruent (OB/OB) is the most dominant type in the coda words of MYA. The second dominant type is the sonorant/ obstruent (SON/OB) combination, followed by the obstruent/sonorant (OB/SON) combinations, while the sonorant/sonorant (SON/SON) is the least dominant type. This is similar to Al’ain Libyan Arabic (Hwaidi, 2016).

This section presented the existing word-initial, word-medial and word final consonant clusters in

MYA. It can be noticed that the word –final clusters are the most common clusters in the dialect under investigation. The study has established that word medial clusters are the least type in MYA.

The study has also proved that the most dominant types of cluster whether word-initial or word- final is obstruent/obstruent (OB/OB).

5.10 Consonant Cluster and Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP)

The combination of vowels and consonants to form syllables in any language is driven by rules and principles of that language. One of these principles is Sonority Sequencing

Principle (SSP). Onset/coda clusters will be discussed under any one of the three sonority levels: conformity, plateaus and reversals.

In the light of the above, MYA complex margins may violate SSP in two manners. First, two segments in a margin can have the same sonority; these are known as sonority plateaus. Second, the more peripheral in the onset and coda may can higher sonority than a segment closer to the nucleus, such aberrant sonority profiles are known as reversals

(Clements, 1990).

This section describes the importance of Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP) in accounting for complex clusters, especially when there are clusters that do not necessarily satisfy this principle. In MYA, cluster is allowed in both onset and coda, and this has a

162 bearing on the debate as to the role of SSP in determining the harmony of such onset/coda clusters.

5.10.1 Onset Consonant Cluster and SSP

Initial CC clusters are created by the deletion of high unstressed vowel regardless of whether they violate the SSP or not. The following table presents a schematic presentation of syllable with the forms of CCVC and CCVCC of MYA words where no instances of

SSP violations are attested.

Word-Initial Consonant Clusters Adhering to the SSP (Core Clusters)

Sonority index

Description Examples Gloss C1 C2

1- A stop followed by a glide as in /bw/ /bwa:b/ 1 7 ‘doors’

2- Affricative followed by liquid as in /dჳl/ /dჳlu:d/ 3 5 ‘skins’

3- A stop followed by a liquid as in /ɡl/ /ɡlu:b/ 1 5 ‘hearts’

4- A voiceless-fricative followed by trill as in /hr/ / hrib / 2 6 ‘run away’

Table (5.19): Examples of Initial Consonant Clusters with Respect to SSP

Table (5.19) shows that the second segment of the onset clusters is either a glide[m], nasal[m] or liquid [l] which are of a rising sonority index after the vowels. The following figure shows a rise of sonority in the onset the MYA word [bwa:b] ‘doors’:

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Figure (5.2): SSP of the word /bwa:b/ ‘doors’

From the above mentioned graph, it can be noticed that C1 is less sonorous than C2 which

indicates that SSP is obeyed. Now notice the words in the following table where the C1 is

more sonorant than C2 or have the same sonority.

Word-Initial Consonant Clusters With Violation of the SSP (Sonority Reversals)

Examples Sonority

Description index Gloss

C1 C2

1- A liquid followed by a fricative as in /rf-/ *43/rfu:f/ 6 2 ‘shelves’

2- A nasal followed by a fricative as in /mz-/ */mzaltˤ/ 4 3 ‘rich’

Word-Initial Consonant Clusters With Violation of the SSP (Plateau Sonority)

3- A stop followed by another stop as in /kt-/ */kta:b/ 0 0 ‘book’

4- A fricative followed by another fricative as in /ħs-/ */ħsa:n/ 2 2 ‘horse’

5- A stop followed by another stop as in /bɡ-/ */bɡa:lah 1 1 ‘supermarket’

Table (5.20): Examples of Initial Consonant Clusters Violating SSP

43 All presented data in above tables, except those shown with asterick (*), confirm sonority sequence

principle.

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The sequences of the consonant clusters in the above examples do not abide by the SSP hierarchy rule as /rf-/and /mz-/, show negative sonority sequence when they go from higher to lower sonority in an onset occurrence. The following graph shows the sonority profiles of the word/rfu:f/:

Figure (5.3): the sonority profile of the word/rfu:f/ ‘shelves’ (Sonority Reversals)

The graph shows that the sonority drops from the first segment to the second segment in the cluster. Consonants in the syllable margin which have higher to lower sonority also do not abide by the SSP hierarchy rule.

In addition to the core clusters listed in figures (5.2) and (5.3), MYA has onset clusters involving Plateau Sonority because CI and C2 are equal in sonority. Consider the following representation of the word /kta:b/ ‘book’ in MYA using the universal sonority scale in (5.4):

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Figure (5.4): the Sonority profile of the word /kta:b/ ‘book’(Plateau Sonority)

As shown, the [k] of [t] clusters systematically violates the principles that govern the structure of MYA onsets. It violates the requirement of rising sonority by freely being at the same level. In line with Lowenstamm’s (1996) argument which states that “an implicational universal has been recognized: if a language displays word-initial sequences of decreasing sonority, then it displays word-initial sequences of increasing sonority (of course, not vice-versa)”, I substantiate his argument by providing examples from MYA.

Obstr –Liquid Liquid–Obstr

Example Gloss Example Gloss

/brid/ ‘calm down’ /rbutˤ/ ‘bind’

/ɡlaʕ/ ‘remove’ /lɡi:/ ‘found’

/ dˤrib/ ‘hit’ /rdˤi:/ ‘He accepted’

/rɡu:d/ ‘Sleeping ’ /ɡru:d/ ‘Monkeys’

The above examples exhibit [obstr.] [liquid] clusters sequences with their mirror images.

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5.10.2 Coda Consonant Cluster and SSP

The role of the SSP in the construction of MYA codas will be investigated and attested in

this section. Table (5.16) above illustrates CVCC syllables. For dealing with the consonant

clusters in the codas, resonance increases when we move from the margins to the nucleus

and decreases when moving from the nucleus towards margins. Thus, they follow SSP

and represent the type core clusters. It is important to note that not all consonant clusters

in MYA adhere to SSP. The following table presents the attested core / Reversals and

Plateau consonant cluster in the coda position.

a- Coda- Consonant Clusters adhering to the SSP (Core clusters)

Description Examples Sonority index Gloss

C1 C2

1- A nasal followed by a fricative as in /-mz/ /ramz/ 4 3 ‘symbol’

2- A lateral followed by a fricative as in /-lḥ/ /milḥ/ 5 2 ‘salt’

3- A fricative followed by stop as in /ʕd / /baʕd / 3 1 ‘after’

b- Coda- Consonant Clusters Violating the SSP (Reversals clusters)

1- A stop followed by a fricative as in /-bʃ/ */kabʃ/ 1 2 ‘ram’

2- A fricative followed by a trill as in /-hr/ */mahr/ 2 6 ‘dowry’

3- A stop followed by a trill as in /-br/ */ɡabr/ 1 6 ‘Grave’

c- Coda- Consonant Clusters Disobeying the SSP (Plateau Sonority)

1- A nasal followed by another nasal as in /-mn/ *samn 4 4 ‘Cooking oil’

2- A stop followed by another stop as in /-ɡd/ *ḥiɡd 1 1 Hatred

Table (5.21): SSP Core / Reversals and Plateau consonant cluster in the coda position.

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An examination of Table (5.21), data (a) reveals that the attested word-final clusters conform to the Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP) (cf. e.g. Selkirk 1981, Steriade 1982,

Clements 1990, Kenstowicz 1994, Blevins 1995) which requires that sonority has to increase towards the center of the syllable. However, the clusters in (b & c) violate the requirement of SSP.

In line with the sonority profile in the onset consonant cluster, the sonority profile of a consonant cluster in coda position may be falling, or level, as (5.4) illustrates:

Figure (5.5) Sonority Profile of the word /ramz/ ‘symbol’ (Core SSP)

The above graph for the word /ramz/ ‘symbol’ indicates that the less sonorous /r/ sound is followed by more sonorous sound/a/ in rising position, and then in the falling position, the more sonorous sound /m/ is followed by the less sonorous sound /z/.

The sonority violation in the coda position can be identified by using sonority scale in (5.5).

Consider the following representation of the input /ɡabr/ ‘grave' in MYA:

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Figure (5.6): Sonority Profile of the word /ɡabr/ ‘grave’ (Reverse SSP)

The representation in (5.6) shows Reverse Sonority in the coda position because the plosive /ɡ/, in the word / ɡabr/, which is less in sonority, is followed by /a/ more sonorous than the plosive. Then, the vowel /a/, due to its sonority, occurring between the preceding and following consonants. Subsequently, sonority starts the process of falling towards the plosive /b/ and starts raising again towards the trill/r/ which in turn does not adhere to

SSP.

Even though the conformity to SSP is abundant across languages, the violations of SSP in this dialect is preserved and instances of flouting it could be found. Consequently, the two-sounds of the clusters either in the onset or the coda proved to be either core, plateau or reversals. It can be concluded that word-final clusters are not broken up by epenthesis between C2 and C3, as it the case with other Arabic dialects like Najdi Arabic (Ingham,

1994) Urban Hijazi Arabic (Al-Mohanna ,1998) Lebanese Arabic (Gouskova & Hall,

2009), Ma'ani Arabic (Rakhieh ,2009) and Kuwaiti and Iraqi Arabic (Ibrahim ,2012).

Based on the above extensive descriptive evidence, the study provides us with an exhaustive account of the different MYA CC onset /coda patterns that either show conformity to the SSP or violate it in the manner of sonority reversals and plateaus.

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The findings of the study closely match the results in some Arabic varieties and disagrees with some of other studies. It agrees with other Arabic varieties in case if consonant cluster in the initial position is of the core type of SSP, however, it contrasts with them in the sense that MYA exhibits the patterns of plateau and reversal SSP in both coda and onset positions. Unlike Iraqi, Kuwaiti, Palestinian, Lebanese, Najdi, Urban Hijazi and Ma'ani

Arabic, MYA does not break the final consonant clusters –CC in words of the syllable form CVCC whether the clusters obey SSP or violate it.

5.11 The Classification of MYA According to Kiparsky’s Model of Arabic Dialects A description of the characteristics of the Arabic dialects by Kiparsky (2003) will be highlighted in this section in order to enhance our understanding in classifying the dialect under study before delving into constraint-based analysis of the syllable based processes.

One of the significant syllable-based differences between Arabic dialects is their treatment of word and phrase-initial/final onset/coda clusters. Kiparsky (2003) discusses the syllable structure of many Arabic vernaculars and cites a list of diagnostic properties for three different types of Arabic dialects, viz, CV-, VC-, and C- dialects. (See Chapter 4, section).

He argues that each group has its distinctive properties and that every dialect of Arabic will fall into one of the groups.

In order to determine the group that MYA belongs to, i.e. CV-, VC- or C-, I will compare its properties with Kaspersky’s properties.

1- Interestingly, to date the exact behavior of initial / final CC clusters in MYA has

not been classified. Based on the data above, if I want to acknowledge the initial/

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final consonant cluster with regard to SSP, I can say that the examples in a-b)

(See.5.10.1) contain a sequence of obstruent liquid, which represents final rising

sonority and violates the SSP. Similar conclusion can be drawn for the examples

in (c-d) (See.5.10.1) as they contain a cluster with a sonority rise. It is worth

mentioning that MYA does allow word-final nasal clusters— having the same

sonority index. For example, a final –mn# cluster is not broken up by a vowel.

Though many languages and dialects, including VC- dialects of Arabic adhere to

the Sonority Sequencing Principle as a universal tendency, some languages and

dialects including C-dialects and CV- dialects of Arabic may violate it in two

ways; either with segments at the coda having the same sonority, or with segments

rising in sonority (i.e. the more peripheral segment in the coda having higher

sonority than a segment closer to the nucleus). Both ways of violation for the

Sonority Sequencing Principle are attested in MYA, phrasal-initial/final CC

clusters. In light of this discussion, MYA Arabic is a C-dialect as it allows the

consonant cluster in both initial and final positions of the syllable irrespective of

SSP. This establishes that MYA differs from other Arabic dialects in terms of its

treatment of word and phrase-final CC clusters. In MYA, final coda clusters with

a sonority, rise, fall or plateau are allowed and epenthesis fails to take place,

irrespective of the sonority profile of the clusters.

2- Syncope (i.e. deleting the high unstressed vowel in initial CiC-), which results in

word initial onset CC- clusters, is allowed in MYA. Words like [ktaab] "book" or

[slaaћ] 'weapon' would be very easy for Mahbashi speaker to pronounce.

Consequently, the high vowel is deleted to create the initial CC- cluster.

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(5.45) /ðunu:b/ [ðnu:b] ‘Sins’

/xifa:f/ [xfa:f] ‘to become light’

/sҁuħu:n/  [sҁħu:n] ‘plates’

Representation of a semisyllable (A word taken from MYA /sҁuħu:n/  [sҁħu:n] ‘plates’.

(5.46) PrWd

µ µ

sҁ ħ u n

3- Medial CCC clusters in MYA can be parsed in VC- and C-dialects by making the

middle consonant a semisyllable as in:

(5.47) /lbis-t-ha/  (word level) (lbis).tμ.ha ‘I wore it’

/fhim-t-ha/  (word level) (fhim)-tμ-ha ‘I understood it’

/ʃaraḥ-t-luh/  (word level) (ʃaraḥ)-tμ-luh ‘ I explained it for him’

4- An interesting point which can be noticed in MYA is that initial geminate is

attested is some cases. Morpheme concatenation brings two consonant clusters

together which perfectly meet the environment for the formation of initial

consonant clusters. However, in some cases, instead of forming consonant clusters

such as *[nr-] and [nn], the surface form is produced with a geminate [r:] and [n:].

Consider the following examples:

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(5.48) [ni-na:m] → [nn:am] ‘ we sleep’

[ni.ru:ħ]→ [rru:ħ] ‘we go’

From the above examples, it is observed that geminate in such forms is a result of the process of regressive assimilation44 which targets the prefix consonant.

5- Unlike C-dialects which do not allow closed syllable shortening, MYA has the

property of CV dialects which allow closed vowel shortening (Personal

communication through email with Kiparsky, 20th November, 2016). This is

illustrated in the following examples:

(5.49) /ru:ħ-na/  [ruħ na] ‘we went’

/ra:h-l-him/  [rah.lhim] ‘he went to them’

/ʤi:b-li/  [ʤib. li] ‘bring to me”

/zi:d.na/  [zidna] ‘we added’

This is in contrast with Tazi Yemeni Arabic(TYA) which falls under CV-dialects. Sameer

(2010) classified TYA as a CV dialect because this variety does not allow consonant clusters in the onset position of the syllable. Medial consonant clusters -CCC- are broken up as -CCiC- in TYA.

It can be concluded that MYA exhibits many phonological properties with regard to syllable structures which are similar to Tihami Yemeni Arabic. MYA fits into the set of

C-dialects of Kiparsky’s typology. It shared CV dialects in the case of vowel shortening.

44 - This is beyond the scope of this thesis. I recommend further researches to investigate this phenomenon.

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5.11.1 Syllabification Algorithm in MYA

Following Clements (1990) and Watson (2002), the following syllabification algorithm is used to illustrate the syllabification mechanism which is applied to assign syllable positions within the prosodic word for some types of words in MYA.

(5.50) Syllabification Algorithm

A- Consonant clusters extrametricality: C > /___] word. B- Associate moraic segments to a syllable node. C- Given Q (an unsyllabified segment) preceding Q ( a syllabified segment), adjoin the syllable containing Q if P has a lower sonority rank than Q. D- Given Q (a syllabified segment) followed by Q (an unsyllabified segment), assign a mora to R (Weight-by-Position) [ iff R has a lower sonority rank than Q. E- Adjoin moraic R to the syllable containing Q. F- Incorporate the extrametrical consonant to the final syllable. (Watson, 2002, 30) The above algorithm is explained in the following example, / maḥ.ram / ‘women part of house’ taken from MYA:

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(5.51) Syllabification Algorithm in MYA

It can be noticed that the above algorithm is a simple procedure to account for simple onset and coda where the extrametrical consonant appear word peripherally. The previous algorithm presented the direction of parsing of the word / maḥ.ram / ‘women part of house’.

The parsing goes from left to right from the closed syllable / maḥ/ towards the second syllable

/ram/ which is considered light since the last is deemed extrametrical.

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5.11.2 Semisyllables in MYA

To explain how semisyllable works in MYA, the following words contain superheavy syllable of the patterns /CVCC/, /CCVVC/ and /CVVCCV/:

(5.52) a- ɡa:l.ha “he said it” b- jisr. ɡu “they steal” These words can be taken forward and put in a representation of a prosodic hierarchy. The representation presupposes two claims: firstly, moras must be parsed by syllables (Selkirk,

1981); and secondly, every mora must be assigned to a higher-level prosodic constituent

(Ito, 1986, 1989). In the tree diagrams, moras are arranged according to a bimoraic weight to form syllables. Any mora that fails to fulfill the bimoraicity requirement is attached directly to the prosodic word. Although the foot is higher in the prosodic hierarchy than the syllable, an unparsed segment cannot be attached to the foot since the latter itself requires foot binarity. Thus, the next higher prosodic rank is the prosodic word which does not have restrictions on weight size. In /ɡa:l.ha/, the mora /l/ is left unparsed by the syllable; consequently, it is directly attached to the prosodic word as it will be shown in the following algorithm:

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(5.53) Example of Representing Semisyllable in MYA

Similar to this, in /jisr.gu/, the unparsed mora / r/ is attached to the prosodic word.

5.11.3 Foot Size and Extrasyllabicity in MYA

Superheavy syllables are found in all possible word positions, i.e. word-initially, word- medially, and word-finally. The occurrence of such syllables in MYA affects the foot size that was addressed earlier because these syllables carry more than two moras. The classical analysis of ‘the Extrametricality Principle’ requires that phonological elements can be extrametrical only if they are aligned to the left or right edge in their domains

(Hayes 1995, p. 57). By having medial superheavy syllables in MYA, the Extrametricality

Principle does not help to get rid of the superfluous moras since it works well with the edges. Therefore, Kiparsky’s framework (2003) will be adapted in the present study in

177 order to analyze the existence of such syllables, and consequently satisfy ‘Foot Binarity’.

Based on Kiparsky framework, the amount of moras in stressed superheavy syllables is reduced right down to the binarity level by applying the so-called extrasyllabicity.

( a) PrWd (b)- PrWd

F F

σ σ σ

µ µ µ µ µ

b a tҁ n j i s r g u Figure (5.7): Extrasyllabic Attached to PrWd

In (5.7a), the final mora represented by the coda of the footed syllables, (batҁn) ‘belly’ is extrasyllabic as it is licensed directly by the PrWd. This means that the final consonants/n/ does not add weight to their footed syllables; its weight is added to the PrWd instead. In like manner, the mora represented by the triconsonant cluster in (5.7, b) is extrasyllabic where it joins the node of the PrWd. In this way, each footed syllable contains only two moras, i.e. (bat)n and (jis)r.gu, and after all maintains the foot size of the bimoraicity and the Foot Binarity (FTBIN) which reads as “Feet must be binary under syllabic or moraic analysis” (McCarthy & Prince 1993; Prince & Smolensky 1993). In brief, the term

‘superheavy’ is merely descriptive in this analysis since a superheavy syllable, e.g. CVCC, is treated as a heavy syllable with an extrasyllabic consonant mora.

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5.12 Syllable Weight System in MYA

The syllable weight is the concept based on the difference between light (short) and heavy

(long) syllables. A moraic theory is a representational model of syllable weight (Hyman,

1985; Hayas, 1989).

The distinction between light and heavy syllables is simply a matter of the number of segments in the nucleus: branching nucleus syllables are heavy and non-branching nucleus syllables are light (Ewen, & Van der Hulst, 2001). However, like many Arabic dialects, weight inconsistency occurs in MYA. To state it differently, CVC syllables sometimes pattern as light and sometimes as heavy. Thus, the weight of CVC syllable depends on the context of being either final or non-final within the word in MYA. The following representations illustrates the moraic weight of the major syllable structures of MYA either in final or non-final positions:

(5.54) the moraic weight of the syllables in MYA

a- Non- Final Position

µ µ µ µµ

CV CVC CVV

b- Final

µ µ µ µ µ µ µ µ

CV CVC# CVV# CVV# CVC #

5.13 Stress Patterns in MYA

There is much debate regarding stress rules and shift among Arabic dialects. Since the scope of this study is to look at the syllable structure and its syllable based processes;

179 stress is not in the purview of this thesis. However, a brief review of the important generalization found in the literature on stress of Yemeni Arabic is presented below. MYA shares the general stress patterns with many Arabic dialects.

Watson (2002, p. 81) sets out the system of stress in MSA. Her patterns of stress system are as follows:

1- Stress the final super-heavy (CVVC or CVCC) syllables.

2- When the last syllable is not super-heavy, then stress the right most non-final

heavy syllables (up to the ante penultimate), i.e., CVV or CVC.

3- Or, stress the leftmost light syllable. The antepenultimate syllable receives stress

if the penultimate syllable is not heavy, and if the ultimate syllable is neither

CVVC nor CVCC.

As it has been mentioned in the previous discussion, the word final C is extra syllabic and it is attached directly to a higher level of the prosodic node, therefore, it appears outside the parentheses. The following examples from MYA illustrate the above rules:

(5.55) Examples of Stress Patterns in MYA

Stress Pattern Example Gloss 1- Stress Falls on the final Super-heavy Syllables a- (CVC)('CVV) (fis) ('ta:) n women dress b- (CV).('CVC) (dˤa) ('rab) t ‘I beat’ 2- Stress Falls on the right most non-final heavy syllables a- (CV).'(CVV).(CV) (θa) '(la:) (θa) h three b- (CVC).'(CVC).(CV) (tir) '(sim) (ha) you draw it 3- Stress falls on the leftmost light syllable a- '(CV) (C) (CVC) '(ʃa) (ʤa) (ra) h tree b- '(CVC) (CV) (CV) '(ʃan) (tˤi) (ti) My bag

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To summarize, the syllable structure of MYA is CV(C). The nucleus and the onset are obligatory while coda is optional. Two-consonant clusters in onset exist in MYA as a result of vowel syncope affixation and glottal stop deletion. Complex codas having geminates occur only word-finally. Findings from the parameters set by Kiparsky (2003) indicate that MYA follows the type of C- dialects since it allows the consonant cluster in both initial and final positions of the syllable irrespective of SSP and it allows semisyllables lexically and post-lexically. Extrasyllabicity is a significant factor in the system for MYA. An extrasyllabic mora is a mora licensed immediately by the PrWd as its weight contributes to the PrWd rather than the syllable where it occurs. The idea of extrasyllabic moras arises from the crucial occurrence of superheavy syllables as this idea helps to get a well-formed foot, a binary foot, for such syllables.

5.13 Conclusion The chapter was dedicated to describing MYA’s phoneme inventory and identifying their environments. The study has shown that the language has a very rich and diversified phonemic inventory. There are three pure vowels, five long vowels and twenty-eight consonants in the language. All these phonemes were labeled according to their place of articulation, manner of articulation and the major distinctive features. The different positions of the words where these phonemes occur were also discussed. The glides were categorized as consonants mainly because of their position in MYA syllable. This chapter has examined key features of the syllable structure of MYA. The second section discussed the phonotactics of MYA coda with a particular reference to onset and coda clusters. At the same time, the chapter has endeavored to establish the syllabification algorithm by looking at how the applicability of Watson’s (2002) algorithm deals with different types

181 of syllable structures. Furthermore, extrasyllabicity, semi-syllables and foot building have been discussed. The following chapter will address in more detail how rule based theory accounts for the syllable structure and the syllable based processes of MYA.

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Chapter 6

A Rule Based Analysis of the Syllable-Based Processes in MYA

6.0 Introduction

Syllable-based processes in MYA can be discussed under epenthesis, syncope and vowel shortening. This section is organized as follows: it begins with a discussion on rule-based analysis of syncope, epenthesis and vowel shortening in MYA. It also, very briefly, introduces acoustic representations of the syllable based processes.

6.1 A Rule-based Analysis of Syncope in MYA

The term syncope is most commonly applied to vowel deletion. Syncope is a process which occurs in many Arabic dialects and merits an examination. Syncope is characteristic of fast, casual speech, and is resisted in slow, careful speech (Wolter, 2003). Syncope creates an alteration to the syllable structure of the words. Syncope is a process where there is loss of a segment in the medial position of a word (Mwaliwa, 2014). This section attempts at forming the typological generalization on the environment of syncope and offering an OT account for this generalization.

The goal of this section is to investigate how the permissible and illegal phonological environments of syncope are dealt with in MYA words.

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6.1.1 Word Level Syncope in Nouns

This section covers the discussion of the phonological process of syncope in the lexical category of nouns in MYA. This process is applied when a vowel is deleted between two consonants as in the examples below:

(6.1) Underlying Representation (UR) Surface Representation (SR) Gloss

(a) /fila:ʃ/  [fla:ʃ] ‘Flash lighter’

/bi.'la:d/  [bla:d] 'country'

/bi.'la:ʃ/  [bla:ʃ] 'free'

/ħi.'ma:r/ [ħma:r] ‘donkey’

/ðu. 'nu:b/ [ðnu:b] ‘sins’

/ɡu. 'lu:b/ [ɡlu:b] ‘Hearts’

/sˤ u.ħu:n/ [sˤħu:n] ‘plates’

(b) /ku.ˈtub/ [ktub] ‘books’

/biɡa:lah/ [bɡa:lah] ‘supermarket’

(c) /diʤa:ʤah/ [diʤa:ʤah]/*[dʤa:ʤah] ‘chicken’

/ziʤa:ʤah/ [ziʤa:ʤah]/*[zʤa:ʤah] ‘class’

(d) /ðu.nu:b-hum/ [ðnu:b.hum] ‘their sins’

/ɡu.lu:b-na/ [ɡlu:b.na] ‘their hearts’

/ku.tub-kum/ [ktub.kum] ‘their books’

/mu.ɣa:.ni/ [mɣa:.ni] ‘Singer, M’

/mu.naɡiʃah/ [mna.ɡi.ʃah] ‘A woman who tattoos the girls’

The above examples in (6.1) confirm that the forms on the left are the unsyncopated forms

(underlying forms, UR) found in careful speech, and the syncopated forms are on the right

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(surface forms, SR). The examples in set (6.1-a) show vowel syncope occurs in initial open short unstressed syllables in bisyllabic words when the vowel of the second syllable is /a:/. The examples in set (6.1-a) show vowel syncope occurs in initial open short unstressed syllables in bisyllabic words when the vowel of the second syllable is either /a:

/ or /u: /. The examples of set (6.1 b & d) show vowel syncope occurs in initial open short unstressed syllables in bisyllabic words when the vowel of the second syllable is either /ɪ/ or /u/. However, examples in set (c) prove that syncopating the low short vowel /a/ and the high vowel /u/ in the unstressed syllables is blocked because the sequence of /dʤ/, and

/zʤ/ is not allowed in MYA.

Examples in (6.1-d) show that syncope is being manifested in tri-syllabic nouns and the high unstressed vowel get deleted resulting in bi-syllabic words.

Syncope in nouns even take place when a word final consonant is followed by a suffix beginning with a vowel as in the following examples (6.2):

(6.2) UR SR Gloss

/sˤa:ħib + i/ [sˤa:h.bi] ‘my friend (m).’

/sˤa:ħibat + u/ [sˤa:ħ.ba.tu] ‘his friend (f)’

/wa:ħid-ah/ [wa:ħ.dah] ‘one f.’

/muɡa:til-ah/ [mɡa:t.lah] ‘warrior, f’

There is another context where high unstressed vowel syncope regularly applies in nouns.

The high unstressed short vowel /i/ in non-final light syllables in MYA is targeted by syncope when these syllables are followed by syllables of the forms CVV. The following examples from MYA demonstrate this clearly:

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(6.3) UR SR Gloss

/ḥi.ˈda:.dah/→ [ˈḥda:.dah] ‘Forge’

/xi. ˈta:.nih/ → [ˈxta:.nih] ‘Circumcision’

/ḥi.ˈ dˤa:.nah/→ [ˈḥdˤa:.nah] ‘Nursery’

This environment is in line with what has been reported in Najdi Arabic (Alqahtani, 2014).

To conclude this part, syncope in MYA targets the high unstressed vowels /i/ and /u/ in the open syllables word initially and the low vowel /a/ undergoes syncopation in specific environments.

6.1.2 Word Level Syncope in Adjectives

Syncope does not only take place in nouns but also in the adjectives. Consider the following data:

(6.4) UR SR Gloss

/xifa:f/ [xfa:f] ‘to become light’

/sˤi ̍fa:f/ [sˤfa:f] ‘light’

/si.ˈmɪn/ [smɪn] ‘became Fat’( 3.sg.M)

/si'mɑːr/ [smɑːr] ‘became dark in color’

/bi.la:ʃ/ [bla:ʃ] ‘free’

Like nouns, adjectives in (6.4) show that vowel syncope occurs in initial open short unstressed syllables in disyllabic words when the vowel of the second syllable is either /i/ or /a:/.

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Another environment in which syncope takes place is formation participle adjectives to denote reception of an activity or an action. Data in (6.5) presents adjectives derived from verbs by adding the prefix /mu/:

(6.5) UR SR Gloss

/dal.lal/ (V)  /mu.dal.lal/ (Adj) [mdal.lal] ‘spoon-feed’

/zanjir/ (V)  /mu.zanjir/ (Adj) [mzan.jar] ‘rusty’

/fal-lis/ (V)  /mu.fal-lis/ (Adj) [mfal.lis] ‘broke’

The data in (6.5) reveals that the adding of the prefix /mu-/ to verbs forming participle adjectives yields phonologically to syncope and constitute consonant clusters.

6.1.3 Syncope in Verbs

This section deals with the phonological process of syncope in MYA with the lexical domain of verbs. In this section, I connect between this phenomenon with some Arabic varieties.

6.1.3.1 Phrasal Level Syncope in Verbs

Syncope takes place in verbs in certain context due to some morphological environments.

These are as follows:

6.1.3.2 Addation of Prefixes to the Verbs

Syncope in MYA is sensitive to the flanking of affixes. MYA, Syncope of unstressed high vowels /i, u/ occurs when the prefixes /ni-/, /ji-/ or /ti-/ are concatenated to the beginning of a verbal stem to mark first person pl. in verbs. Consider the following examples:

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(6.6) UR SR Gloss

/ni-bar.witˤ/ [nbar.witˤ] ‘we cut the grass’

/ni.wad.diy / [nwad.diy] ‘we take to’

/ni.mar.rin/ [nmar.rin] ‘we train’

/ni.ʃaw.wiy/ [nʃaw.wiy] ‘we grill’

/ni-jawib/ [njawib] ‘we answer’

/ni-ħawil/ [nha.wil] ‘we try’

/nidawim/ [nda.wim] ‘we keep on something’

/ji.ɡa.lid/ [jɡa.lid] ‘he imitates’

/ti.na.wil/ [tna.wil] ‘you hand it over’

The examples above illustrate that the high unstressed vowel /u/ and / i/ in the underlying form are deleted. To clarify, in prefixed forms, high vowels between the affixes and C- initial stems are omitted. This is shown in the following formula:

(6.7) V → Ø/ stem [CV…

This rule states that when a prefix morpheme with a high vowel is attached to a stem with an initial simple onset, the high vowel is deleted and morpheme concatenation results in an output form with an initial consonant clusters.

It is worth mentioning here that this deletion occurs restrictedly when the CV prefix is followed by a C-initial stem and blocked when followed by a stem already starting with a

CC- cluster lest a triple consonantal cluster emerges, as in the following examples:

(6.8) UR SR Gloss

/ni-ktub/ → [nik.tub], *[nktub] ‘we write’

/ti-mtaħin/ → [tim.tiħin],*[tmtaħin] ‘she takes exam’

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/ji-ʃrab-u: / → [jiʃ.ra.bu:], *[jʃra.bu:] ‘they m. drink’

/ti-ʤlis/ → [tiʤ.lis], *[tʤlis] ‘you sit down’

/ti-truk/ → [tu45t.ruk] *[ttruk] ‘you leave’

6.1.3.3 Addation of Suffixes to the Verbs

Syncope shakes the internal structure of the syllable and it happens when the last consonant is attached to a vowel initial suffix. Let’s consider the following examples from the imperfect forms of the verbs:

(6.9 -a) UR SR Gloss

/ti.dar.ris +u:/ [ti.dar.su:] ‘You (pl.) teach’

/ji.ti.wasˤ.sˤatˤ +u:/ [jti.wasˤ. tˤu:] ‘They mediate’

(6.9 -b-) UR SR Gloss

/ji. ɡa:.bil + u:/ [ji. ɡa:b.lu:] ‘They meet each other’

/jiʃa:war/ + u:/ [ji.ʃa:w.ru:] ‘They consult each other’

/jit.za:waʤ +u:/ [jit za:w ʤu:] ‘They marry each other’

In (6.9-a), it can be noticed that when a suffix beginning with a vowel is attached, the syncopation of the stem vowels, /-i-/ /-u/ and /-a/, respectively, is permissable to take place with a degemination of the consonant preceding the deleted vowel. Additionally, the deletion of the low vowel /a/ also seems to be determined by the presence of a suffix as in

(6.9-b) and the consonant before the deleted vowel re-syllabifies as a coda for the previous syllable, hence, adding a third mora and creating a superheavy syllable. This phenomenon is also supported by findings in Urban Hijazi Arabic (Al-Mohanna ,1998).

45 The sound /i/ changes into /u/ as a result of regressive assimilation. This process is beyond the scope of the current study.

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There is another environment of syncope in MYA. Defective verbs46 that have either /i/ or /a/ as their stem vowel delete the first vowel after the first consonant resulting into a consonant cluster, as is shown in (6.10)

(6.10) UR SR Gloss

/ ni.si: –t –uh/ [nsi:.tuh] ‘I forgot it’

/ nisu:–him/ [nsu:.hum] ‘we forgot them’

/ni.si:-h/ [nsi:h] ‘he forgot it’

What happens with the same verbs when they are in the perfect forms is that syncope is blocked as in the following examples:

(6.11) UR SR Gloss

/ʃara/ [ʃara] *[ʃra] ‘He bought’

/saɡa/ [saɡa] *[sɡa] ‘He irrigated’

/Ɣaza/ [Ɣaza] *[Ɣza] ‘He invaded’

Looking at the above data, it is noticed that no deletion takes place on the surface representation of CVCV template which indicate that syncope is blocked from applying in this particular environment. I suggest that this is due to the root minimality requirement in keeping with McCarthy and Prince’s (1993:44) constraint of minimality requirement which reads as “a prosodic word must contain at least two moras”. This can be repsented informally in the following rule:

(6.12) ωmin = [μμ] (Tucker, 2010, p.45)

,as their final root consonant. To state it differently (يا(or yaa وو))Defective verbs have either waaw 46- defective verbs are those verbs whose final root consonant is a glide. They are termed defective because they lose their final consonant—they appear in a C1aC2a pattern as their surface representation, while the underlying pattern is C1aC2aC3.For example, /bkj/ - baka “cried’ (Ryding, 2005:227).

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Syncope takes place in MYA in disyllabic tri-consonantal verbs which include superheavy syllables finally, however, there are contexts where syncope in verbs fails to apply.

Consider data set (6.11) below for some tri-syllabic (tri consonantal) verb forms.

(6.13 -a) UR SR Gloss

/katabt/  kitabt [ktabt] ‘I wrote ‘

/katab.na/  kitab.na  [ktab.na] ‘we wrote ‘

/katab.uh/  ki.ta.buh  [kta.buh] ‘he wrote it’

/katab.u:h/  ki.ta.bu:h [kta.bu:h] ‘they wrote it’

/ʃarib +na/ ʃirib [ʃrib.na] ‘we drank’ /kasar+na/ kisar [ksar.na] ‘we broke’ /raʤaʕ +na riʤiʕ [rʤiʕ.na] ‘we came back’ (6.11, b) /ha.rab/ [harab] * [hirab] ‘he ran’ /xa.tˤab / [xatˤab] *[xitˤab] ‘he proposed’ /ha.sab / hasab *[hisab] ‘he counted’ (6.11, c) /ʔa.kal/ [ʔa.kal ] *ʔkal ‘he ate’ /ʔa.xað / [ʔa.xað] *ʔxað ‘he took’ In set (6.11,a ), it can be noticed that there are two processes; the first is the vowel raising47( Podile (2002: 65) and the other is deletion of high unstressed syllable in the open syllable. Therefore, the dialect under investigation tends to have a persuasive rule of

47 Vowel raising is a phonological process where "The tongue height is raised to a higher vowel position in an attempt to be ready for the articulation of the succeeding high vowel." Podile (2002: 65)

191 vowel raising which applies to a short vowel/a/ in open syllables as formulated in (6.12) below:

(6.12) a ------ i / C….] σ However, in set (6.11-a) and set (6.11, c), syncope is blocked. I claim that syncope ceases to take place due to the following reasons: in set (6.11, b) the vowel /a/ is systematically blocked from raising because it is adjacent to one of the gutturals /h, h, x and ʔ/, this provides the inviolability towards raising and deletion (see McCarthy (1994). This analysis builds on the insights of earlier analyses (e.g. McCarthy, 1994) that attribute these cases to application of the productive rules of raising and guttural lowering in set (6.11, c) the deletion of the low vowel/a/ will create a sequence of glottal plus a consonant /*ʔC/ which is prohibited in this dialect as I have pointed out earlier in chapter 5.

Phonologically speaking, the high unstressed short vowel /i/ in the non-final light syllables in MYA is targeted by syncope when these syllables are followed by syllables of the CV: formulation. The following examples from MYA demonstrate this clearly:

(6.13) UR SR Gloss

/ti. ˈxa:. tˤir/ → [ˈtxa:. tˤir] ‘you (m) take risks’

/ti. ˈxa:. sˤim/ → [ˈtxa:. sˤim] ‘you act or he /she acts’

According to the examples in (6.13), the underlying forms show light antepenultimate syllables being unstressed when these syllables are adjacent to heavy penultimate syllables. The unstressed short vowels in these light antepenultimate syllables undergo syncope in the surface form. This behavior in MYA is similar to that found in the Al-Jabal dialect (Harrama, 1993), San’ani Arabic (Watson, 2002) and Najdi Arabic (Al-qahtani,

2014).

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Verbs in the form CaCaC that are suffixed with vowel-initial affixes do not undergo the processes of syncope in MYA. Low vowels following the consonants: ɡ, d, ʤ and h, are always retained in the form of CaCaC. To put it differently, Syncope of a low vowel /a/ in an antepenultimate light syllable which is followed by a light penultimate syllable is blocked; e.g., CaCaC-a→ Ca.Ca.Ca.→*CCa.Ca because the syllable structure of the form

CCa is very rare in MYA. This is in contrast with other dialects Ma’ani, (Rakhieh2009) and Najdi Arabic (Al-qahtani, 2014). “A phonological rule that deletes a short low vowel in an open syllable, if it is followed by a non-final short open syllable.” (Irished, 1984, p.

25). It is referred in the literature as trisyllabic elision (TSE). The following examples illustrates the phenomenon:

(6.14) UR SR Gloss

/ɡa.tal +ak/ [ɡa.ta.lak]* [ɡta.lak] ‘he killed you ‘ /ʤa.dal +ak/ [ʤa.da.lak]* [ʤda.lak] ‘he threw you ’

In MYA, high unstressed short vowels /i/ and /u/ in non-final momomoraic syllable are deleted when they are associated with vowel-initial affix unless the output violates structure preservation. Examples of this type are shown in (6.15)

(6.15) UR SR Gloss

/hilim+at/ [hilmat] ‘she dreamt’

/tis-talim-ak/ [tis.tal.mak] ‘She receives you’

/jis-ti.ɣil-u:k/ [jis-tiɣ. lu:k] ‘they exploit you'

It is acknowledged in (6.15) that a vowel initial suffix is involved to the above examples.

Consequently, the high vowels /i/ and /u/ are removed since it takes place in non-final monomoraic syllable. This claim matches with AlAmro (2016) who has examined the syllabification in Najdi Arabic.

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MYA drops the high vowel /u/ when taking place in an open syllable. This is clear in the imperative processes of the verb /ʔakal/ ‘ate’.

(6.16) UR SR Gloss

/kul/ [kul] ‘you eat’ .‘(imperative masc. sg)’

/kul+u:/ [klu:] ‘you eat, masc. pl. (imperative m. pl)’

Vowels also get deleted when there are two consecutive light syllables. Consider the following examples:

(6.17) UR SR Gloss

ma+bi+niḥsib+ʃ mab.niḥ.sibʃ we don’t count

ma+bi+nismaʔ+ʃ mab.nis.maʔʃ we don’t hear

ma+bi+nitʔab+ʃ mab.nit.ʔabʃ we don’t get tired

The conclusion that can be drown from the instances given above is that affixation causes syncope processes to take place. Syncope results in some cases in forming consonant clusters. It does not only take place within the phonological phrase but also within the phonological word. In some cases, I argue that certain data of syncope supports a particular data of other Arabic dialects, but in some cases MYA differs from Arabic dialects due to diverse reasons. These reasons are relevant to a number of issues, including the affixation, the internal structure of the syllables, the type of the deleted vowels and resyllabification of the syllables of inflected words and uninflected words.

6.2 A Rule Based Analysis of Epenthesis in MYA

This part examines epenthesis process in MYA to examine vowel insertion in MYA lexicon. This analysis has a close relationship to the description of epenthetic vowels and the conditions in which these vowels are inserted. Epenthesis, as a morphophonemic

194 process, often happens in phonology of diverse languages and it causes an insertion of a phonemic element within a word or at the two - morpheme boundary (Dehghan &

Kambuziya, 2012:14).

6.2.1 Phonological Clause Epenthesis

Let us now consider the following positions where vowel epenthesis occurs in MYA.

Consider the following sets of examples:

(6.18) UR SR Gloss (a) /ʃara m-ɡa:t/ [ʃa.ram. ɡa:t] ‘He bought Qat’ /saɡa m-ga:t/ [sa. ɡam. ɡa:t] ‘He irrigated the Qat’ (b) /sa:ɡ m-se:ja:rah/ [sa:ɡ i m-se:ja:rah][ sa:. ɡim.se:.ja:.rah] ‘He drove the car’ /saɡe:t-m-ɡa:t/ [saɡe:t i m-ɡa:t] [sa.ɡe:.tim-ɡa:t] ‘ I irrigated the Qat’ /re:t-m- sˤa:ru:x/ [re:t i m-sˤa:ru:x] [re:.tim.sˤa:.ru:x] ‘ I saw the missile’

It can be noticed that epenthesis is blocked if the cluster is preceded by a vowel-final word

(a) because the dialect under investigation allows a maximum of two consonant clusters.

In set (6.18, b), the first word ends with double consonantal cluster followed by a single consonant. Therefore, no helping vowel is inserted. This is in a similar vein with the findings of Qafisheh (1990). Set (6.18, b) exemplifies epenthesis that occurs between three consonant clusters like /tmk/. It can be observed that there is an insertion between three consonants across a word or a morpheme boundary. To state it differently, a vowel is being inserted between the first and the second resulting into a separation of the CCC cluster into a CVCC and an additional syllable has been added to the word. The epenthesis rule stated by the data in (c) may be expressed as in (6.19):

(6.19) ø  i / C___CC (Abu-Abbas, 2003, p.100)

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There is yet another phenomenon observed of vowel epenthesis which takes place when sequences of more than three consonants are met across a word boundary. The process of epenthesis is far more motivating when it moves toward CCCC clusters across the word boundary. The examples in (6.20) undergo an epenthesis.

(6.20) UR SR Gloss

/ɡlaʢ-m-ħʤa:r/ [ɡlaʢ.miħ.ʤa:r] ‘Remove the stones’

/rbutҁ –m-ħʃi:ʃ/ [rbutҁ.miħ-ʃi:ʃ] ‘ Tide the grass’

/kitabt-m-wa:ʤib/ [ktab.tim.wa:.ʤib]/*[ktab.tm.wa:.ʤ ‘Iwrote the homework’

/badd-ik -m /kta:b/ [bad.dik.mik.ta:k]* [bid.dak.mkta:k] ‘you want the book’ (f.sg)

To agree with Youssef’s (2013) claim with regard to Baghdadi Arabic which states “when sequences of more than three consonants are encountered across a word boundary, the epenthetic vowel is placed before the last two members (CCiCC) regardless of the position of the word boundary” (Youssef, 2013, p.71). The behavior of such vowel epenthesis is similar to Jordanian Arabic (Abu-Abbas, 2003), Baghdadi Arabic (Youssef, 2013) and

Tihami Yemeni Arabic (Damom, 2013). The following rule illustrates how a vowel is epenthesized between the first two consonants and the other two consonants:

(6.21) ø i /CC ___ CC

MYA, unlike Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic, does not use vowels as case markers and does not repair word internal CCC cluster which result from suffixation. In other words, MYA tolerates word internal triple consonant clusters which result from concatenating a consonant-initial suffix to a word that already ends with a double consonant cluster as in (6.22):

196

(6.22) UR SR Gloss

/zaʕ.zaʕ-t-ha/ [zaʕ.zaʕt.ha ] ‘I shocked her’

/zaʕzaʕ-t-hum/ [zaʕ.zaʕt.hum] ‘I shocked them’ (3rd pl)

/zaʕzaʕ-t-ni/ [zaʕ.zaʕt.ni] ‘you shocked me’

/zaʕzaʕ-t-kum/ [zaʕ.zaʕt.kum] ‘I shocked them’ (2nd pl)

The above examples are instances of vowel epenthesis resistance. This is in contrast with

Damom who claims that this is an example of penult vowel deletion, i.e., [daħrajt]-u48ha

 [daħrajt] _ha ‘I rolled it’ (2013:59). The vowel /u/ in the input is actually a case maker.

It is used in standard Arabic49 but not in contemporary dialects. It might also be that the subject suffix is underlyingly /tu/ and the object suffix /ha/ in Classical Arabic and Modern

Standard Arabic but they cannot be like that in MYA. The reason is if they occur word- finally they are vowel-less, as in [zaʕ. zaʕt], not *[zaʕ. zaʕ.t].

The above analysis gave insights into the status of epenthesis in MYA within the lexical domain of verbs. It can be concluded that MYA shows some similarities of Arabic dialects

(e.g. Jordanian Arabic, Baghdadi Arabic) and shows some differences with other Yemeni dialects (e.g. Tihami Yemeni Arabic).

48 I believe that no deletion takes place in the above examples since the allegedly deleted vowel is not present in the input. How come that the input is /zaʕ. zaʕ.t/u. ha or /zaʕzaʕt/ani? What is the verb? It is /zaʕ.zaʕ/? What is the subject suffix? It is /–t/ what is the object suffix? It is /-ha/. Therefore, the inputs are /zaʕ.zaʕ-t-ha/ and /zaʕzaʕ-t-ni/ and so on.

49 This process of epenthesis happens in MSA even when the second C in the cluster is not the suffix [t] as in /kalb-hum/ → [kal.bu.hom], *kalb.hom. ‘Their dog’, a process which is supposed to be absent in MYA.

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6.2.2 Word Level Epenthesis in Nouns The definite article prevalent in most contemporary Arabic dialects as well as in CLA and

MSA is /ʔal/. This article seems to have changed historically into /ʔam / in MYA and some other neighboring dialects across the area of Tihama in Yemen as in:

(6.23) /ʔal/ ,/ʔam/ + Stem MSA/UR/ MYA[SR] Gloss

/m-be:t/ [ʔam.be:t]/ [mbe:t] ‘the house’

/m-ɡa:nu:n/ [ʔam.ɡa:.nu:n]/ [mɡa:.nu:n] ‘the law’

Interestingly, when this article is anchored to the beginning of a noun with an initial high vowel in open CV syllable, the initial high vowel changes position with the preceding consonant so that the initial CV becomes VC. In other words, a process of metathesis seems to occur in the dialect when the definite article consonantal prefix /m/ is added to a noun. The metathesis process is supposed to achieve two goals: (1) to avoid having an initial high vowel in an open syllable and (2) to break the initial CC cluster which results from the addition of the consonantal prefix /m/ word initially as in:

(6.24, a) /ʔal/ ,/ʔam/ + Stem MYA[SR] Gloss

/m-ʕiris/ [miʕ.ris] *[mʕris] The wedding

/m-ḥisa:b/ [miḥ.sa:b] *[mḥsa:b] The account

/m-kitaab/ [mik..ta:b]*[ mkta:b] The book

/m-ḥiwa:r-a:t/ [miḥ.wa:.ra:t]* [mḥwa:.ra:t] The dialogues

(6.25, b) /ʔal/ ,/ʔam/ + Stem MSA/UR/ MYA[SR] Gloss

/jawm+el+ḥwa:r /jaw.mal.ḥwa:r/ [jo:m.miḥ.wa:r] ‘The day of the dialogue’

/sˤawt+el+ḥma:r/ /sˤaw.tul.ħma:r/ [sˤo:t.miħ.ma:r] ‘The sound of the donkey’

/lawn+el+kta:b/ /law.nul.kta:b [lo:n.mik.ta:b] ‘The color of the book’

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/ba:ʕ+el+ ktaab/ /ba:.ʕal. kta:b/ [ba:ʕ mik.ta:b] ‘He sold the book’

Alternatively, either in the phonological word as in set (6.24, a) or within the phonological phrase as in set (6.25, b) what happens could be the result of two consecutive phonological processes: (1) the omission of the high unstressed vowel in open syllable (i.e. /m-ḥi.sa:b/

→ [mḥsa:b]) followed (2) by an epenthesis processes after the first C to break the initial

CCC cluster:

(6.26. a) - High vowel deletion: /m-ḥi.sa:b/ → [mḥsa:b]

b- Vowel epenthesis: /mḥsa:b/ → [miḥ.sa:b] or [mḥi.sa:b]

The issue that arises from the above examples is that where is the exact location of epenthesis. Is it going to be CVCC or CCVC? This issue will be accounted for in details in chapter seven employing OT constraints.

Comparatively, epenthesis in nouns is blocked when the initial vowels of the first syllable are either /a/ or /u/ as in the following examples:

(6.27) /ʔal/ ,/ʔam/ + Stem MSA/UR/ MYA[SR] Gloss

/m-ka.la:m/ /ʔal/m- ka.la:m [mka.la:m] ‘the speech’

/m-gala:m/ /ʔal- m-ga.la:m/ [mga.la:m] ‘the pen’

/ka ra:/ /ʔal/m- ka ra:/ [mka ra:] ‘the rent’

/m-kurah/ /ʔal/m- ku.rah/ [mku.rah] 'the ball'

/m-naðˤarah/ /ʔal/m- na.ðˤarah/ [mna.ðˤarah] ‘the spectacle /m-kursi:/ /al -/m-kursi:/ [mkur.si:] ‘The chair’

/m-ɡumri:/ /ʔal -/m-ɡum.ri:/ [mɡum.ri:] ‘the moon’

/m-luɡmah/ /ʔal -/m-luɡmah/ [mlu. ɡmah] ‘the morsel’

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Examples (6.27) illustrate that concatenating the definite article /m-/ to nouns with vowels

/a/ and /u/ in their first syllable form consonant cluster which is permitted in this dialect.

Epenthesis does not take place when the dative affixes50 /-l-/ `for/to' and /-b-/ `by/with' are added to C-initial words resulting in forming CC’s as in (6.28):

(6.28) UR SR Gloss

/b-haða/ [bha.ða] ‘with this’

/b-ʕe:nuh/ [bʕe:.nuh] ‘with his eye’

/b-ke:fak/ [bke:.fak] ‘at your ease’

/b-ra:ḥatak/ [bra.ḥa.tak] ‘as you like’

/l-xa:l-i/ [lxa:.li] ‘for my uncle’

On the other hand, epenthesis takes place when the dative prefixes /-l-/ ‘for/to' and /-b-/

‘by/with' are concatenated to CC-initial words. Consider the following examples (6.29):

(6.29) UR SR Gloss

/b- ḥi.ma:r/ →*[b-ḥma:r]*[bḥma:r] [biḥ.ma:r] ‘by the donkey’

/b-ʃi.ranɡih/→ *[b-ʃranɡih]*[bʃranɡih] [biʃ.ran.ɡih] ‘with syringe’

It can be noticed that the concatenating of the dative prefixes /b-/in the examples above could lead us to two consecutive phonological processes: (1) omission of the high unstressed vowel in open syllable followed by (2) an epenthesis processes after the first C to split the initial CCC cluster:

(6.30) a-High vowel deletion: /b- ḥi.ma:r/ →*[bḥma:r]

b- Vowel epenthesis: /b- ḥi.ma:r/ →[biḥ.ma:r]

50 - Dative prefixes are underlyingly [b-] [l-] rather than [bi-] [li-] as there is no evidence of its input as [bi-] and [li-] (Al-Mohanna, 1994:71).

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From the examples above, it can be rightly concluded that the vowel epenthesis is scarcely used in MYA nouns to break the triple consonant clusters CCC. The vowel is inserted to satisfy well-formedness constraints of the investigated dialect. This phenomenon is being attested in the French loanwords in Algerian Arabic (Slimani, 2016).

6.2.3 Phrasal Level Epenthesis in Nouns

Vowel epenthesis also takes place in MYA after geminates in internal positions which in turn results in a re-syllabification process. To put it differently, the first sound of the geminate is parsed to the periphery of the previous syllable, while the second is parsed as the onset of the subsequent syllable. Examples (6.31) might be appropriately classed as instances of epenthesis after geminates:

(6.31) UR SR Gloss

(a) /rabb + na51/ [rabbana] /[rab.ba.na] ‘our God’

/xadd + kum/ [xaddukum]/ [xad.du.kum]/ ‘your, cheek. Plural’

/hagg+kum/ [haggukum]/ [hag.gu.kum] ‘your, properties. Plural’

(b) /ma.ḥall+ak/ [ma.ḥal.lak]* [ma.ḥa.la.lak] ‘your place’ (2msg. Poss)

/ma.ḥall+ik/ [ma.ḥal.lik]* [ma.ḥa.li.lik] ‘your place’ (2fsg. Poss)

(c) /so:t m-ɡumbilah/ [so:.tim. ɡum.bi.lah] ‘the sound of the bomb’ /jo:m m-ɡijamih/ [jo:.mim. ɡijamih] ‘the day of resurrection’

The noticeable reason for inserting a vowel in (6.31, a) is o the bimoraicity constraint that strictly applies to such an Arabic dialect. The same reason holds true with the dialect under

51The alternation in the forms of the possessive suffixes between –ik, ak -na and –kum can account for epenthesis.

201 investigation. This phenomenon has been proved in Al’ain Libyan Arabic (Hwaidi, 2016).

The following rule can be applied here to break the geminate and the following single consonant.

(6.32) ø i /C.C ___ C (Modified from Abu-Abbas, 2003, p.100)

However, it is not always the case that we insert a vowel when the root is followed by a suffix which starts with a vowel, therefore, the second consonant of the geminate is re- syllabified as an onset of the following syllable (6.31, b). It can be noticed in set (6.31,c) that the epenthetic vowel is placed before the last two members (CCCCiC.C), irrespective of the position of the word boundary. The behavior of such vowel epenthesis is similar to Jordanian Arabic (Abu-Abbas, 2003), Baghdadi Arabic (BA) (Youssef, 2013) and Tihami Yemeni Arabic (TYA) (Damom, 2013). The following rule illustrates how a vowel is epenthesized between the first two consonants and the other two consonants:

(6.33) ø i /C_-C .C (Modified from Abu-Abbas, 2003, p.100)

6.2.4 Phonological Clause Level Epenthesis in Verbs

Epenthesis in verbs takes place when the prefixes /t-/ ‘you' and /b-/ ‘by/with' are concatenated to CC-initial words. Consider the following examples (6.34):

(6.34)

/t-truk/ [tut.ruk] *[ttruk] ‘ You leave’

/t-mtiħin/ [tim.tiħin] *[tmtiħin] ‘ You Take an exam’

/b- t'ħib/ [bit.'ħib] *[btħib] ‘You love’

/b-tʤa:bir/ [bit.ʤa:bir] *[btʤa:bir] ‘ You talk’

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It can be noticed that a vowel has been inserted to break up the initial consonant clusters of the stem and the first consonant of the stem has been re-syllabified as the coda of the preceding syllable formed through the concatenation of the prefixes /t-/ ‘you' and /b-/.

To conclude, the claim I make for epenthesis in this dialect is that epenthesis is a late morpho-phonological process that occurs at the phonological phrase (phP) level where concatenation would result in unsyllabifiable inputs that do not encounter the syllabification algorithm of this dialect.

6.3 Vowel Shortening in MYA

This part presents an account of the cross-linguistic occurrence of the phonological word- final vowel shortening. This section focuses on the phonological locations where shortenings take place in MAY. First, a rule based analysis of patters of vowel shortening in MYA will be presented and then an account for vowel shortening in MYA under moraic approach will be presented to establish that the right peripheral part of the syllable

(CVVC-CV) is extrametrical and to illustrate the prohibition of trimoraic syllables.

6.3.1 Phrasal Level Vowel Shortening in Verbs

Mahbashi Yemeni speakers incline to shorten the long vowels of hollow52 / concave verbs in the perfective forms due to the concatenation of suffixes. Representative examples are given in (6.35)

has a glide, either /w/ or /j/ in its second root position. It appears as C1a:C3 (الفعل االجوف) Hollow verb - 52 in its surface representation. The underlying representation pattern is C1aC2aC3. For example, MSA root /ɡwl/ becomes /ɡl/ in MYA  C1a:C3 / ɡa:l/ ‘ said’.

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(6.35) UR SR after Adding the suffix Gloss

(a) /ɡu:l/ [ɡult] ‘ say /I said’

/ʃu:f/ [ʃuft] ‘see/ I saw’

/ʤi:b/ [ʤib.na] ‘bring/we brought’

/ɡu:m/ [ɡum .na] ‘stand up/ we stood up’

/tu:b/ [tub.na] ‘repent/ we repented’

/sta ʃaar/ [sta.ʃar.na] ‘consulte/ we consulted’

/ðu: ɡ/ [ðuɡ.na] ‘Taste, we tasted’

/zi:d .ti/ [zid.ti] ‘you,2f.s,added more’

/zi:d-na/ [zid.na] ‘we added’

/tˤi:r/ [tˤir.na] ‘to fly. We flew’

(b) /tˤi:r-i/ [tˤi:.ri]* [tˤi:.ri]* you.f.sg. Fly (imperative f. sg)

/tˤi:r-u/ [tˤi:.ru]* [tˤi.ru]* you.3m.pl. Fly (imperative m. pl)’

/ma:t-u/ [ma:tu]*[ma.tu] they.3m.pl.Died

It can be observed that the long vowels in (6.35, a) irrespective of the vowel quality in the imperfective and the imperative have been shortened in the perfective forms. To elaborate on this point, vowel shortening in MYA Arabic is morphologically motivated. However, vowel shortening is blocked when the suffixes begin with a vowel as in (6.35, b). It can be also noticed that the process of re-syllabification takes place in (6.35, b) to avoid onset less syllables. The data above shows that the long vowels /i: u: a: / undergo shortening when the perfect verb stem /CV:C/ concatenate with C-initial subject suffixes. A represented rule for vowel shortening is given in (6.36)

(6.36) V:  V / ___CC

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Though the above rule is descriptively satisfactory, it does not offer any understanding about the motive behind vowel shortening. All that can be inferred is that it works to accommodate the prosodic structure of concave verbs like [ɡu:l] 'say', [ɡu:m] stand up’,

[ru:h] 'go' and so forth when first and second person suffixes are added in the perfective.

If this rule is not applied after suffixes are introduced, ill-formed outputs like *[ɡu:lt],

*[ɡu:m.na] will be created. In order to comprehend the reason behind this vocalic shift, there is a dire need to account for this shift within the moraic approach. Once I introduce the mora in our presentation of the syllable, I soon realize that forms like these are universally prohibited. Cross- linguistically, the maximum number of moras within a syllable is two (Broselow, 1992). Therefore, to preserve the bimoraicity in the dialect, long vowel is shortened.

In the examples (6.35) long vowels, in the underlying representation, are assigned two moras while the last consonant is considered extrasyllabic. Let now look at how the vowel reduction can be accounted for the word/ ðu: ɡ/ ‘taste’. Consider the syllabification of /

ðu:ɡ/:

(6.37)

σ σ

µ µ

C V V C

ð u: ɡ

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From (6.37), it can be seen that the syllable’s requirement in MYA to require minimally one mora or maximally two moras is fulfilled because /ðu:ɡ/ consists of two moras. Yet, after the concatenation of the first person suffix [-t] in the perfective, the following ill- formed output arose. This is formulated in the following figure:

(6.38)

* σ σ

µ µ µ

C V V C

ð u ɡ t

From the above figure, it can be observed trimoraic structures (σμμμ) are not permitted word-internally in MYA. Therefore, to observe the bimoraicity principle, a repair strategy is needed. The repair strategy is formulated in the following constraint:

(6.39) *σμμμ → σμμ) (Broselow, 1992)

The above rule would produce, after the suffix [+t] has been added to / ðu:ɡ /, that the final consonant /t/ is considered to be extrasyllabic .The correct form is represented in (6.40).

(6.40) σ σ

µ µ

C V C

ð u ɡ t 206

Taking together the evidence from the above figures and rules, it is noticed that he constraint (*σμμμ → σμμ) is very active and it helped the examined inputs to make their ways to the surface (Lahcene, 2017). The rule of vowel shortening through the elision of one mora, has to work because it is universally attested. This is also reported in Palestinian

Arabic (Abu-Salim, 1982), Levantine Dialects (Kenstowicz, 1986), Urban Hijazi Arabic

(Al-Mohanna, 1998), Moroccan Arabic (Bernouss, 2007). Ma’ani Arabic (Rakhieh,

2009), Najdi Arabic (Alqahtani, 2014) Urban Jordanian Arabic (Ben-Meir, 2015) and

Bechar Arabic (Lahcene, 2017).

From the above discussion, it can be noticed that the dialect under investigation triggers vowel shortening when concatenating with subject suffixes to avoid the trimoraic syllable.

Let us now consider the case when the syllable type CVVC is concatenated with object suffixes as in the following examples:

(6.41) UR SR after Adding the suffix Gloss

/ʃa:f+kom/ [ʃa:f..kom OBJ] ‘he saw you m. pl’

/staʃa:r+kom/ [sta.∫a:r.kom OBJ] ‘he consulted you m. pl.’

/zi:d+him/ [zi:d+him OBJ] ‘Give them m. more’

/zi:d +na/ [zi:.da. na OBJ] ‘Give us more’

The examples in (6.41) illustrates a long vowel of syllable structure CVVC-C when followed by the object suffix fails to be shortened. This is in conflict with the previous hypothesis in (6.36) earlier. The above data (6.41) proposes that a trimoraic syllable is permissible in MYA. Therefore, the phonological rule in (6.36) needs to be revised as follows:

(6.42) V:  V / ___CC [SUB Suffix]

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The problem raised here leads to the question: why vowel shortening applies in (6.35, a) while it fails to be applied in (6.41) though they are phonologically equal, their outputs are changed. Related to the issue of Opacity, the assumption that can be built here is vowel shortening in MYA is opaque. Following (McCarthy 1999:1), I argue this type of problem relates to opacity. Thus, the following assumption is encoded in the following constraint.

(6.43) Opacity: A phonological rule P, AB /CD, is opaque only if all of the following surface structures exist:

1- instance of A in the C---D environment; 2- instance of B created by P in an environment other than C—D ; 3- Instance of B not derived from P that occur in the context C—D.

(McCarthy 1999, p. 215)

This implies that according to (6.43), the data in (6.41) are opaque because A (long vowel) is anticipated to surface as B (short vowel) in the environment C--- D (when the long vowel of the verb is suffixed by an object morpheme.). Similar observation is reported in in Jordanian Arabic (Abu-Abbas, 2003).

A scrutiny of the data presented in (6.35) and (6.41), the assumption that can be corroborated is vowel shortening takes place when the verb is suffixed by a subject morpheme and fails when suffixed by an object morpheme.

6.3.2 Word Level Vowel Shortening in Nouns and Adjectives

Vowel shortening takes place in MYA after loss of word-final glottal stop /ʔ/. Consider the following example:

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(6.44) UR SR Gloss

/sama:ʔ/ [sama] ‘sky’ /sawda:ʔ/ [sawda] ‘black’

From the above data, it can be noticed that the long vowel before final glottal is retained in the underlying representation, however, in MYA, the vowel is shortened. This vowel must be unstressed. This can be expressed clearly in the following rule:

(6.45) V: V/ ___ʔ] # Condition: V is unstressed (Harrama, 1993, p.40)

Supporters of this view include Harrama (1993) on Al-Jabal dialect and Alqahtani (2014) on Najdi Arabic.

6.3.3 Phrasal Level Vowel Shortening in Nouns

In MYA, there is also a tendency for vowel shortening to occur at the phrasal level.

Consider the following set of examples:

(6.46) UR SR Gloss

[fi: + m-be:t] /fim.be:t/ ‘In the house’

[ðu: m ħijjah] /ðum ħiʤ.ʤah/ ‘The month of al ħijjah’

[fi: m- ma:] /fim.'ma:/ ‘In the water’

The observation that can be drown from the above examples is that when a word ends with a long vowel followed by two consonants, particularly the definite article m+ consonant, the long vowel shortens.

In a similar vein with Palestinian Arabic (PA) (Hoyt, 2007), there is an additional type of vowel shortening in MYA. The stem-final long vowels are shortened as in word-final open syllables, particularly in close phrase groups with a state possessive construction.

Consider the following examples:

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(6.47) UR SR Gloss

/ʔabu:+m-fila:ʃ/  [ʔabum.fla:ʃ] *[ʔabu:m-fila:ʃ] ‘the camera with a flash’

/ʔabu:+m-ba.'na:t/ [ʔa.bum.ba.'na:t] *[ʔa.'bu:m.ba.'na:t] ‘the father of the girls’

/ʔabuː +m-walad/  [ʔa.bum.wa.lad] * [ʔa.bu:m.wa.lad] ‘the boy’s father’

It can be noticed from the above examples ʔabu ‘father’ has an underlying long final vowel

/ʔabu:/. In (6.47), it occurs in construct with m bana:t ‘the girls’. The two words are in close phrasal groups; therefore, resyllabification applies across word boundary, causing the article on m-banaat to close the final syllable of ʔabu. Though, the /u: / is shortened, stress remains on the last syllable. Following Hoyt (2007), I attribute the occurrence of vowel shortening in this case to the claim which says “syllabification is a phrasal phenomenon while stress placement is purely word-internal” (p.106).

On the contrary, however, vowel shortening is blocked when possessive clitic has been added to [ʔabu]. This in turn may either close the final syllable or add an additional syllable to the word. In both cases, the stem final [u:] is preserved as long and attracts stress as illustrated in the following example.

(6.48) UR SR Gloss

a- [ʔa.bu:+k, POSS]  [ʔa.'bu:k]/ *['ʔa.buk] ‘Your Father’

b- [ʔa.bu:+him, POSS] [ʔa.'bu:.him]/*['ʔa.bu.him] ‘Their Father’

6.3.4 Phonological Clause Level Vowel Shortening in Nouns

In the last section of this chapter, I will examine constructions of shortening of the vowel and its blocking within the phonological clause in MYA.

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The object clitic -ni ‘me’ has an underlyingly long vowel /-ni: / that is pronounced as short

[-ni] word finally, as in (a). Closure of the syllable with - ʃ and the emergent length of the vowel create a super-heavy syllable that attracts stress (Brame, 1971, Hoyt, 2007).

(6.49)

(a) [bit.ʢis.sa.ni, OBJ] ‘She touches me’ (b) [mat.ʢis.sa.ni:ʃ OBJ] ‘She doesn’t touch me’

[bit.'ħib .ba.ni, OBJ] ‘She loves me’ (b) [mat.ħib.ba.ni:-ʃ, OBJ] ‘She doesn’t love me’

[bit.ʤa:mil.ni, OBJ] ‘ She compliments me’ (b) [mat.ʤa:mil.ni:ʃ, OBJ] ‘She doesn’t compliment me’

The failure of vowel shortening in (6.49.a) is due to the fact that -ʃ causes final vowel lengthening and stress shift indicates that it is also a clitic and therefore is part of the word to which it attaches.

In (6.50) below, it can be observed that there is another scenario of vowel shortening within the phonological clause.

(6.50) a- [TP [ NP hmad [ VP sˤa:m] /* [TP [ NP hmad [ VP sˤam] ‘Ahmad fasted’ b- [TP [NP hmad [VP sˤam [NP ʔams]] ‘Ahmad fasted yesterday’

It can be noticed that the crucial context in these construction types is the clause final position of the phonological clause. Vowel reduction cannot take place if the word that contains a superheavy syllable is in a phrase final position as in (6.48-a). Non-finality, per clause, plays a crucial role for the application and non-application of vowel shortening.

Vowel shortening is applied to the non-final verb [sˤa:m] in (6.50-b). This phenomenon is similar to Egyptian Arabic (Yasin, 2013).

Clearly, the above examples show a phonology-syntax interface. this interface has been barely treated touched here. This is not within the scope of the current research. Further research on vowel shortening within the phonology-syntax interface should be carried out.

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The above analysis has presented a unified description of vowel shortening in MYA. Two contributing factors have been observed: reduction is phonologically motivated, i.e. two long vowels are not allowed in one word, in other words, it should be only one stressed syllable in each phonological word, for example, *[ʔa.'bu:m.ba.'na:t] yields to

/ʔa.bum.ba.'na:t/ ‘the father of the girls’ and (2) vowel shortening is motivated morphologically because the addition of affixes and clitics attributed to the shortening of vowels. In addition, it is worth noting that this process occurs in the phonological word and phonological phrase. The data showed that vowel shortening is blocked in some environments. Furthermore, it is shown that vowel shortening is applied productively in a rule governed fashion not only to verbs but also to nouns.

6.4 Acoustic Analysis

Though this research is a phonological study, a very short note of phonetic representations of the syllable based processes will be addressed in this section. The acoustic analysis was carried out on Praat version 5.3.56 (Boersma & Weenink, 2009). For acoustic analysis, a list of ten words was distributed among the Mahbashi speakers to pronounce each word three times. The speakers’ utterances were recorded into a laptop computer using a Labtec desk microphone (524). Before the recording session began, the participants were asked to practice each word until they became comfortable with the list. Their tokens were recorded and annotated using Praat and they have been saved in the form of WAV. The annotation of the recordings is saved using textgrids. Then each recorded word was automatically detected and saved with its textgrid in a separate file before the next prompting took place. For each recorded token, a textgrid of three tiers; segment, syllable

212 and word was generated. The duration with milliseconds of the targeted segments were taken into account with the digits of the form 0.000 m/s.

Focusing where the vowel formants are located in the spectrum visibly indicate whether the participant pronounce the vowel of the first syllable of the given word /ðu. 'nu:b/ ‘sins’ with the syllable form /CV.CVVC/ as /CCVVC/. Vowels usually have three distinctive features that distinguish them from the consonants sounds which clearly appear as dark bands on the spectrum. However, these formants are either short or long, high or low depending on the position of the vowel. Figure 1 and 2 below illustrates the representation of the acoustic analysis of the word /ðu. 'nu:b/ ‘sins’ in MSA and MYA pronunciations:

Figure (6.1): Acoustic Analysis of an Example of /ðu. 'nu:b/ ‘sins’ with high vowel of the syllable type

CV.CVVC (MSA)

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Figure (6.2): Acoustic Analysis of Example of /ðnu:b/ ‘sins’ with initial consonant clusters of the syllable type CCVVC (MYA) From the above figures, it can be noticed that in figure (1) the high vowel /u/ with a duration of (0.119 m/s) in the first syllable is retained while in figure (2) vowel syncope or the deletion of high unstressed vowel notably caused the creation of consonant clusters and hence an addition to the overall duration (0.193 m/s) of the consonant clusters as two juxtaposed gathered in the same sequence.

Vowel shortening has a direct relationship with suffixation of subject suffix. The following figures clearly show how this process is presented in the spectrum:

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Figure (6.3): Acoustic Analysis of Example of /ɡu:m / ‘stand up’ with Vowel Lengthening of the

Syllable Type [CVVC] (MSA)

Figure (6.4): Acoustic Analysis of Example of /ɡum.na / ‘stand up’ with Vowel Shortening of the

Syllable Type [CVC.CV] (MYA)

It can be seen from figure (3) that the duration of the vowel /u:/ in /ɡu:m / ‘stand up’ is

(0.183 m/s) whereas the duration of the vowel/u/ in figure (4) is reduced in the context of the addition of the subject suffix to the same verb resulting into (0.061 m/s).

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The following figures show the spectrum of the word i.e. /m-ḥsa:b/ → [mḥsa:b]

→[miḥ.sa:b] ‘the account’:

Figure (6.5): Acoustic Analysis Example of /ḥsa:b / ‘account’ with initial consonant clusters of the Syllable Type

[CCVVC] (MYA)

Figure (6.6): Acoustic Analysis Example of /m-ḥsa:b/ → [mḥsa:b] →[miḥ.sa:b] ‘the account’ with vowel epenthesis The above phenomena could be the result of two consecutive phonological processes: (1) the omission of the high unstressed vowel in open syllable (i.e. /m-ḥi.sa:b/ → [mḥsa:b]) followed (2) by an epenthesis processes after the first C to break the initial CCC cluster:

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a - High vowel deletion: /m-ḥi.sa:b/ → [mḥsa:b]

b- Vowel epenthesis: /mḥsa:b/ → [miḥ.sa:b] or [mḥi.sa:b]

It is clear in figure (5) the spectrogram shows consonant clusters of /ḥs-/ in the monosyllabic word /ḥsa:b/ ‘account’ with a duration of (0.196 m/s). A vowel with a duration of (0.028 m/s) is inserted as the epenthesis and after the definite article consonant of [m-] to the stems which start with consonant clusters CC-. So far, the rule based had been supported by simple acoustic and experimental tests which were discussed and presented in this subsection. The following chapter will attempt to offer an OT account of the data.

6.5 Conclusion

This chapter descriptively explores the syllable based processes of syncope, epenthesis and vowel shortening in various domains. This chapter elaborated on the different environments where the mentioned processes occur and where they are blocked. Syncope was shown to the most productive process in MYA. It was also noticed that syncope and epenthesis operated in a very complicated fashion in MYA. What distinguishes MYA form the dialects looked at in chapter (5) is that MYA is a dialect where two-final consonant clusters in the phonological words surface more freely; even in cases where the sonority hierarchy is violated, i.e., the final consonant clusters in the phonological word are not broken by inserting a vowel regardless of obeying or disobeying SSP.

It is worth saying here that the clusters with no epenthesis word finally would result in consonant cluster as previously mentioned. Thus, such examples like /ḥarf/, /ramz/, /kabʃ/ and /samn/ would surface intact as their inputs without a vowel epenthesis. The descriptive

217 account of vowel shortening proposed here thus goes beyond the range of previous studies, particularly those on phonological word. Following the initial recordings, a spectral analysis was conducted by locating instances of vowel epenthesis in the initial tri- consonant clusters, syncope of the high unstressed vowel which lead to word initial consonant clusters and finally instances of vowel shortening and measuring the durations in milliseconds. The following chapter will account for the syllable structure and the syllable based processes in MYA within the framework of optimality theory.

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Chapter 7

An Optimality Theory Account of the Syllable Structure and its Processes in MYA

7.0 Introduction

This chapter analyzes data analysis within the framework of OT. It can be noticed that rule based theory encountered serious drawbacks. One of the drawbacks was the problem of Opacity. This chapter naturally emanates from the deficiencies encountered in the rule based theory that could be compensated by applying OT. In line with the objectives of the study, it aims to demonstrate how OT accounts for the syllable structure and the syllable based processes of MYA.

7.1 Syllable Structure Constraints

This analysis involves the description of the interaction between the faithfulness and markedness constraints in the selection of optimal outputs candidates.

7.1.1 Onset and Coda Constraints in MYA It has been pointed out in chapter (5-4) that every syllable in MYA must begin with a consonant (onset). Based upon this observation, I have to posit the following constraint:

(7.1) ONSET: A syllable must have an onset. (Prince & Smolensky, 2004)

Motivation: This constraint requires that a nucleus is obligatory in each syllable, that the ONS constraint is violated by syllables that lack onsets.

This means that syllables in MYS satisfies Onset, therefore, this constraint is highly ranked in MYA. Another constraint which is relevant to our analysis is *Coda. The constraint *Coda is defined in (7.2) below:

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(7.2) *Coda: A syllable must not have a coda (Prince & Smolensky, 2004)

Motivation: This constraint requires that a Coda is not obligatory in each syllable, and that syllables that have codas violate the *CODA (NO-CODA) constraint.

*Coda is satisfied in MYA when a syllable ends with a vowel like (CV). The only syllable type that satisfies all of these constraints at the same time is CV, which is cross- linguistically the least marked syllable type. This syllable has both a nucleus and an onset but lacks a coda.

In OT, the entire process of syllabification is a matter of constraint interaction. What I have to determine is which constraints are relevant to the syllabification process of this dialect and the particular ranking of the constraints. To attain the CV syllable structure, a requirement is that the syllable has an onset, implying the universal constraint ONSET is relevant in this case. Finally, the coda position is empty. This implies the *CODA constraint is relevant in our analysis. For ease of reference, some constraints that were defined earlier are repeated as they are re-introduced and discussed. For example, ONSET demands the syllables to be occupied by onsets, while *CODA states that syllables may not be occupied by codas (Prince. & Smolensky, 1993/2004; Kager, 1999; McCarthy,

2002a, b).

Having identified the above constraints from the syllable structure, the next step further in our analysis is to determine MYA-particular ranking of these constraints. Since all the syllables in MYA satisfy onset, this constraint is highly ranked. *CODA has to ranked lower in MYA. *CODA is frequently violated because MYA allows simple and complex coda. The proposed ranking for the above constraints is as follows:

(7.3) Ranking: ONSET > *CODA

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Together these two constraints are presented in Table (7.4).

(7.4)

/ha.la/ ONSET *CODA ☞a. ha.la b. hal.a *! Tableau (7.4) CV.CV word: /ha.la/ ‘welcome’

In tableau (7.4), candidate (a) is optimal because it satisfies both constraints. Candidate

(b) loses because it violates ONSET, and an onset is required in MYA. Another example using different syllable shape is presented in tableau (7.5).

(7.5)

/ ʤa.mal / ONSET *CODA a. ʤam.al *! *

☞b. ʤa.mal * /bala/ ONSET *CODA a.[bal.a] *! *

☞b.[ba.la] Tableau (7.5) CV.CVC word: /ʤa.mal/ ‘male camel’ and /bala/ ‘bad’

In tableau (7.5), candidate (a) of both inputs is ruled out by ONSET, because one of the syllables is onsetless. Candidate (b) is optimal because it satisfies ONSET and violates

*CODA.

7.1.2 Simple Onset and Nuclei Constraints

In Arabic, according to (Gadoua, 2000; Boudlal, 2004), syllables cannot start with a vowel, and when this situation appears an epenthetic glottal stop is inserted to satisfy

ONSET. A proof for MYA having an onset stems from the fact it prohibits syllables

221 without an onset. Therefore, the structures *VC are reinforced by a glottal stop prosthesis to become ʔVC. Consider the following example:

(7.6) /ʔamri:ka / *[amri:ka] America

/ʔa.si:t/ *[a.si:t] Acid

/ʔidz / *[idz] AIDS

/ʔakl/ *[akl] Food

It can be observed from the above examples that there is an insertion of the glottal stop which mostly occurs to repair ill-formed input. For example, the word ‘America” starts with a vowel in the first syllable, but in MYA this is not allowed and thus a glottal stop is placed preceding the vowel [ʔamerika]. However, as it is seen in the previous ranking in

MYA, the constraint ONSET is undominated.

In optimality-theoretic terms, insertion incurs violation of DEP-IO, a faithfulness constraint that necessitates output segments to have input correspondents and so deletion involves violation of MAX-IO. In the analysis, the constraints of DEP-IO and MAX-IO53 were considered. The two types of constraints are defined below.

(7.9) DEP-IO: Every segment of the output has a correspondent in the input (prohibits

epenthesis).

(7.10) MAX-IO: Every segment of the input has a correspondent in the output (prohibits

deletion). McCarthy and Prince (1995)

53- The original constraint militating against epenthesis was FILL (Prince and Smolensky 1993). In Correspondence Theory (CT), this has been replaced by DEP (ENDENCE. The anti-deletion counterpart of FILL, in Prince and Smolensky’s (1993) model, was PARSE, which, in CT, has been replaced by one or more versions of MAX (IMALITY). I will be using DEP-IO and MAX-IO in our present analysis.

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Motivation: These two constraints are against both deletion and epenthesis relative to the input respectively.

Irrespective of what has been mentioned above, I will try to determine if DEP-IO is actually outranked by MAX-IO or vice versa. Let us consider (7.11) which shows the interaction of the constraints for the word /ʔamri:ka / ‘America’. Having said the glottal is a case of epenthesis, the given input must be /amri:ka/. The following tableau presents the related possible candidates.

Tableau (7.11) demonstrates the interaction between these constraints.

(7.11)

/amri:ka/ ONS DEP-IO MAX-IO *CODA

a.[ amri:ka] *! b.[ʔam.ri:.ka]. *! *

☻c.[ mri:.ka]. *!*

Tableau (7.11) the input / ʔameri:ka / ‘America’

In tableau (7.11), candidate (a) is ruled out early because it violates the high-ranked Onset constraint. The competition for the optimality therefore falls to candidate (b) and candidate (c). Candidate (b) loses out on the optimality because it incurs two violations.

Candidate (c) violates a crucially-ranked constraint against deletion. Candidate (c) emerges as the wrong winner. Therefore, MAX-IO should outrank DEP-IO and Onset must outrank MAX-IO and DEP-IO. The proposed ranking for the above constraints is as follows:

(7.12) Ranking 2: ONSET > MAX-IO > DEP-IO>*CODA

With this proposed ranking, I provide the following tableau (7.13) to account for

/ʔam.ri:.ka:/ ‘America’ where the input is /ʔam.ri:.ka:/.

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(7.13)

/ʔamri:ka/ ONS MAX-IO DEP-IO *CODA

☞a.[ʔam.ri:.ka] * b.[ am.ri:.ka]. *! *

Tableau (7.13) the input /ʔam.ri:.ka:/ ‘America’

In tableau (7.13), candidate (a) is the winner because it obeys ONSET by providing a consonant to the onset of the first syllable. Candidate (b) loses because onsetless syllables are prohibited in MYA.

In a similar vein, the relative ranking of DEP-IO and MAX-IO means that even if the input is /amerika/ relative ranking will not affect the winner candidate in any way as illustrated in the following tableau (7.14):

(7.14)

/amri:ka / ONS MAX-IO DEP-IO *CODA

☞a.[ʔam.ri:.ka] * * b.[ʔa.me.ri:.ka] *!* *

c.[amerika] *! ** *

Tableau (7.14) the input /am.ri:.ka/ America’

In Tableau (7.14), (b) is rejected because of having two violations for the constraint DEP-

IO. The candidate in (c) is punished by Onset for not having an onset, a very high-ranked constraint. We are left with (a) with a minimal acceptable violation and it stands the winner.

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7.1.3 Complex Onset Constraint

As stated earlier, MYA does allow complex onsets and complex codas. Unlike Modern

Standard Arabic, MYA allows both simple onsets and initial consonant clusters (double onsets). Consider the following examples:

(7.15) ħru:b “wars”

flu:s ‘money’

kabʃ ‘Ram’

Allowing both of these syllable structure CCVCC and CCVC is regarded to be

“universally marked” compared to simple onsets (Kager, 1999). This implies that MYA licenses both onset and coda clusters. Therefore, the markedness constraints *Complex

ONS and *Complex COD are active in MYA. These are defined as below:

(7.16) *Complex ONS * σ [CC A syllable must not have more than one segment in the onset. Onsets are simple. (Kager 1999, p. 97)

Motivation: This constraint bans the consonant clusters in the onset position of the syllable, that is, the onset has to be simple.

(7.17) *Complex COD CC] σ *

A syllable must not have more than one segment in the coda. Codas are simple. (Kager 1999, p. 97)

Motivation: This constraint bans the consonant clusters in the coda position of the syllable that is the coda has to be simple.

In order to begin working out the relative ranking of these constraints in MSA, let us consider the proposition that complex onsets are not allowed. The sequence σ [CC is not

225 a well formed complex onset in MSA, i.e. it must be broken up into separate syllables by inserting a vowel. Thus, the researcher came to the following conclusion: The complex constraint * σ [CC, in MSA is not dominated by the other constraints. In what follows an attempt is made to investigate the manner in which the ranking of the *complex onsets and *complex codas constraint account for the well-formedness of the syllable in MSA.

(7.18) Ranking (3)-: ONS> > * σ [CC > MAX-IO> DEP> * CODA

Tableau (7.19) illustrates the interaction between *Complex ONS with ONSET, DEP-IO and MAX-IO.

(7.19)

/ ħuru:b/ ONS *σ[CC MAX-IO DEP-IO *CODA

a.[ ħru:b]. *! * b.[ħrubb] ** * *

c.[ ħur.u:b] *! **

☞d.[ħu.ru:b] *! * Tableau (7.19) CV. CVVC word: / ħu.ru:b/ ‘Wars’ in MSA

The optimal candidate, which is marked by the arrow, is (d). This candidate emerges as the optimal because it satisfies the high-ranked constraints. Candidate (a) and Candidate

(b) were fatally violated by the faithfulness constraints *σ [CC, [Max –IO and Dep-IO respectively. Candidate (c) loses because it violates the high ordered constraint ONS.

The next analysis of MYA examines if the ranking constraint in (7.18) holds true with the observation that MYA allows consonant clusters in the onset position of the syllable.

Tableau (7.20) shows the interaction between all constraints considered so far for the word

[ħru:b] ‘ wars’ in MYA.

226

(7.20) / ħuru:b/ ONS *σ[CC MAX-IO DEP-IO *CODA

a.[ ħru:b]. *! * b.[ħrubb] ** * *

c.[ ħur.u:b] *! * ☹d.[ħu.ru:b] *! * Tableau (7.20) CCVVC word: / ħru:b/ ‘Wars’ in MYA

In tableau (7.21), candidate (a) which is supposed to be the optimal candidate in MYA is ruled out due to the violation of the high ranked constraint *σ[CC. Candidates (b) and (c) are ruled out by the constraints ONS and MAX-IO. Candidate (d) is selected as the optimal one. The ranking in (7.18) works for MSA rather than MYA, therefore, I have to reverse the ranking by ranking MAX-IO and DEP-IO over * σ [CC. Thus the relative ranking of the above constraints can be presented as below:

(7.21) Ranking (4): ONS> MAX-IO, DEP > * σ [CC > CODA

The following tableau motivates the above ranking for the word /ħru:b/ ‘wars’ :

(7.22)

/ħuru:b/ ONS MAX-IO DEP-IO * σ [CC *CODA ☻a.[ ħuru:b] * b.[ ħru:b] *! * c.[u:b] *! *

d. [ħru:bb] *! *! * Tableau (7.22) CCVVC word: / ħru:b/ ‘Wars’ in MYA

Candidate (b) loses because it has a complex coda Candidate (c) is excluded because it violates ONSET. The last candidate (d) satisfies ONSET and *Complex ONS but it incurs the lower ranked constraint DEP -IO, therefore, it emerges as the optimal candidate. Again

227 the situation is still problematic because candidate (a) is selected as the optimal one.

Therefore, this calls for an additional constraint to prohibit the unstressed high short vowels in open syllables form surfacing in MYA.

(7.23) *u,i]σ 54 (Kenstowicz, 1996, p. 318)

High short unstressed vowels in open syllables are not allowed.

Motivation: this constraint is used to rule out any candidate which has high unstressed short vowels in open syllables.

If I incorporate this constraint, the result is a ranking in which the constraint *u,i]σ has to outrank MAX-IO, as will be shown in the tentative ranking:

(7.24) Ranking (5): ONS> *i,u]σ > MAX-IO, DEP > *σ[CC, >*CODA

Consider the following tableau where the candidate forms compete for optimality:

(7.25)

/ħuru:b/ ONS *i,u]σ MAX-IO DEP-IO * σ [CC *CODA a.[ ħu.ru:b] *! *

☞ b.[ ħru:b] *! * c.[u:b] *! *

d. [ħru:bb] *! *! * Tableau (7.25) CCVVC word: / ħru:b/ ‘Wars’ in MYA

In tableau (7.25), candidate (a) loses as it incurs the fatal violation of *i,u]σ. Candidate (c

) is ruled out due to the violation of ONS. Candidate (d) incurs violation pf both MAX-IO and DEP-IO, while candidate (b) is selected as the optimal due to its violation of the lower ranked constraints.

54 - This constraint is formulated as *i,u]σ (Kenstowicz 1995 and Abu-Mansour 1996), *WN (Weak Nucleus) (Mobaidin 1999, Btoosh 2006), *NUC/i (Gouskova 2003).

228

7.1.4 Complex Coda Constraint

In line with MSA, the majority of complex codas in MYA occur in the word-final position.

Both MSA and MYA tolerate complex codas., therefore they incur a violation of the constraint *Complex CODA. This constraint is defined in (7.26) below:

(7.26) *Complex COD CC] σ *

A syllable must not have more than one segment in the coda. Codas are simple. (Kager 1999, p. 97) Motivation: This constraint bans the consonant clusters in the coda position of the syllable, that is, the coda has to be simple.

Now I will examine the above constraint in interaction with the other constraints and recall the constraint hierarchy (5) to examine the coda cluster in MSA for the ordinary MSA word /kabʃ/ ‘a sheep’. Let us assume that *Complex CODA dominates MAX-IO and DEP-

IO to see if we get our optimal candidate [kabʃ].

(7.27) Ranking (6): ONS> *i,u]σ > CC] σ * >MAX-IO, DEP-IO > *σ[CC, >*CODA

Consider the following tableau where the candidate forms compete for optimality:

(7.28)

/ kabʃ / ONS *CC] σ MAX-IO DEP-IO *CODA a.[ kabʃ] *! * ☻b.[ ka.biʃ] *! * c.[ kab.iʃ] *! **

Tableau (7.28) CVCC word: /kabʃ/ ‘a sheep’ in MSA

Tableau (7.28) shows that candidate (c) is rejected as it violates the high ranked constraint

ONS. Candidate (a) is also ruled out due its violation of the high ranked constraint *CC]

σ. Non- optimal candidate (b) of the word/ kabʃ/ is selected as it violates DEP-IO in order

229 to avoid a violation of *COMPLEXCOD. When a word epenthesizes a vowel to break a consonant cluster word finally as in (b) it creates an ill-formed candidate as MSA does not insert a vowel to break the consonant clusters. To put it in OT terms, non- optimal candidate (b) will be selected because it violates the lower ranked constraint DEP-IO and it satisfies *COMPLEX COD. This observation leads us to posit the ranking *COMPLEX

COD ≫ DEP-IO. Such a ranking creates something of a problem for word-final complex codas. That is, if *COMPLEX COD dominates DEP-IO, we would expect word-final consonant clusters to be ill-formed through vowel epenthesis. Thus, I would predict, incorrectly, that /kabʃ/ ‘ram’ would surface as [ka.biʃ]. The constraint ranking in the above tableau creates optimal form in other dialects as Syrian, Lebanese and Palestinian Arabic.

In light of the above, while our current hierarchy does not handle the data I have presented, the incorporation of a slight amendment to the ranking of the constraints can greatly modify our analysis.

To get the optimal candidate, the constraint hierarchy must be reversed and MAX-IO and

DEP-IO must dominate *COMPLEXCOD. The ranking of these constraints is illustrated in the following ranking:

(7.29) Ranking (7): ONS> *i,u]σ > >MAX-IO, DEP-IO > *CC] σ, *σ[CC, >*CODA

The same constraint hierarchy holds true with MYA as I have stated above both MSA and

MYA tolerate complex cluster in the coda position.

Examples of the constraint hierarchy in action is provided in the following tableau:

230

(7.30) / kabʃ / ONS *i,u]σ MAX-IO DEP-IO * σ [CC *CC] σ *CODA ☞a.[ kabʃ] *! * b.[ ka.biʃ] *! * c.[ kab.iʃ] *! **

Tableau (7.30) CVCC word: /kabʃ/ ‘a sheep’ in MYA

Here, the optimal candidate is arrived at through the interaction between markedness constraints *CC] σ and ONSET and the faithfulness constraint DEP-IO. The winning candidate (a) only violates a lower ranked constraint in MYA and therefore its violation is not fatal. The other three candidates violate the highly-ranked ONS, MAX-IO and DEP-

IO hence they cannot be selected as optimal candidates.

Now I will consider the interaction of the constraints MAX-IO, DEP-IO and *i,u]σ. It is clear from the syllabification patterns of MYA that deletion of high vowels [i,u] is allowed, therefore, the constraint *i,u]σ is ranked after the undominated constraint Onset.

Moreover, the constraints MAX-IO and DEP-IO work against deletion and insertion, therefore, they are ranked after *i,u]σ. The final hierarchy ranking of the syllable constraints which presents the grammar of the syllable patterns in MYA is formulated in

(7.31) below:

(7.31) Onset> *i,u]σ >MAX-IO, DEP-IO >*CC] σ >*σ[CC>*CODA

The above ranking is clarified in the following tableau for the words /si.ni:n / →[sni:n]

‘years’ and / ∫ahr/→[∫ahr] ‘ a month :

231

(7.32)

/ si.ni:n / ONS *i,u]σ MAX-IO DEP-IO * σ [CC *CC] σ *CODA

☞a.[ sni:n] *! *! * b.[ si.ni:n] *! *! * c.[ si.i:n] *! * *

/ ∫ahr/ ONS *i,u]σ MAX-IO DEP-IO * σ [CC *CC] σ *CODA

☞a.[ ∫ahr] *! * b.[ ∫a.hir] *! *

c.[ ∫ah.ir] *! **

Tableau (7.32) words /si.ni:n / →[sni:n] ‘years’ and / ∫ahr/→[∫ahr] ‘ a month

IO hence they cannot be selected as optimal candidates.

7.1.5 Sonority Sequencing Principle Constraint

In the examination of consonant clusters, the role of sonority is central to meet the requirements of Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP). The sonority index of the sounds, particularly the consonants, plays a role in onset clusters syllabification in most of Arabic varieties. Consider the following examples from MYA:

(7.33) 1. Onset cluster Type of Sonority Sonority Index Gloss

/hrib/ * hirib Core Clusters C1=2 C2=6 ‘run away’

/rfu:f/ *rufu:f Reversal Sonority C1=6 C2=2 ‘shelves’

/ħsa:n/ *ħisa:n Plateau Sonority C1=2 C2=2 ‘horse’

232

(7.34) 2. Coda cluster Type of Sonority Sonority Index Gloss

/ramz/ *ramiz Core Clusters C1=4 C2=3 ‘Symbol’

/mahr/ *mahir Reversal Sonority C1=2 C2=6 ‘dowry’

/ḥiɡd/ *ḥiɡid Plateau Sonority C1=1 C2=1 ‘hated’

It is apparent in the above examples that some consonant clusters in MYA conform to the

SSP, some clusters form plateau sonority and reverse sonority is also attested in both onset and coda positions of the syllable. Having established the status of the initial/ final consonant clusters with reference to SSP, I need to determine what constraints are responsible for the unmarked status of syllable type as CCVC/CVCC. In OT, there must be some markedness constraints that evaluate CCVC/CVCC clusters in MYA in relation to SSP. The constraint with regard to SSP is formulated as follows:

(7.35) SSP: Sonority Sequencing Principle In a syllable, sonority increases towards the peak and decreases toward the margins. (Morelli, 1999, p. 22)

Motivation: this constraint penalizes candidates which do not adhere to SSP.

Unlike Arabic dialects that have been discussed in chapter (3), MYA speakers do not insert a vowel to break the consonant clusters either word initially or finally as illustrated in Chapter 5. (See Section 5. 10). The constraint SSP does not dominate in MYA. The ranking of SSP in relation to the rest of the constraints considers a number of factors. For instance, since there are the clusters that either obey or violate SSP in MYA, the implication is that this constraint is dominated by some faithfulness constraints that require underlying input segments to be parsed. SSP constraint, like COMPLEX Onset and COMPLEXCOD, should be dominated by the rest of the constraints according to the ranking established so far in (7.29):

233

(7.36) Ranking (8): ONS>*i,u]σ> MAX-IO, DEP > *[SSP, *σ[CC, *CC]σ>*CODA

Having presented the main syllable structures and their constraints, the role of SSP in the arrangement of consonant clusters has been established in the above ranking. The effect of these constraints can be observed in the following tableau.

(7.37) / sˤu.ḥu:n/ ONS *i,u]σ MAX- DEP- SSP * σ [CC *CC] σ *CODA IO IO a. ☞ [sˤḥu:n] *! * * * b.[ *! * sˤu.'ḥu:n] c.[ u:n ] *! ** *

d. [sˤḥun] *!* *

Tableau (7.37) CCVC word: / sˤu.'ḥu:n / ‘plates’ in MYA

In Tableau (7.37), the new constraint rules out candidate (b). This is a fatal violation of a highly ranked constraint, which makes candidate (a) the optimal candidate. Candidate (c) seriously violates ONS = syllables must have onset while (d) seriously violate MAX-IO.

Having established the constraint hierarchy for the consonant clusters in the onset position of the syllable, the following section investigate the same constraint hierarchy in the coda position in MYA.

Tableau (7.38) shows how the optimal output /ramz/ ‘symbol’, which adheres to SSP, is being selected among the other candidates.

(7.38) / ramz / ONS *i]σ MAX-IO DEP-IO SSP *[CC *CC] *CODA a. [ ra.miz] *! *

b. ☞ [ ramz] * * c.[amz] *! * * d. [ram.zi] *! *

Tableau (7.38) CVCC word: / ramz / ‘symbol’

234

The tableau (7.38) shows that output (b) is chosen as the optimal candidate analysis of the input /armz/. Output (c) lacks an onset which results in violating the ONS constraint.

Output (d) violates the second-high ranked constraint *i] σ by vowel epenthesis. Output

(a) cannot be optimal due to the violation of the DEP-IO constraint.

Similar ranking hierarchy would suitably account for a word /hiɡd/ ‘hatred’ which does not obey the requirement of SSP as shown in tableau (7.39).

(7.39) / hiɡd / ONS *i]σ MAX-IO DEP-IO SSP *σ[CC *CC]σ *CODA

a. [hi. ɡid] * * * b. [iɡd] * * * *

c. ☞ [hiɡd] * * d. [hiɡ.di] *! * *

Tableau (7.39) CVCC word: /hiɡd/ ‘hatred’

The tableau above identifies output (c) to be the winner candidate because it meets most of the restrictions, though it violates the SSP. Candidate (b) actually performs worse violation because of the onset constraint. Candidate (a) and (d) cannot be optimal since they violate the *i] σ constraint.

7.1.6 Syllable Weight Constraints

From the examination of the moraic weight system in chapter (5), it was established that the weight of the syllable types CVC is inconstant and it is context dependent. Since CVC syllable is context dependent, there has to be constraints which either allow or ban the final consonant to have a weight or to be weightless depending on the contexts as I have highlighted earlier in chapter 5 (See Section 5.12). Syllable types as CVVC and CVCC

235 are known as superheavy and being tri-moraic, they exceed the maximal allowed number of moras in a single syllable keeping in mind the Bimoraicy constraint which states that the syllable must be maximally bimoraic (Broselow, Chen, & Huffman, 1997). In final positions, these two type syllables are heavy plus they have an extra-syllabic consonant

(Watson, 2002:85). In non-final position, CVCC and CVVC types are treated differently.

For now, I will look at them in final positions because the non-final positions of the CVVC and CVCC will be discussed in detail under epenthesis and vowel shortening. Therefore, it is now required to establish the constraints which account for the finality and non- finality of the last consonant of the syllable types CVC, CVVC and CVCC. These constraints are as follows:

(7.40) *Final-C-µ Word final coda consonants are weightless. (Hayes, 1989)

Motivation: this constraint militates against moraic final consonants.

(7.41) WEIGHT-BY-POSITION (WBP) Consonants in the coda position are moraic. (Broselow et al. 1997, p. 63)

Motivation: this constraint motivates the final coda consonant to be moraic.

Since these constraints are related to final coda consonants, their ranking has to be higher than *CODA and *FINAL-C-μ has to dominate WBP so that final CVC syllables are monomoraic. This argument results in the following ranking:

(7.42) Ranking (9): ONS> *i,u]σ > MAX-IO, DEP >*FINAL-C-μ > WBP >*[SSP,

*σ[CC, *CC]σ>*CODA

The above ranking is verified in the following tableaux for inputs of CVC.CVC, CVVC and CVCC:

236

(7.43) / ɡir.bih / ONS *i]σ MAX- DEP-IO *FINAL- WBP SSP * σ *CC] σ *CODA IO C-μ [CC μμ μμ **! ** a. [ɡir.bih] μμ μ * ** ☞b. [ɡir.bih] μ μ *! * * c.[ ɡi.bih] μ μμ * * ** d- [ɡir.bih] /ma:t/ ONS *i]σ MAX- DEP-IO *FINAL- WBP SSP *[CC *CC] *CODA IO C-μ μμμ *! * a-[ ma:t] μμ * * ☞b- [ma:t] c- [mat] *! *

/nahr/ ONS *i]σ MAX- DEP-IO *FINAL- WBP SSP *[CC *CC] *CODA IO C-μ μμμ *! * * a-[nahr] μμ * * * ☞b-[nahr] c-[nar] *! *

Tableau (7.43): Different inputs; / ɡir.bih / ‘sack for water’, /ma:t/ ‘he died’ and /nahr/ ‘a river’

In tableaux (7.43), candidates fatally the high ranked constraint *FINAL-C-μ, therefore

they are ruled out. Candidates (c) are disqualified because they delete segments in their

output. Candidates (b) are selected as optimal candidate since they violate the lower

ranked constraint (WBP).

7.2 An Optimality Theory Analysis of Syncope in MYA

Having set out the foundations of a series of constraints that express the properties of the

syllable in MYA, this section is devoted to an optimality theoretic analysis of the

environments of vowel syncope in MYA examined in chapter 6. (See Section 6.1). At

initial glance at MYA data, might lead to a question: which vowels are subject to syncope,

237 all of them or only the high unstressed vowels? In order to answer this question, a number of related issues need to be addressed. It is observed in the above discussion that syncope via deletion of a high unstressed vowel tends to produce a complex onset. It is also shown that syncope of a [+low] vowel is possible when a permissible complex onset can be created in some environments.

Considering the data therefore allows us to postulate a critical ranking between a constraint militating against segmental deletion and driving syncope, as well as a critical ranking between constraints militating against particular syllable template. The first is formalized in the competition between MAX-IO and the cover constraint *i,u]σ , as in

(7.44) below. Revisiting the constraint hierarchy ranking (7.36) would result in the selection of the syncopated output candidate; the type found in MYA.

238

(7.44) / wi.ˈliʕ / ONS *i,u]σ MAX- DEP- SSP *[CC *CC] *CODA IO IO a. ☞ [wliʕ] *! * * b.[ wi.ˈliʕ] *! * c.[ i.ˈliʕ] *! * *

d. [liʕ] *!* *

/mu.ɣa:.ni/ ONS *i,u]σ MAX- DEP- SSP * σ *CC] *CODA IO IO [CC σ ☞a- [mɣa:.ni] *! * * b-[mu.ɣa:.ni] *!*

c-[u.ɣa:.ni] *!

/mudal.lal/ ONS *i,u]σ MAX- DEP- SSP * σ *CC] *CODA IO IO [CC σ ☞a-[mdal.lal] *! * ** b-[mu.dal.lal] *! **

c-[mu.al.la] *! **

Tableau (7.44): Different inputs; /wi. ˈliʕ / ‘become lighted’, /mu. ɣa:.ni/ ‘male singer and /mudal.lal/ ‘spoonfeded’ In the tableau in (7.44), candidates (b), (c) and (d) respectively are eliminated for their fatal violation of the highest-ranked constraint. While candidate (a) becomes the automatic winner of the competition.

As just alluded above, there are situations in which all the conditions for syncope are not met, the following tableau examines if the constraint hierarchy can account for these conditions.

239

(7.45) / ma.'ri:ðˤ / ONS *i,u]σ MAX- DEP- SSP * σ *CC] *CODA IO IO [CC σ a.[ mri:ðˤ] *! *! * ☞ b.[ ma.'ri:ðˤ] * c.[ ma'r.i:ðˤ] *! *

d. [ma:.'ri:ðˤ] *! * *

Tableau (7.45): for the input / ma.'ri: ðˤ / ‘he is sick’

Candidate (a) satisfies *i,u]a but it loses . Both candidates (c) and (d) are ruled out due to the violation of the highly ranked constraints Onset and DEP-IO. Candidate is distinguished as the desired candidate because it violates the lower ranked constraint.

Potential candidates suspected to disobey syncope domination were introduced in chapter

(6), and as predicted, the above constraint hierarchy was not able to predict the attested winner /diʤa: ʤah / ‘chicken’. The following tableau illustrates this:

(7.46) /diʤa:ʤah / ONS *i,u]σ MAX- DEP- SSP * σ *CC] *CODA IO IO [CC σ ☻a.[ dʤa:.ʤah] *! * *! *

b.[ di.ʤa:.ʤah] *! *

c. [/di.ʤa:.ah] *! *! * *

Tableau (7.46): for the input /diʤa: ʤah / ‘chicken’

Candidate (a), as a wrong output, is selected as optimal because it avoids the violation of most highly-ranked constraints and it has one violation of the MAX-IO constraint.

Candidate (b), as a desired output, is eliminated from being optimal by the violation of the

*i,u]σ constraint. Candidate (C) fails to be optimal due to the violation of the Onset constraint.

240

It is to be noticed that though the phonological environment is met, syncope does not take place in these exceptional examples.

(7.47) /su.ʤu:n/ [su.ʤu:n] /*[su.ʤu:n] ‘jails’

/ziʤa:ʤ/ [ziʤa:ʤ]/ *[zʤa:ʤ] ‘Glasses’

/si.ʤa:.reh/ [si.ʤa:.reh]/*[sʤa:.reh] ‘cigarette’

/di.ʤa:.ʤah/ [di.ʤa:.ʤah]/*[ dʤa:.ʤah] ‘Chicken’

I suggest future research will help unravel this exceptionality, but in the interim it can be deduced that the situation arises perhaps out of the manner of articulation. To state it differently, the members of these consonant clusters are coronal. The shared feature

(coronal) prevents these sounds to act as harmonic clusters. it can be argued that the restrictions that prevent the undesired complex onset clusters follow from the effect of

Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) (McCarthy, 1986). He defines obligatory contour principle as “At the melodic level, adjacent identical elements are prohibited” (p.210).

The proposal recommended for this case is to use a constraint which prohibits the undesirable complex onset clusters to surface. This constraint is formulated as follows:

(7.48) OCP- Cor55 [-son][-cont]/ [-son][+ant] Adjacent Coronal sounds [[ʃʤ-, dʤ-, sʤ-, zʤ] are prohibited

(Modified from McCarthy ,1986)

55 This constraint has been used first by (McCarthy, 1986). Regardless of the proposed ranking in (9) above in an effort to elucidate the exceptional case just debated, still the dataset collected for this thesis does not cover more examples of adapted forms with *σ [ddʒ-, *σ [zdʒ- and * σ [sdʒ-, clusters. Consequently, I suppose it will be too presumptive on my part to assume that such constraints and their ranking will be able to account for all such word-initial clusters in MYA without having investigated more of such data in this thesis. I think this issue can be better resolved by the collection and further analysis of more of corpus with such word-initial clusters in future research.

241

This constraint bans the sequence of the adjacent coronal sounds [ʃʤ-, dʤ-, sʤ-, zʤ]

sounds in the onset position. Its ranking has to be above *i,u]σ constraint to make sure

that the desired candidate is selected as optimal.

Therefore, the constraint ranking as follows will select the candidates /ʃu. dʒ a:ʕ/ and

/su.ʕa:l/ with the preservation of the high unstressed vowel in open syllable.

(7.49) Ranking (10): ONS> OCP- Cor [-son] [-cont]/ [-son][+ant]> *i,u]σ > MAX- IO>DEP > *[SSP, *σ[CC, *CC]σ>*CODA The following tableau illustrates the proposed ranking for the exceptional case of non-

syncopated vowel adding the constraint OCP- Cor [ʃʤ-, dʤ-, sʤ-, zʤ].

(7.50)

/diʤa: ʤah / ONS OCP- Cor [-son][- *i,u]σ MA DEP- SSP * σ [CC *CC] *CODA cont]/ [-son][+ant] X- IO σ IO

a.[ dʤa: .ʤah] *! * * * * ☞b.[ di.ʤa: ʤah] *! * c. [di.ʤa: .ah] *! * *! *

/ziʤa:ʤ/ ONS OCP- Cor [-son][- *i,u]σ MA DEP- SSP * σ [CC *CC] *CODA cont]/ [-son][+ant] X- IO σ IO a.[zʤa:ʤ] *! * * *

☞b.[zi.ʤa:ʤ] *! * c. [/zi.a:ʤ/] *! *

Tableau (7.50): for the inputs / diʤa: ʤah / ‘chicken’ and /ziʤa:ʤ/ ‘glass’

In tableau (7.50) candidates (a) of the two inputs, which have the illicit clusters of *σ[ddʒ-

, *σ[z dʒ- are ruled out. Candidate (c) falls out of the competition because it violates the

242 high ranked constraint Onset. Candidates (b) are identified as optimal due to the satisfaction of the high ranked constraint OCP- Cor [-son] [-cont]/ [-son] [+ant]

To a notable degree, the analysis provided so far is on nouns and adjectives, this section provided an OT account for verbs with prefixes and suffixes and find out whether the proposed constraint hierarchy can account for the different environments of syncope.

It is probable for a form to fulfill the requirements of syncope by deleting the vowel of the prefixes, suffixes or the root completely eliminating the internal structure of the syllables.

This scenario presents itself in the current analysis mainly where the winning candidate has to undergo syncope in order to avoid violating a higher-ranked constraint. The tableau in (7.51) accounts for a case in which the high unstressed vowel in /ni-ħawil/ ‘We try’ is deleted and consequently results in a consonant cluster where the candidate with the default vowel deletion becomes the optimal candidate.

(7.51) /ni-ħawil/ ONS *i,u]σ MAX DEP- SSP *σ[CC *CC]σ *CODA -IO IO a.[ ni-ħa.wil] *! * ☞b. [nħa.wil] * * * c. [niħ.aw.il] *! *** Tableau (7.51): for the input /ni-ħawil/ ‘We try’

From the above tableau, Candidate (a) fatally violates the markedness constraint *i,u]σ so it is omitted. Candidate (c) loses by virtue of violating the high ranked constraint.

Candidate (b) is extracted as the optimal one.

Following the same hierarchy established so far, I will use another input which consists of suffixes to test the logical soundness of the established constraint hierarchy. The following tableau evaluates the output of the candidate /jit.za:waʤu:/ ‘They marry’:

243

(7.52) / jit.za:waʤ +u:/ ONS *i,u]σ MAX- DEP- SSP *CODA IO IO ☻a.[jit.za:.wa.ʤu:] *

b. / jit za:w ʤu:/ *! **

c. [jit.za:w. aʤu:] *! **

Tableau (7.52): for the input /jit.za:waʤu:/ ‘They marry’

As the frowning face indicates candidate (a), as a wrong output, is nominated as optimal because it escapes the violation of most highly-ranked constraints and it has one violation of *CODA constraint. Candidate (b), as a desired output, is eliminated from being optimal by the violation of the MAX-IO constraint. Candidate (c) is eliminated due to the violation of the ONS constraint. Therefore, in order to determine candidate (b) as optimal, there must be a constraint which punishes the low vowels in light syllables as modeled by using the following constraint:

(7.53) No [a] /a/ is not allowed in light syllables.

(Orgun et , al , 1995, p. 5)

Motivation: This constraint is used to ban the low vowel in light syllables in Bedouin

Hijazi Arabic. It has to outrank MAX-IO in order to select candidate (b) as the optimal one. The ranking proposed for these constraints is as follows:

(7.54) Ranking (11): ONS> *i,u]σ > No[a]> MAX-IO>DEP > *[SSP, *σ[CC,

*CC]σ>*CODA

244

This will result in the following tableau:

(7.55) / jit.za:waj +u:/ ONS *i,u]σ No [a] MAX-IO DEP-IO SSP *CODA

a. [jit.za:wa.ju:] *! *

☞b. /jit za:w ju:/ *! **

c. [jit.za:w. aju:] *! **

Tableau (7.55): for the input /jit.za:waʤu:/ ‘They marry’

Tableau (7.55) shows candidate (b) as the desired output, being selected as optimal due to

the avoidance of the violation of high ranked constraints, whereas candidate (a) fails to

satisfy No [a] constraint. Candidate (c) is prevented from being optimal because it violates

the constraint ONS.

The illustrative representations made so far will now be used to account for the

syncopation of vowels when suffixes are added to the stems with some concrete examples

from MYA data. The following tableau (7.56) shows the interaction of the constraints for

the input /ti.dar.ris +u: / ‘ you (pl) teach’ :

(7.56) / ti.dar.ris +u: / ONS *i,u]σ No MAX- DEP- SSP *σ[CC *CC]σ *CODA [a] IO IO a.[ ti.dar.ri.su:] ** * b.[ ti.darr.su:] * * * * c. [ti.dar.su:] * ** *

Tableau (7.56): for the input /ti.dar.ris +u / ‘ you (pl) teach’

Tableau (7.56) fails to identify the candidate [ti.dar.su] as optimal because this candidate

and candidate (b) equally violate the *i,u]σ constrain.

245

A fact which calls for an additional constraint that would block geminates and long

segments. Therefore, Rose’s (2002) constraint would be employed to optimize candidate

(c).

56 (7.57) *GEM PENULT Long segments are prohibited. (Rose, 2000, p. 120)

Motivation: this constraint militates against geminates in the penult syllable.

It must be ranked higher than *i,u]σ and No[a] in order to ensure that degemination can

select the desired form [ti.dar.su].

(7.58) Ranking (12): ONS> *i,u]σ > No[a]> *GEM PENULT > MAX-IO>DEP > *[SSP,

*σ[CC, *CC]σ>*CODA

(7.59)

/ti.dar.ris +u: / ONS *GEM *i,u]σ No MAX- DEP- SSP *σ[CC *CC]σ *CODA PENULT [a] IO IO a.[ ti.dar.ri.su:] *!* * b.[ ti.darr.su:] * *! * * *

☞c. [ti.dar.su:] * ** *

Tableau (7.59): for the input /ti.dar.ris +u: / ‘ you (pl) teach’

56 - As I have stated in chapter 5, geminates are allowed in the word final position in MYA such as / ḥaðˤðˤ/ ‘luck’, I will use this constraint with slight amendment to it. *GEM PENULT to ban the gemination in the penult syllable. In the case of geminate consonant in monosyllabic words and to get the optimal candidate with a geminate constraint, the constraint *GEM should be ranked lower than MAX-IO and DEP. The tableau below shows this mechanism:

/ḥaðˤðˤ/ ONS MAX-IO DEP-IO *GEM *σ[CC *CC]σ *CODA

☞a.[ḥaðˤðˤ] * * b.[ḥaðˤ] *! * c. [ḥa.ðˤuðˤ] *! *

246

From the tableau above, candidates (a) and (b) are ruled out completely because they

PENULT fatally violate the high-ranked *i,u]σ and *GEM constraints i.e. the constraint against deletion of high unstressed vowels and geminates . Candidates (c) is therefore left to vie for the optimality position.

As the above constraint hierarchy was able to account for the process of syncope associated with suffixes, let’s now test its validity in case the vowel of the stem is deleted as in the candidate [sˤa:.ħibi] ‘my friend’. Consider the following tableau (7.60)

(7.60)

/sˤa:ħib + i/ ONS *GEM *i,u]σ No MAX- DEP- *CODA PENULT [a] IO IO

a. [sˤa:.ħi.bi] *!* *

b.[sˤa:h.bi] *! * *

c. [sˤa:h.i] *!

☻a d- [sˤa:.ħib] * *

Tableau (7.60): for the input [sˤa:.ħibi] ‘my friend’

From tableau (7.60), it can be noticed that deletion of the suffix has created an impact on the optimal output selection, therefore, there has to be a constraint which militates against the deletion of the suffix. Thus, following Abu-Abbas (2003), I propose the following constraint:

(7.61) MAX-IO (SFX)

Every segment in the input suffix has a correspondent in the output.

(Abu-Abbas ,2003, p. 153)

Motivation: this constraint is used to secure the input suffixes from being deleted and it dominates *i,u]σ which results to form the following constraint hierarchy:

247

(7.62) Ranking (13): ONS> MAX-IO (SFX) > GEM PENULT > *i,u]σ > No[a]> MAX-IO,

DEP > *[SSP, *σ[CC, *CC]σ>*CODA

A clear illustration of the ranking paradox generated so far can be seen in the following

tableau:

(7.63) /sˤa:ħib + i/ ONS MAX- *i,u]σ No MAX- DEP- SSP *[CC *CC] *CODA IO [a] IO IO (SFX) a. [sˤa:.ħi.bi] *!* * *

☞b.[sˤa:h.bi] * * c. [sˤa:h.i] *! d- [sˤa:.ħib] *! * *

/ki.bir+u/ ONS MAX- *i,u]σ No MAX- DEP- SSP *[CC *CC] *CODA IO [a] IO IO (SFX) a-/ki.bi.ru/ *!**

☞b-/kib.ru/ * * c- /ki.bir/ *! * * * d-/kibr.u/ *! *

Tableau (7.63): for the inputs /sˤa:.ħibi/ ‘my friend’ and //ki.bir+u/ ‘ they get larger’

In tableau (7.63), candidate (a), which is fully faithful to the input is non-optimal, as it

fatally violates the high ranking markedness constraint, *i,u]σ. Candidate (b) deletes the

vowel [i] this violates only once the high ranked constraint *i,u]σ, and thus it wins the

competition and has been selected as the optimal candidate. However, both candidates (c)

and (b) violate the highly ranked markedness constraints ONS and MAX-IO, which bans

the onsetless syllables and the deletion of the suffix in the output respectively. Now I will

examine another example where there is no suffix to check the validity of the constraint

248

hierarchy established so far. Consider the following tableau for the word /zaba:di/ 

[za.ba:.di] ‘yogurt’:

(7.64) / zaba:di / ONS MAX- *i,u]σ No MAX- DEP- SSP *[CC *CC] *CODA IO [a] IO IO (SFX) a. [za.ba.di] *! ** * b.[ za.ba:.di] * *

☻c- [za.ba:d] * * *

Tableau (7.64) for the input /zaba:di/  [za.ba:.di] ‘yogurt:

From tableau (7.64), it can be noticed that candidates (a) and (b) are ruled out early

because the violate the high ranked constraint *i,u]σ. Candidate (c) has violated the low

ranked constraint and it is incorrectly selected as the most harmonic one. Therefore, the

constraint MAX-IO (SFX) can be substituted by the constraint Right-Anchoring-IO; from

{Right ,Left}-Anchor(S1,S2) (McCarthy and Prince 1995). Right-Anchoring-IO will have

an advantage over Max-IO (SFX) in that the former protects all word final vowels (even

if they are not in a suffix, as in maʃwi, zaba:di, etc) while the latter does not.

(7.65) Right-Anchoring-IO (S1, S2) Any element at the designated periphery of S1 has a correspondent at the designated periphery of S2.

(McCarthy and Prince, 1996)

The following tableau shows how the new proposed constraint accounts for inputs where

the suffixes have to surface.

249

(7.66)

/ zaba:di / ONS Right- *i,u]σ No [a] MAX-IO DEP-IO *CODA Anchoring-IO a. [za.ba.di] *! ** * ☞b.[ za.ba:.di] * * c- [za.ba:d] *! * * * Tableau (7.66) for the input /zaba:di/  [za.ba:.di] ‘yogurt’:

From tableau (7.66), it can be noticed that candidate (a) is ruled out early because it

violates the high ranked constraint *i,u]σ and two violations of the constraint No [a] .

Candidate (b) has been selected as the optimal. Candidate (c) has violated the high ranked

constraint Right-Anchoring-IO so it is ruled out.

The next tableau accounts for the same kind of defective verbs in the perfect forms where

syncope is blocked. Consider the candidate /Ɣaza/ ‘He invaded’:

(7.67)

/Ɣaza / ONS *i,u]σ No MAX- DEP- *[CC *CODA [a] IO IO

☻a.[ Ɣza] * * * b.[Ɣa.za] *!* * c. [Ɣaz. a] * *! * *

Tableau (7.67): for the inputs /Ɣaza/ ‘He invaded’

From the tableau (7.67), it can be noticed that the wrong candidate has been selected.

Though candidate (b) violates the No [a] constraint once for having two low vowels,

candidate (a) violates it once and loses out for having an additional violating deleting one

vowel. Candidate (c) is eliminated for having a serious violation for the constraint ONS.

To resolve this issue, there must be another constraint which should optimize candidate

250

(b), for satisfying the root minimality requirement. I adhere McCarthy and Prince‘s

(1993:44) constraint of minimality.

(7.68) * Root (µ) Minimality A root must contain at least two moras.

McCarthy and Prince ‘s (1993, p. 44)

Motivation: this constraint bans any root without two moras.

Root minimality is undominated in this dialect, therefore, it must be ranked with onset constraint. Thus the ranking of the constraints should be like in (7.69) below:

(7.69) Ranking (13): ONS, * Root (µ) > Right-Anchoring-IO > *i,u]σ > No[a]> *GEM

PENULT > MAX-IO>DEP > *[SSP, *σ[CC, *CC]σ>*CODA

What follows is the tableau which displays the interaction of the constraints with the new constraint which guarantees that segments in the root are maintained in the output:

(7.70)

/Ɣaza /

ONS * , ONS * Root (µ) *i,u]σ No [a] MAX DEP SSP *[CC *CC] *CODA a.[ Ɣza] Root * * * (µ) ☞b.[Ɣaza] ** * *

c. [Ɣaz. a] ONS * * * *! Tableau (7.70): for the inputs /Ɣaza/ ‘He invaded’

In tableau (7.70), the top high ranked constraints entails that candidate (b) has been selected as the optimal candidate at the expense of candidates (a) and (c) which are excluded from the competition for the violation of the high ranked constraints.

251

With these constraints and their rankings in mind, the following tableaux verify the

constraint hierarchy for some illustrative inputs57 as katab.na - kitab.na  [ktab.na] ‘we

wrote’, /ti. ˈxasˤ. sˤim/ → [ˈtxasˤ. sˤim] ‘you act or he /she acts’, /ʃarib -na/ [ʃirib-

na][ʃrib.na] ‘we drank’ and / ma+bi+niḥsib+ʃ [mab.niḥ.sibʃ] ‘we don’t count’ :

(7.71)

/ katab.na /

ONS ONS * ,Root (µ) *i,u]σ No [a] MAX DEP SSP *[CC *CC] *CODA a.[ ka.tab.na] ** *

☞b.[ ktab.na] * * * * * c. [ki.tab.na] *! * * *

/ ti. ˈxasˤ. sˤim /

ONS ONS * ,Root (µ) *i,u]σ No [a] MAX DEP SSP *[CC *CC] *CODA a.[ ta. ˈxasˤ. sˤim] *! **

☞b. [ˈtxasˤ. sˤim] * * ** c.[ ti. ˈxasˤ. sˤim] *! **

/ʃarib+na /

ONS ONS * , Root (µ) *i,u]σ No [a] MAX DEP SSP *[CC *CC] *CODA a.[ ʃi.rib.na] *! * *

☞b. [ʃrib.na] * * * * c.[ʃa.rib.na] *!* *

/ku.tub +ak/

ONS ONS * , Root (µ) *i,u]σ No [a] MAX DEP SSP *[CC *CC] *CODA

57 - For economy and space reasons, I will not reproduce all the constraints that were used in the previous discussion

252 a.[ /ku.tu. bak/] *!* **

☞b.[ kut.bak] * ** c. [/ku.tub .ak] *! * * **

/ma+bi+niḥsib+ʃ /

ONS, * ONS, * Root (µ) *i,u]σ No [a] MAX DEP SSP *[CC *CC] *CODA b.[ ma.bi.niḥ sibʃ] *! * **

☞a. [mab.niḥ.sibʃ] *! *** d.[ma.bi.ni.ḥi.sibʃ *!** *

Tableau (7.71): for the inputs /katab.na/ ‘we wrote’, /ti. ˈxasˤ. sˤim/ ‘you act or he /she acts’, /ʃarib - na/ ‘we drank’ and /ma+bi+niḥsib+ʃ/ ‘we don’t count’

As it is shown from tableau (7.71), candidate (b) is an optimal output since it does not

violate the high ranked constraints, whereas, both candidates (a) and (c) violate the un-

dominated constraints.

Let’s test the above hierarchy on the basis of different inputs to show the selection of

optimal output. /xa.tˤab /[xatˤab] *xitˤab ‘he proposed’

(7.72)

/ xa.tˤab / ONS, *i,u]σ No MAX- DEP- SSP *[CC *CC] *CODA Root [a] IO IO (µ) ☞a.[ xa.tˤab]58 * ** b.[ xi.tˤab] * ** c. [xtˤab] * * * ** Tableau (7.72) : for the input /xa.tˤab/[xatˤab] *xitˤab ‘he proposed’

58 - The only way to account for preserving the vowel here is probably because they are both protected by Root for being in a foot. May be it is parsed as (xa.tˤab) or (xa.tˤa)b.

253

In tableau (7.72), candidate (b) and candidate (c) are punished for having a serious violation of the constraint Root (µ) and *i,u]σ respectively. Candidate (a) is the one which violates the low constraint and therefore it is our optimal.

To summarize, the analysis presented so far accounts for the status of the potential desirable consonant clusters and syncope in MYA. The desired complex onsets are created as a result of the high vowel deletion and the constraint *i,u]σ is ranked higher in the constraint hierarchy. However, the process of syncope is blocked whenever undesirable consonant cluster is prohibited by the constraint OCP- Cor [-son][-cont]/. Therefore, the section led to the overall constraint hierarchy used to account for syncope in MYA:

(7.73) ONS> *Root (µ) > Right-Anchoring-IO > OCP- Cor [-son][-cont]/ [-son][+ant]> *i,u]σ > No[a]> *GEM > MAX-IO>DEP > *[SSP, *σ[CC, *CC]σ>*CODA

7.3 An Optimality Theory Analysis of Epenthesis in MYA

It has been mentioned in chapter six that the occurrence of three consonant clusters word initially is not allowed in MYA. This section offers an OT account of inserting /i/ to resolve initial CCC clusters. Hence, a high-ranked markedness constraint * σ [CCC is active in MYA dialect, which can be well-defined as in (7.74).

(7.74) * σ [CCC Tri-consonants word initially is not allowed

Motivation: This constraint is used to ban any sequence of three consonant clusters word initially.

Moving a step back to the previous analysis of syncope, the faithfulness constraints MAX-

IO and DEP-IO have to be recalled because they work against the deletion and the insertion of segments in the outputs. The following tableau shows how these constraints together with the markedness constraints work for the input /m-ḥisa:b / ‘the account’

254

/m-ḥsa:b /

* σ [CCC MAX DEP ☹a [mhi.sa:b] * b. [mḥsa:b] * c.[ mi.hi.sa:b] *!*

☹d-[mih.sa:b] * Tableau (7.74): for the input /m-ḥsa:b / [miḥsa:b ]‘ the account’

In tableau (7.74), candidate (b) forms tri-consonant cluster word initially, incurring a fatal violation of * σ [CCC. Candidate (c) is disqualified since it experiences two violations of

DEP-IO. Candidate (a) and (d) compete equally as candidate (d) redeems *CCC by epenthesizing /i/ between C1 and C2 while candidate (a) repairs it by inserting /i/ between

C2 and C3. Thus, this issue can be solved by two constraints of CONTIGUITY family

(Lamontagne, 1996), which ensure a contiguous string.

(7.75) “(a) (Domain)-CONTIG(uity): contiguity between correspondents within a domain D.

For some domain D within S, all correspondents α β in D must be contiguous. Where D = {Syllable, Foot, PrWd, etc.}

(b)J(uncture)-CONTIG(uity): contiguity between correspondents across identical domains D.

For two identical domains D and D+1 in S, where β is the final correspondent in D+1 and α is the first correspondent in D+1, α and β must be contiguous. Where D = {Syllable, Foot, PrWd, etc.}”

(Lamontagne, 1996, p. 14 cited in Slimani, 2016)

The above constraint explains that for an input form of a morpheme and stem such as /m-

ḥsa:b / ‘the accounts’, epenthesis between the definite article morpheme and the stem

[miḥ.sa:b] helps to keep the morpheme and the stem contiguous. However, if the

255 epenthesis happens after the stem and the definite article morpheme such as [mḥi.sa:b] , the morphological contiguity is violated.

The applicable domain D for insertion is the syllable, therefore, inserting /i/ within a syllable infringes D-CONTIG, while inserting it between syllables violates J-CONTIG.

The relative ranking of the two constraints is language specific whether a language favors the structure CCvC or CvCC. Consequently, CCvC follows the ranking D-CONTIG>> J-

CONTIG, whereas CvCC is generated by the ranking J-CONTIG>> D-CONTIG. The data from MYA as discussed in chapter (6) apparently breaks the CCC cluster into CVCC resulting in the violation of J-CONTIG rather than D-CONTIG. This accounts for the selection of [miḥ.sa:b] over [mḥi.sa:b] ‘the account’.

With the hierarchy developed earlier and after locating the epenthesis site by using the

CONTIGUITY family constraints, the complete hierarchical ranking for all the constraints is as follows:

(7.76) Ranking (14): σ[CCC MAX-IO D-CONTIG  J-CONTIG DEP-IO

The overview of the above ranking is illustrated in the following tableau:

(7.77)

/m-ḥsa:b /

CONTIG

- CONTIG

*σ[CCC MAX D J DEP ☞a[mih.sa:b] * * b.[mḥsa:b] *! c.[mhi.sa:b] *! *

d.[ hsa:b] *!

Tableau (7.77): for the input /m-ḥsa:b / [miḥsa:b ]‘ the account’

256

As revealed in tableau (7.77), candidate (b) is certainly left out as it infringes the extremely ranked constraint *σ[CCC. Output (d), however, breaches MAX-IO and it is eliminated.

Candidate (c) is likely to fail by breaking D-CONTIG. Gaining the least violation enhances candidate (a) to be the optimal.

For a chain of validity checking of the constraint hierarchy established so far, the following tableau further recapitulates the interaction of the constraints for different inputs:

(7.78)

/ b-ʃranɡih / *σ[CCC MAX- D- J- DEP- IO CONTIG CONTIG IO

a [bʃran.ɡih] *! * b. [bʃi.ran.ɡih] *! *

☞c.[biʃ.ran.ɡih] * *

Tableau (7.78): for the input /b-ʃiranɡih/→ *[bʃranɡih][biʃ.ran.ɡih] ‘with syringe’

In tableau (7.78), candidates (a) and (b) both fatally violate the high ranked constraints and as a result they are ruled out. Candidate (c) is selected as the optimal since it violates the low-ranked constraint.

As it has been pointed in chapter (5), MYA is classified under C- dialects because it licenses semisyllable. Now, the following tableau displays the consistency of the constraint hierarchy for an input of internal triple consonant clusters. An input in hand is

/zaʕ.zaʕ-t-ha/[zaʕ.zaʕ.tμ.ha ] ‘I shocked her’ . Semisyllables do not exist in the outputs.

257

(7.79)

/ zaʕ.zaʕ-tμ-ha / *σ[CCC D- J- MAX- DEP-IO CONTIG CONTIG IO μμμ ☹a [zaʕ.zaʕt.ha] ☹b.[(zaʕ.zaʕ)t.ha] c.[ zaʕ.zaʕ.tu.ha] * Tableau (7.79) : for the input /zaʕ.zaʕ-t-ha/[zaʕ.zaʕ.tμ.ha ] ‘I shocked her’

Tableau (7.79) shows that the constraint hierarchy cannot generate the optimal candidate.

There is a competition between candidate (a) and (b). Candidate (c) is ruled out because it violates DEP-IO.

Therefore, there should be a constraint that can help the desired output [(zaʕ.zaʕ)t.ha] to become optimal. By examining the output (a) [zaʕ.zaʕt.ha], the syllable (CVµCµCµ) incurs a serious problem of increasing the moras of the size of foot. Therefore, the following constraint can help: -

(7.80) *3μ No trimoraic syllables

Kager (1999, p. 268)

This constraints infringes *3μ in a syllable and it is undominated in Arabic. This constraint is added to the above hierarchy and it is ranked higher than *σ[CCC.

To account for the trimoraicity of syllables like CVVC and CVCC, Kiparsky (2003)’s mora-licensing model will be adopted assuming that the stray final C is a semisyllable linked to the prosodic word directly. However, appointing a mora to the stranded C requires another constraint which is as follows:

(7.81) LICENSE-μ

A mora must be affiliated with a syllable. (Kiparsky, 2003)

258

This constraint is placed low in the hierarchy in MYA.

(7.82)

/ zaʕ.zaʕ-tμ-ha / *3μ *σ[CCC D- J- MAX- DEP-IO LICENSE-μ CONTIG CONTIG IO

μμμ *! *** a [zaʕ.zaʕt.ha] ☞b.[(zaʕ.zaʕ)t.ha] * c.[ zaʕ.zaʕ.tu.ha] * Tableau (7.82) : for the input /zaʕ.zaʕ-t-ha/[zaʕ.zaʕ.tμ.ha ] ‘I shocked her’

Tableau (7.82) shows that the constraint hierarchy correctly generates (b) as the optimal

candidate since it violates the low ranked constraint. Candidate (a) is disqualified for it

severely incurs the high ranked constraint *3μ. Candidate (c) is ruled out because it

violates DEP-IO.

In the above discussion, I have looked so far at epenthesis within the tri-consonant cluster

at both word initial and medial positions, I now proceed to see check the accuracy of the

developed constraint hierarchy where there is triple consonant cluster across words. As a

reminder, I must recall that tri-consonant clusters across word boundaries is not allowed

in MYA.

Tableau (7.83) below evaluates the candidates and their interaction for the input /ʃara m-

ɡa:t/→[ʃa.ram. ɡa:t]’he bought the Qat’:

259

(7.83)

/ ʃara-m-ɡa:t /

*3μ NO[a] MAX DEP LICENS E μμμ *! ** *** a. [ʃa.ra mɡa:t] μμ * * ☞b.[ ʃa.ram. ɡa:t] Tableau (7.83): for the input /ʃara m-ga:t/→ [ʃa.ram. ga:t]’he bought Qat’

In tableau (7.83), the output (a) is ill-formed since it violates the high ranked constraint

*3μ. Candidate (b) is selected as the winner due its violation of the low ranked constraints.

The operation of the constraint ranking for the input /sa:ɡ m-se:ja:rah/ [sa:.

ɡim.se:.ja:.rah] ‘ he drove the car’ is illustrated in the following tableau (7.83).

(7.84)

/sa:ɡ m-se:ja:rah/

*3μ *σ[CCC MAX D CONTIG J CONTIG DEP a.[sa:.ɡmi.se:ja:rah] *! * b.[sa:. ɡim.se:.ja:.rah] * *

☻c.[sa:. ɡi.mse:.ja:.rah] *

d.[sa:ɡ.mse:.ja:.rah] *!

Tableau (7.834) : for the input input /sa:g m-se:ja:rah/ [sa:.gim.se:.ja:.rah] ‘ he drove the car’

In tableau (7.84) Candidate (a) fails to be optimal due to the violation of the D-CONTIG constraint. Candidate (b), as a desired output, is eliminated from being optimal by the violation of the J-CONTIG constraint. Candidate (c), as a wrong output, is selected as optimal since it incurs no violation at all. The violations of the *3μ constraint by candidate

(d) prevent this candidate from being optimal. To resolve this issue, I will employ Prince

260 and Smolensky’s (1993) COMPLEX MARGIN (CM) constraint which requires epenthesis between CCC and CCCC clusters.

(7.85) COMPLEX MARGIN (CM)59 No more than one segment may associate with a syllable margin.

Prince and Smolensky’s (1993, p. 87)

With a particular attention to CCC and CCCC clusters across words, as explained in chapter (6) CCC and CCCC clusters are unfavorable outputs in MYA, I argue that the CM constraint has to be ranked higher than MAX-IO. This representation is viewed in the following constraint hierarchy60:

(7.86) Ranking (15): *3μ  *σ[CCC  CM MAX-IO D-CONTIGJ-CONTIG

DEP-IO  LICENSE-μ

The above set of the constraints in (7.86) is provided in the following tableau to evaluate the candidates of the input /sa:ɡ m-se:ja:rah/ [sa:. ɡim.se:.ja:.rah] ‘ he drove the car’.

(7.87) /sa:ɡ m-se:ja:rah/ *3μ *σ[CCC CM MAX- D- J- DEP- IO CONTIG CONTIG IO a.[sa:. ɡmi.se:ja:rah] *! * * ☞b.[sa:.ɡim.se:.ja:.rah] * * c.[sa:. ɡi.mse:.ja:.rah] *! μμμ *! d.[sa:ɡ.mse:.ja:.rah] Tableau (7.87) : for the input input /sa:g m-se:ja:rah/ [sa:.gim.se:.ja:.rah] ‘ he drove the car’

59 - This constraint is ranked higher than MAX-IO here, however, it remains higher than MAX-IO in the whole unified constraint hierarchy, it will create problems for the constraint hierarchy discussed in the onset clustering. In the unified constraints, I will rank it along with the family constraints of consonant clusters. 60 - Some constraints were removed in the following tableaux due to space limitations.

261

As illustrated in tableau (7.87), candidates (a) and (c) are ruled out for its violation of the high ranked constraint CM. Candidate (b) which incurs a violation of the lower ranked constraints is selected as the optimal candidate.

Continuing with the same constraint hierarchy, the following tableau presents a constraint interaction for different inputs to check the persistence of the hierarchy:

(7.88)

/ɡlaʢ-m-ħʤa:r/

*3μ *σ[CCC CM MAX IO D CONTIG J CONTIG DEP a.[ɡlaʢ.mħʤa:r] *! ** * *

☞b.[ɡlaʢ.miħ.ʤa:r] * * *

c.[ɡlaʢm.ħʤa:r] *!**

d. [ɡlaʢ.mħi.ʤa:r] *!* * *

Tableau (7.88): for the inputs / ɡlaʢ-m-ħʤa:r / ‘Remove the stones’

In the tableau presented in (7.88) the candidates (b) is the winning candidate as it satisfies higher ranked CCC and CM. Their violations of lower ranked constraints J-CONTIG- and

DEP-IO are considered less violable. Candidates (a) get ruled out for violating highest ranked constraint CM. Candidates (c) and (d) get ruled out for violating higher ranked CM and *σ[CCC.

One crucial factor for checking the ranking validity that can be used as a test for supporting our analysis is to look for candidate with different lexical inputs to see if the same hierarchy holds true. The following tableau shows the constraint interaction for epenthesis within the nominal domain and across the phonological word.

262

(7.89)

/jaum+am.ḥwa:r /

*3μ *σ[CCC CM MAX D CONTIG J CONTIG DEP ☹a.[jo:m.miḥ.wa:r] * * ☹b.[jaum.mih.wa:r] * *

c.[jau.mmih.wa;r] *! *

d.[jaum.mi.hwa:r] *! *

Tableau (7.89): for the input /jaum+am.ḥwa:r / jo:61m.miḥ.wa:r] ‘the day of the dialogue’

From tableau (7.89), it can be seen that there is an overlap between candidate (a) and (b) as it cannot determine the optimal candidate. Candidates (c) and (d) have been ruled out for violating the high ranked constraint CM. As it has been noticed in Chapter (5), diphthong does not exist in the phonology of MYA, therefore, another markedness constraint must come into the picture as a dominant constraint to rule out candidate (b).

The required constraint is *DIPHTHONG.

The definition of *DIPHTHONG is given in (7.89).

(7.90) *DIPHTHONG No diphthongs are allowed.

(Kadenge, & Mudzingwa, 2011, p. 151)

The following constraint hierarchy and tableau expand the candidate set from tableau

(7.88: See page.269) to include the new proposed constraint *DIPHTHONG.

Furthermore, the constraint *DIPHTHONG: has to be ranked higher than CM and MAX-

IO to ensure that the proper candidate is successful.

61 - As it has been stated in chapter 5, Classical Arabic (CA) and Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) include two diphthongs /ai/ and /au/. however, /ai/ and /au/ are coalesced to be recognized as /e: / and /o: / in MYA as in /zait/ → /ze:t/ “oil” and / sˤaum/ → / sˤo:m/ “Fasting”.

263

(7.91) Ranking (15): *3μ *σ[CCC, *DIPHTHONG  CM MAX-IO D-

CONTIGJ-CONTIG DEP-IO  LICENSE-μ

(7.92)

/jaum+am.ḥwa:r /

CONTIG CONTIG

*3μ *DIPHT HONG *CM MAX IO DEP ☞a.[jo:m.miḥ.wa:r] * * b.[jaum.mih.wa:r] *! * *

c.[jo:.mmih.wa;r] *! *

d.[jaum.mi.hwa:r] *! *! *

Tableau (7.92): for the input /jaum+am.ḥwa:r / ‘ the day of the dialogue’

In tableau (7.92), candidates (c) and (d) are ruled out because they violate the constraint

CM. Besides, candidate (b) looses due its violation of the proposed and high ranked constraint *DIPHTHONG. By contrast, candidate (a) satisfies all the high ranked markedness and faithfulness constraints.

Now, this section accounts for candidates where the epenthesis takes place after geminates in internal positions. The following tableau exemplifies inputs /xadd + kum/[xaddukum]/ [xad.du.kum] ‘your, pl. cheek’ and /ma.ḥall+ik/[ma.ḥal.lik]*

[ma.ḥa.li.lik] ‘your place 2fsg. Poss’, with geminate to check the validity of the constraint hierarchy:

264

(7.93)

/ /xadd + kum/

*3μ *GEM i,u]σ *CM MAX DEP a.[ xadd .kum] *! * ☻b.[xad .kum] *

☹c.[ xad.du.kum] *! *

d.[ xaad.kum] *! * *

☻e.[xa.did .kum] *!

Tableau (7.93) for the input /xadd + kum/ ‘your, pl. cheek’

Tableau (7.93), candidate (c) which is the optimal candidate has been ruled out due to the violation of a high ranked constraint. Candidate (d) is ruled out due to the constraint*3μ.

Thus, the constraint hierarchy could not choose the correct optimal candidate. The competition is between candidate (b) and (e) though the attested form in the dialect is candidate (c).

From the above tableau, it can be noticed that in candidate (b) degemination takes place and for candidate (e) an epenthesis takes place separating the geminates. Therefore, I have to establish two constraints to rule out candidates (b) and (e). These constraints are presented below:

(7.94) Geminate-Integrity Geminates are inseparable (a vowel cannot be inserted into a geminate). (Kenstowicz and Pyle 1973) (Cited in Rakhieh 2009)

This constraint is used to preserve gemination, therefore no epenthesis takes place to separate the geminates. It has to be ranked higher than i,u]σ. The following tableau shows the effect of Geminate-Integrity to the constraint hierarchy:

265

(7.95) /xadd + kum/ *3μ Geminate- *GEM i,u]σ *CM MAX- DEP- Integrity IO IO

a.[xadd .kum] *! *

☻b.[ xad .kum] * c.[ xad.du.kum] *! *

d.[ xaad.kum] *! *

e.[xa.did .kum] *! * Tableau (7.95) for the input /xadd + kum/ ‘your, pl. cheek’

In tableau (7.95), candidate (c) is chosen as the correct candidate. Candidates (a), (d) and

(e) are rejected for flouting the high ranked constraints *3μ *GEM and Geminate-Integrity respectively. From the above tableau, it can be noticed that another problem arises and the constraint hierarchy chooses candidate (b) as the optimal one. Therefore, there must be another constraint which can resolve this issue. The constraint is taken from Adra (1999).

(7.96) IDENT – IO [GEM] Output correspondent of an input [gem] are also [gem] (Adra, 1999, p. 33)

This constraint prevents degimination from taking place and it has to outrank *GEM.

(7.97)

/xadd + kum/

–

*3μ Geminate Integrity IDENT IO [GEM] *GEM i,u]σ *CM MAX DEP a.[xadd .kum] *! * b.[ xad .kum] *! * ☞c.[xad.du.kum] *! * d.[ xaad.kum] *! * e.[xa.did .kum] *! * Tableau (7.97): for the input /xadd + kum/ ‘your, pl. cheek’

266

In tableau (7.97), Candidates (a), (d) and (e) are rejected for flouting the high ranked constraints *3μ *GEM and Geminate-Integrity respectively. Candidate (b) is rejected on the account of violation of the proposed constraint IDENT – IO [GEM] Thus candidate

(c) emerges as the winner.

A much similar ranking for the constraints happen in the case where the root is followed by a suffix starting with a vowel, therefore, the second consonant of the geminate is re- syllabified as an onset of the following syllable. The hierarchy above seems to yield the optimal candidate. The following tableau illustrates how the optimal candidate for the output of the word /ma.ḥall+ik/ [ma.ḥal.lik]* [ma.ḥa.li.lik] ‘your place’ has been selected.

(7.98)

/ ma.ḥall+ik /

–

IO IO

[GEM]

*3μ Geminate Integrity IDENT IO *GEM i,u]σ No [a] MAX DEP ☞a.[ ma.ḥal.lik] * *! b.[ ma.ḥa.li.lik] *! * *!* *

c.[ ma.ḥa.lik] *! *!* *

Tableau (7.98): for the input /ma.ḥall+ik/ ‘your place’

In tableau (7.98), given a geminate input followed by a vowel suffix, MYA prefers to keep the two segments separate and the second consonant of the geminate is re-syllabified as an onset of the following syllable as in candidate (a) which emerges as the optimal one.

Candidate (b) where the pair geminates are separated by inserting a vowel is ruled out because it violates Ident-IO (GEM). Fusing the pair geminate and deleting a segment of it as in candidate (c) is also ruled out since it violates No [a] twice.

267

The above section offers a unified analysis of epenthesis in MYA. Epenthesis has been shown to occur between the definite article morpheme and the stem to break the initial triple consonants clusters. The CONTIGUITY constraints play role to determine the exact location of epenthesis.

Finally, the following final constraint ranking hierarchy have been developed to account for epenthesis in MYA:

(7.99) *3μ Geminate-Integrity >IDENT-IO [GEM] >*GEM PENULT > *σ[CCC, >

i,u]σ>*DIPHTHONG  Right-Anchoring-IO  CM MAX-IO D-

CONTIGJ- CONTIG DEP-IO  LICENSE-μ.

7.4 An Optimality Theory Analysis of Vowel Shortening in MYA This section will present an OT account for the phonological process of vowel shortening in MYA. It will address the constraints governing vowel shortening. The data examined in chapter (6) indicated that MYA exhibits two types of vowel shortening: the first is when the non-final long vowel in closed syllables is shortened when it is concatenated with particular suffixes as it is the case with hollow verbs and the second one targets the long vowels in open syllables to avoid unstressed heavy syllables of the form CVV as it is the case in nouns and adjectives. When a stress-bearing suffix is added to a word that ends in an open stressed syllable with a long vowel, the vowel in that syllable is shortened and unstressed because stress is shifted to the suffix.

MYA commonly resolves the internal closed syllables CVVC in two ways: by using OT constraints; *3μ which bans the sequence of tri-moras or by preserving them according to their environments by using another constraint presented below:

(7.100) MAX-IO (µ) “Every mora in the input must have a corresponding mora in the output”

(Abu-Abbas ,2003, p. 142)

268

Motivation: It militates against the deletion of mora.

The constraints employed up to now are listed in (7.91). To deal with closed vowel shortening, the faithfulness constraint MAX-IO (μ) could be incorporated in our OT analysis and would be ranked lower than *CM.

(7.101) Ranking (16): *3μ *σ[CCC, *DIPHTHONG  CM MAX-IO (μ) MAX-

IO D-CONTIGJ-CONTIG DEP-IO  LICENSE-μ

The following tableau illustrates the activation of the constraint hierarchy for the input / zi:d+na SUB/ →[zid+na] ‘'we gave more'.

(7.102) / zi:d+na SUB / *3μ *σ[CCC *CM MAX- MAX- DEP- IO(μ) IO IO μμμ *! a [zi:d.na] μμ * * b.[zid.na]

☹c.[zi:.da.na] *

d- [zi.dna] *! *

☹- [zi:.di.na] *

Tableau (7.102): for the input / zi:d+na SUB/ →[zid+na] ‘'we gave more'

The tableau (7.102) selects candidates (c) and (e) as optimal because they do not violate the high ranked constraints. Candidate (d) [zi.dna] is disqualified for having a consonant cluster in the onset of the second syllable and it violates the constraint *CM. Candidates

(a) fails because the violation of the constraint *3μ since it has three moras while candidate

(b), as a desired output, complies with this constraint *3μ through a vowel shortening but

269 this candidate fails to satisfy the MAX-IO constraint. As a result, this candidate cannot be optimal. Candidate (c) and (e), have a vowel epenthesis that distinguish these candidates from other candidates. Accordingly, these candidates can be eliminated by a constraint that disfavors vowel epenthesis. This requires to recall the constraints [*i,u]σ and No[a].

(7.103) / zi:d+na SUB / *3μ *σ[CCC *i,u]σ *CM No MAX- MAX- DEP- [a] IO(μ) IO IO

μμμ *! * a [zi:d.na] μμ *! * * ☞b.[zid.na] c.[zi:.da.na] *!* *

d- [zi.dna] *! * *

e- [zi:.di.na] *! * *

Tableau (7.103): for the input / zi:d+na SUB/ →[zid+na] ‘'we gave more'

From tableau (7.103), candidate (b) becomes optimal due to the satisfaction of the *3μ constraint which are violated by the rest of the candidates. The *3μ and *i,u]σ constraint are violated by candidates (a) ,(c) and (d), consequently they are ruled out.

For furnishing the confirmatory evidence of the soundness of the ranking hierarchy formerly established, I move on to examine another input /zi:d+na OBJ / [zi:da.na] ‘Give us more’ as in the following tableau:

270

(7.104) / zi:d+na OBJ / *3μ *σ[CCC *i,u]σ *CM No MAX- MAX- DEP- [a] IO(μ) IO IO µμμ *! * a [zi:d.na] µμ * * * ☻b.[zid.na] c.[zi:.da.na] *!* * d- [zi.dna] *! * * e- [zi:.di.na] *! * *

Tableau (7.104): for the input /zi:d+na OBJ / [zi:da.na] ‘Give us m. more’

In tableau (7.104), candidate (a) fatally violates the constraint *3μ, and is accordingly taken out of the competition. Candidates (c) which is the optimal candidate is ruled out for violating No [a] twice. Candidate (d) [zi.dna]62 is not preferred due to its consonant clusters in the second syllable which I claim it is difficult for MYA speakers to pronounce unless there is a pause. Candidate (e) is disqualified for flouting the high ranked constraint.

Candidate (b) as a wrong candidate has been selected as optimal because it violates the low ranked MAX-IO. Therefore, there must be a constraint which accounts for the failure of vowel shortening in the environments discussed in the above tableau.

In order to explain the puzzling situation where in a given dialect closed syllable shortening applies before certain suffixes and blocked before certain other suffixes, I, therefore, will appeal to the comparison of lexical phonology and morphology and OT, namely LPM-OT (Kiparsky,2000) which has been invoked in the OT literature to account

62 - An output where there is a consonant cluster in the onset of the second syllable is being selected as the optimal candidate in Hadhrami Arabic (Bamakhramah, 2009). For (Bamakhramah, 2009), the output [ʃaː.fnǝ] has been elected as the optimal of the input /ʃaːf+nǝOBJ/ [ʃaː.fnǝ] ‘he saw us’ with a reversal of the ranking between MAX-μ-V and*COMPONSET.

271 for morphologically conditioned processes. This theory was expounded by (Kiparsky,

2000), and it adopts the output- oriented constraints but it admits the existence of different morphophonlogical levels (stem, word and post-lexical level), each of which is distinguished by a particular constraint ranking. Moreover, the output of every level functions as an input to the consecutive level. To put it simply, within the dialect, a given set of constraints display a specific ranking in one level and a reverse ranking of the same constraints in another level.

In agreement with (Abu-Mansour ,1992), the solution that I come up with is that the various behavior of subject and object suffixes with regard to closed vowel shortening is because they belong to different lexical strata; while subject suffix is linked to the stem level, object clitics are associated with the word level (Kiparsky 2000:356-9). We, therefore, thus claim that, at the stem level, *3 μ dominates MAX-IO (μ), producing CSS

(64a), while at the word level the reverse ranking applies, yielding trimoraic syllables.

The following rankings of above constraints deal with the closed vowel shortening and its failure respectively.

Ranking of the constraints at the Word Level (with respect to Vowel shortening)

(7.105) Word Level: MAX-IO (μ) *3μ * σ[CCC*DIPHTHONG  Right-

Anchoring-IO  CM MAX-IO D-CONTIGJ-CONTIG DEP-IO 

LICENSE-μ

(7.106) Stem Level: *3μ *σ[CCC*DIPHTHONG  Right-Anchoring-IO  CM

MAX-IO (μ)  MAX-IO D-CONTIGJ-CONTIG DEP-IO  LICENSE-μ

The following tableau presents vowel shortening at the word level:

272

(7.107) / zi:d+na OBJ / MAX- *3μ *i,u]σ *σ[CCC *CM No MAX- DEP- IO(μ) [a] IO IO μμμ *! * a [zi:d.na] μμ *! * * b.[zid.na]

☞c.[zi:.da.na] *!* * d- [zi.dna] *! *! * e- [zi:.di.na] *! * *

Tableau (7.107): for the input /zi:d+na OBJ / [zi:da.na] ‘Give us m. more’

In tableau (7.107), Candidate (b) violates the highest ranking MAX-IO (μ) so it is not the optimal candidate. Candidate (c) is the optimal because it does not delete mora and the constraint calling for the preservation of the *3μ constraint.

For the vowel shortening at the stem level, the competition of the constraints is depicted in the following tableau:

(7.108)

/ zi:d+na SUB / *3μ *σ[CCC *i,u]σ *CM No MAX- MAX- DEP- [a] IO(μ) IO IO

μμμ *! * a [zi:d.na] μμ *! * *

☞b.[zid.na] c.[zi:.da.na] *!* *

d- [zi.dna] *! * *

e- [zi:.di.na] *! * *

Tableau (7.108): for the input / zi:d+na SUB/ →[zid+na] ‘'we gave more'

273

At the stem level, the constraint ranking allows for the reduction of mora to take place.

As it can be observed in (7.108), candidate (b) wins because it does not violate the high- ranking *3μ . Candidate (a) is ruled out because it violates a high-ranking constraint *3μ and is, therefore, not optimal.

As stated in the above discussion *CM constraint may affect the unified constraint hierarchy, therefore, the following constraint is proposed to rule out an output [zi.dna]:

(7.109) *σ][σCC63

A syllable followed by a consonant cluster in the onset of the second syllable is not allowed.

This constraint militates against the sequence of a preceding syllable with a consonant cluster in the second syllable. It has to be ranked simultaneously with *σ [CCC and *i,u]σ.

Consider the following tableau:

(7.110)

/zi:d+na SUB/

IO IO

- -

*3μ *σ[CCC *i,u]σ *σ][σCC No [a] MAX IO(μ) MAX DEP μμμ *! * a [zi:d.na] μμ *! * *

☞b.[zid.na]

c.[zi:.da.na] *!* * d- [zi.dna] *! * * e- [zi:.di.na] *! * * Tableau (7.110): for the input / zi:d+na SUB/ →[zid+na] ‘'we gave more'

63- To the best of my knowledge, this constraint has not been already used by any other surveyed study and this makes me claim that it is my own. I prefer to use this constraint rather than COMPLEX MARGIN (CM) because CM will create problems for the constraint hierarchy discussed in the onset clustering.

274

Based on tableau (7.110), candidate (a) does not maintain the high ranked constraint so it

loses the competition. Candidate (c) with an insertion of vowel is ruled out since it incurs

two violations of No [a]. candidate (d) disobeys the newly proposed constraint **σ][σCC

so it is ruled out. Candidate (e) is ruled out due to the violation of the high ranked

constraint *i,u]σ .The remaining candidate (b) with one violation of the constraint No [a]

satisfies the high ranked constraints, consequently it has been selected as optimal.

The ranking in (7.105) is quite reasonable at the moment. Only the reverse ranking that is

pointed out in (7.105) and (7.106) work to account for the difficult job of closed vowel

shortening. Any of the constraints higher than *3μ cannot be ranked higher to carry out

the needed analysis of other examples of vowel shortening.

The following tableau sketches an analysis of vowel shortening in different environments;

a long /a:/ in nouns or adjective is shortened in order to avoid an unstressed heavy syllable

of the form CVV that results from the deletion of a final glottal stop as in /sawda:ʔ / 

[sawda] ‘black, fm. sg.’

(7.111)

/ˈsaw.ˈda:ʔ/ *3μ *i,u]σ *CM MAX-IO MAX-IO DEP-IO (μ) μμμ *! a [ˈsaw.da:ʔ] μμ μμ ☻ b. [ˈsaw. da:ʔ] μμ μμ ☻ c- [ˈsaw. ˈda:ʔ] d-[ˈsaw.da] * ** e.[ ˈsaw.da:] *

Tableau (7.111) : for the input /sawda:ʔ /  [sawda] ‘black, fm. sg.’

275

In tableau (7.111), candidate (a) looses due to the violation of the constraints *3μ and (e) is also a loser as it violates the constraints MAX-IO (μ) and MAX-IO. Candidate (b) and

(c), the wrong candidates have been selected as the optimal ones.

To account for a form like (b) and (c), a constraint preventing an unstressed heavy syllable of the form CVV that results from the deletion of a final glottal stop, *WSP, is necessary.

(7.112) WSP (Weight to Stress Principle) Heavy syllables must be stressed. (if heavy, then stressed) Prince and Smolensky (1993)

The role of WSP in OT is determined by outranking the WSP constraint over MAX-IO

(μ) and MAX-IO constraints as given in (7.113).

(7.113) *3μ * σ[CCC, *DIPHTHONG  WSP  MAX-IO (μ) MAX-IO D-

CONTIGJ-CONTIG DEP-IO  LICENSE-μ

This ranking is supported by the following tableau. To save space, the lower ranked constraints D-CONTIGJ-CONTIG DEP-IO  LICENSE-μ ….etc, are not included in the tableau.

(7.114) /ˈsaw.ˈda:ʔ/ *3μ *i,u]σ WSP MAX- MAX- IO (μ) IO μμμ *! a [ˈsaw.da:ʔ] μμ μμ *! b. [ˈsaw. da:ʔ] μμ μμ ☻ c- [ˈsaw. ˈda:ʔ] d-[ˈsaw.da] * **

e.[ ˈsaw.da:] *! *

Tableau (7.114) : for the input /sawda:ʔ /  [sawda] ‘black, fm. sg.’

276

In tableau (7.114) Candidate (a) is eliminated because it has three moras leading to a fatal violation of *3μ. Candidate (b) and (d) are also ruled out as they violate WSP. Candidate

(d) is ruled out due to the violation of the lower ranked constraint. Finally, the candidate

(c) is a wrong optimal candidate despite satisfiying all the constraints.

For the two adjacent stressed syllable to be avoided, there should be a constraint which militates against these two stressed syllables. To express the clash of stress in two adjacent syllables, I adopt Kager’s constraint *CLASH, which he formulates as in (7.113):

(7.115) *CLASH No adjacent syllables are stressed (Kager 1999)

This constraint is violated if two stressed syllable are adjacent, and it has to dominate

WSP  MAX-IO (μ).

This is the right ranking if I account for the violations of stress clash. The following tableau is provided to show the interaction of the three constraints.

(7.116)

/ˈsaw.ˈda:ʔ/ *3μ *i,u]σ *CLASH WSP MAX- MAX- IO (μ) IO μμμ *! a [ˈsaw.da:ʔ] μμ μμ *! b. [ saw. da:ʔ] μμ μμ *! c- [ˈsaw. ˈda:ʔ] ☞d-[ˈsaw.da] *! ** e.[ saw. ˈda:] *! * Tableau (7.116) : for the input /sawda:ʔ /  [sawda] ‘black, fm. sg.’

Tableau (7.116) demonstrates that the candidate (d), where there is a vowel shortening, is preferred over others. The output (a) has been removed for the violation of the high graded constraint *3μ. Candidate (e) is not acceptable because it violates WSP and MAX-IO by

277 deleting a mora and the glottal stop. Finally, candidate (c) is eliminated as it incurs a

*CLASH violation.

Another scenario of vowel shortening is to be demonstrated in the following environment.

When a word ending with a long vowel is followed by two consonants, typically the definite article m+ C, the long vowel shortens. To check the evidence of the proposed hierarchy, consider the following tableau for the input /fi: + m-be:t / ‘in the house’.

(7.117)

/fi: + m-be:t / *3μ *i,u]σ *CLASH WSP MAX-IO MAX-IO (μ) μμμ *! a [fi:m.be:t] μμ μμ *! b. [ˈfi:m.ˈbe:t] μμ μμ *! * ☞c- [fim.be:t] Tableau (7.117): for the input /fi: + m-be:t / ‘in the house’

From tableau (7.117), candidate (a) is ruled out due to the violation of the high ranked constraint *3μ. Candidate (b) goes against *CLASH and it loses the competition.

Candidate (c) it the optimal candidate because it violates the lower ranked constraints.

Focusing on another type of vowel shortening where the stem-final long vowels are shortened as in word-final open syllables, particularly in close phrase groups with a state possessive construction, consider the next tableau which evaluates the candidates for input /ʔabu:+m-ba.'na:t/ [ʔa.bum.ba.'na:t] *[ʔa.'bu:m.ba.'na:t] ‘The father of the girls’.

278

(7.118)

/ʔabu:+m-ba.'na:t / *3μ *i,u]σ *σ][σCC *CLASH WSP MAX- MAX- IO (μ) IO μμ μμ *! * ☞a [ʔa.bum.ba.'na:t] μμμ μ *! b.[ʔa.bu:m.ba.'na:t] c.[ʔa.'bu:m.ba.'na:t] *! d.[ʔa.'bu:.mba.'na:t] *! *

Tableau (7.118): for the input /ʔabu:+m-ba.'na:t/ ‘The father of the girls’.

In tableau (7.116), candidates (d) and (e) are ruled out because of their poor performance against most of the constraints. Candidate (a) wins because it fulfils the high graded constraints.

The evaluation of candidate outputs against vowel shortening, when I add a possessive clitic to ʔabu, can be exemplified by the following constraint tableau for the input

/ʔa.bu:+k, POSS / [ʔa.'bu:k]/ *['ʔa.buk] ‘your father’.

(7.119)

/ʔa.bu:+k, POSS / *3μ *i,u]σ *CLASH WSP MAX- MAX- IO (μ) IO μμμ *! * a [ʔa.'bu:k] μμ *! ☻ b.[ 'ʔa. buk] Tableau (7.119) : for the input /ʔa.bu:+k, POSS / [ʔa.'bu:k]/ *['ʔa.buk] ‘your father’

In the same vein with the constraint hierarchy in (7.105), for getting candidate (a) as the optimal one, I have to re-rank MAX-IO (μ) over *3μ. This is shown in the following tableau:

279

(7.120)

/ ʔa.bu:+k, POSS / MAX- *3μ *i,u]σ *CLASH WSP MAX- IO (μ) IO μμμ *! ☞a [ʔa.'bu:k] μμ *! * b.[ 'ʔa. buk] Tableau (7.120) : for the input /ʔa.bu:+k, POSS / [ʔa.'bu:k]/ *['ʔa.buk] ‘your father’

In tableau (7.120), Candidate (a), faithful to the input though it fatally violates the prosodic phonological requirement has been selected as the optimal candidate. Flouting the higher ranking, candidate (b) is penalized for deleting one mora in its output form.

7.5 Overall Constraints Hierarchy

The overall final ranking that deals with the syllable based processes of syncope, epenthesis and vowel shortening in MYA is demonstrated in (7.119) below:

(7.121) ONS > * Root (µ) >*3μ > Geminate-Integrity > Ident-IO (GEM) >*GEM PENULT >

OCP- OCP- Cor [-son][-cont]/ [-son][+ant] >*σ [CCC > i,u]σ > *σ][σCC >

*CLASH >WSP >No[a]>*DIPHTHONG> Right-Anchoring-IO > MAX-IO(μ)>

MAX-IO > D-CONTIGJ-CONTIG >*FINAL-C-μ > WBP> DEP-IO> *[SSP,

*σ[CC, *CC]σ> LICENSE-μ >*CODA

The following tableau with different inputs maps the entire phenomena. It can help to validate the total unified constraint hierarchy.

280

(7.122)

////////////////

b ☞ /x ///////////// b ☞ /wa:ħ d c b ☞ /ðu.

- - - --

a [wa:.ħi.dah] a

.ˈta:.nih/

[x -

[ðu.nu:b]

- -

[ðnub]

[ðun.u:b]

[ˈxta:.nih] [wa:ħ.dah]

[ðnu:b]

nu:b/

. ˈta:.nih]

ah/

/// /// *! ONS /// /// * Root (µ) /// /// *3μ Geminate-Integrity /// /// Ident-IO (GEM)

/// /// *GEM PENULT OCP- Cor [-son][-cont]/ [- son][+ant] /// /// *σ [CCC *! /// *! /// *! *i,u]σ

*σ][σCC /// /// *CLASH

/// /// WSP

/// /// No[a]

/// /// *DIPHTHONG

/// /// Right-Anchoring-IO

*! /// /// *!* *! MAX-IO(μ)

* /// /// * * MAX-IO

/// /// D-CONTIG /// /// J-CONTIG

/// * /// FINAL-C-μ /// /// WBP

/// /// DEP-IO

/// /// CM

/// /// *[SSP

/// /// * * *σ[CC /// /// *CC]σ /// /// LICENSE-μ * * /// * ** /// * * * *CODA

281

(7.123)

c.[ hag..kum]c.[ b.[hagg.kum] m] ☞ /hagg+kum ///// ///////////////////// c.[ b.[ ☞ / / ///////////////////// zi.dnac. b.zi:d. .an ☞ zi:d na(OBJ)

a.[

a.[hag.g zi:.da.naa.

u: f

ft.mi. ʃ

μμμ

t m

f.ti.m

f.tim.

aziːr

a.ziːr]

μμ

a.ziːr]

μμ

a.ziːr]

/// /// ONS /// /// * Root (µ) /// *! /// *! *3μ *! /// /// Geminate-Integrity Ident-IO (GEM)

*! /// /// *GEM PENULT OCP-Cor[-son][-cont]/[- son][+ant] *! /// * *! /// *i,u]σ /// /// *σ [CCC /// * /// *! *σ][σCC /// /// *CLASH /// /// WSP /// * *! /// * * ** No[a]

/// /// *DIPHTHONG

/// /// Right-Anchoring-IO /// * * * /// MAX-IO(μ)

/// /// MAX-IO

/// /// D-CONTIG /// /// J-CONTIG

/// * /// FINAL-C-μ

/// * /// WBP

/// /// DEP-IO

/// /// CM

/// /// *[SSP

/// /// *σ[CC /// /// *CC]σ /// /// LICENSE-μ ** ** ** /// ** * *** /// * *CODA *

282

7.6 Conclusion

This chapter presented a unified OT analysis of a diverse array of the syllable structure and the syllable based processes; syncope, epenthesis and vowel shortening in MYA. A relatively number of well-grounded universal constraints accounted for a wealth of data from MYA’s syllable structure and its related processes. More interestingly, it is noticed through examples that slight changes in the relative ranking of the constraints are accounted for dialectal variation.

Engaging with OT allows us to highlight the systematic link between the behaviors of different types of constraints. As a brief tangential observation, what distinguishes MYA from some of the Arabic dialects is that it does not break the consonant cluster in the coda position of the syllable whether they adhere to SSP or not, therefore, SSP constraint is not active and is dominated by other constraints. As far as syncope is concerned, two possible explanations are compatible with the overall analysis; high vowels are deleted because they are unstressed and they are syncopated when the two consonants in the onset position have no prohibition against clustering. Syncope is triggered by the desire to satisfy the markedness constraint *ComplexONS. MYA survives to satisfy *ComplexONS by violating the high and active constraint *i,u]σ.

MYA, like many Arabic dialects, resorts to epenthesis to break the disallowable

CCC/CCCC clusters. I have argued that since the sequence of triple consonants in the initial position of the syllable is prohibited, the constraint CONTIGUITY forces epenthesis to take place and determines its site. I have proved how the CONTIGUITY family constraints; D-CONTIG and J-CONTIG, trigger the location of vowel epenthesis to break the alleged triple and quadri consonant clusters whether within the phonological

283 word or phonological phrase. It has been established that only high vowel /i/ is inserted to break the illicit consonant cluster.

It has been observed how phonological opacity is handled using OT constraints such as

McCarthy’s (1994:1) opacity constraint which accounted for vowel shortening when the long vowel of the verb is suffixed by either a subject or an object morpheme. For vowel shortening, the type of suffix plays an important role in determining whether to shorten the vowel or preserve it. It is shortened to preserve the bimoraicity constraint of the dialect.

The following chapter presents the practical conclusion I arrived at in this study.

284

Chapter 8

General Findings and Conclusion

8.0 Introduction

The main aim of this study was to provide a constraint-based analysis of the syllable based processes in Mahbashi Yemeni Arabic, a dialect that has been rather ignored by research academia. The theoretical basis for this research was rule based theory, mora theory, distinctive features theory and most importantly optimality theory. In the spirit of (Hooper,

1972; Vennemann ,1972; Kahn, 1976; Hyman1985; Hayes 1989, 1995; Kager, 1999;

Kiparsky ,2003; Prince and Smolensky 2004), I aimed at conducting a descriptive analysis of the syllable structure and the syllable based processes in MYA.

8.1 Findings 8.1.1 Consonant Clusters:

The initial consonant cluster in MYA are alterability diverse and they either obey or violate SSP in a number of cases. Core SSP, plateau and reversal sonority types are attested in the dialect in a number of cases, for example, /ramz/ *ramiz ‘Symbol’, /mahr/

*mahir ‘dowry’ and /ḥiqd/ *ḥiqid ‘hated’. With regard to consonant cluster in the coda position, what distinguishes MYA form the Arabic varieties such as Lebanese Arabic

(Abdul-Karim ,1980; Haddad, 1983, 1984; Gouskova & Hall ,2009), Najdi Arabic

(Ingham, 1994; Alqahtani ,2014), Urban Hijazi Arabic (Al-Mohanna ,1998) and Ma’ani

Arabic (Rakhieh ,2009) is that there is no insertion of a vowel to break the consonant cluster for the syllable structure CVCC*CVCVC. The main factor responsible for these combinations is attributed to the clustering harmony; CC clusters agree in voicing, place

285 and manner of articulation. MYA also allows non-harmonic clustering where the clustering flouts SSP (e.g. Sonority Reversals as in /rfu:f/ ‘shelves’ and Plateau Sonority as in /kta:b/ ‘book/). Reviewing the proposals for constraint sets that model the effect of

SSP in OT, I conclude that the SSP in not active constraint in MYA. Tri-consonant clusters in the word initial is broken by an epenthesis vowel.

8.1.2 Syllable Structure in MYA

This part achieves one of the objectives of the current study; to examine whether MYA and Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) exhibit similar or diverse syllabification processes.

When comparing MYA syllable structures with MSA, the study proved that it goes hand in hand with MSA and the other Arabic varieties in that onsetless syllables are prohibited.

While five types of syllables are attested in MSA; CV, CVC, CV: CV:C and CVCC (Ali &

Ghani, 2014:40; Amro,2015: 2231 among others), this variety permits ten syllable types:

CV, CVC, CVV, CVVC, CCV, CCVV, CCVCC, CCVC, CVCC and CCVVC. Based on the extensive list of syllable structures of MYA, the following specifications and restrictions can be observed:

(8.1)

1- MYA syllables obligatorily start with a consonant and an onsetless syllable is not

allowed.

2- It is also noticed that the syllable may begin with a consonant cluster CC- which

is not attested in MSA.

3- MYA syllables consists of one minimum and two maximum consonants

optionally at the syllable onset word initially, word medially and word finally.

286

4- Syllable peaks are either V or VV.

5- MYA codas consist of zero, optionally one or two consonants.

6- MYA demonstrated a lot of flexibility of the consonant cluster allowed in the onset

position.

7- Concerning the distribution of consonant clusters in onset position of the syllable,

the study revealed the possible mapping of sequences of Obstruents /Obstruents

(OB/OB), Sonorants /Obstruents (SON/OB), Obstruents / Sonorants (OB/SON)

and Sonorants/ Sonorants (SON/SON) respectively.

8- Medial consonant clusters are attested in MYA. They can be geminate as well.

Geminate in the medial consonant clusters position are hetero-syllabic and

syllabified to two adjacent syllables.

9- Paying attention to the distribution of consonant clusters in the coda, the study

proved that the combination of obstruent/obstruent (OB/OB) is the most dominant

type in the coda position in MYA. The second dominant type is the sonorant/

obstruent (SON/OB) combination, followed by the obstruent/ sonorant (OB/SON)

combinations, while the sonorant/sonorant (SON/SON) is the least dominant type.

10- Based on the discussion, I conclude that the medial geminate in MYA can be

attested and the first half of the geminate serves as the coda of the first syllable

and the second half serves as the onset of the following syllable.

8.1.3 The Syllable Based Processes in MYA

The researcher observed how these processes fail to apply in a context where they normally would. This was established when vowel syncope, epenthesis and vowel

287 shortening applied in phonological context and another phonological context failed to work. Below is a brief description of the syllable based processes:

1- Syncope is found to be the most common process among the syllable based

processes in the dialect under investigation. MYA extensively employs syncope

as opposed to epenthesis. This dialect tends to delete the high unstressed vowels

/i/ and /u/. It also shows that the dialect triggers the deletion of low vowel /a/ in

particular phonological environments rather rarely. It is proved that syncope in

some cases results in forming consonant clusters. The syncope of high unstressed

vowel occurs only when it results in a phontactically legal consonant clusters.

Syncope is created through the affixation of a prefix /ti-/to the stem. With regard

to the phonological domain, it is further noted that syncope takes place not only

within the phonological word but also within the phonological phrase. Lexical

items comprising nouns, verbs and adjectives were shown to be the fertile lexicon

for the occurrence of syncope.

2- Epenthesis is used to break the illicit tri-consonant clusters in both word initially.

This dialect in line with different Arabic dialects bans the sequence of CCC word

initially. The study revealed that MYA resolves this issue by the repairing strategy

of epenthesis. Unlike some Arabic varieties, the study proved that no epenthesis

takes place in the syllable structure of the form CVCC. Another generalization that

is missed under rule based approach is that epenthesis between the triple consonant

clusters in word internally is preserved since stranded Cs in MYA are certified as

semisyllables connected directly to the prosodic word as in , /lbis-t-ha/ 

[(lbis).tμ.ha] ‘I wore it’. In addition, rule ordering plays a major role for epenthesis

288

to take place, i.e., the erasure of the high unstressed vowel in open syllable (i.e.

/m-ḥi.sa:b/ →[mḥsa:b] →[ miḥsa:b) is followed by an epenthesis processes after

the first C to break the initial CCC cluster. The correct place of epenthesis is

determined, e.g., CCC →CVCC rather than CCVC. Finally, epenthesis takes

place abundantly in verbs and it occurs not only within the phonological word but

also across word boundaries and within the phonological clause.

3- Vowel shortening occurs more frequently in morpheme final position in affixation.

The outcome of our analysis offered an integrated description of vowel shortening

in MYA. Two contributing factors are observed: reduction is phonologically

motivated, i.e. two long vowels are not allowed in one word, in other words, it

should be only one stressed syllable in each phonological word, for example,

*[ʔa.'bu:m.ba.'na:t] yields to /ʔa.bum.ba.'na:t/ ‘the father of the girls’ and vowel

shortening is motivated morphologically due to the addition of affixes and clitics

attributed to the shortening of vowels. In addition, it is worth noting that this

process occurs in the phonological word, phonological phrase and phonological

clause. The data showed that vowel shortening is blocked in some environments.

Furthermore, it has been observed that vowel shortening is applied productively in

a rule governed fashion not only to verbs but also to nouns. Finally, it turns out

that an important factor in vowel shortening is the syllable structure of the word;

as heavy and super heavy syllables tend to lose one mora, *σμμμ → σμμ, to

become lighter in particular position of the word.

4- The findings from the analysis of the syllable based processes in MYA have been

compared with existing ones in the Arabic varieties discussed in chapter three. The

289

previous studies investigated in the same chapter did not provide examples of

epenthesis in triple consonant clusters in word initial positions. Unlike some

Arabic varieties, MYA retained triple consonant cluster word medially. In

comparing this dialect with the existing ones, the study has proved that though

differences exist among dialects, they have more in common than differences in

terms of different environments where the syllable based processes occur. The

differences accounted for in OT result from the different ranking of the constraints

preferred in each of the Arabic varieties.

8.2 An OT Analysis of the Syllable Based Processes in MYA

Almost all the reviewed studies indicate the adequacy of the framework of optimality theory in the analysis of the syllable structure and its processes. Undeniably, some remarkable generalizations with regard to syllable structure and its processes have surfaced within the framework of this theory. This section tries to answer one of the main objectives of the thesis: to demonstrate the ways in which OT accounts for syllable based processes of syncope, epenthesis and closed vowel shortening in MYA.

8.2.1 Syncope in MYA: OT Analysis

The study proved that OT provided a sufficient platform for analysis in relation with the different syllable patterns attested in the data set of MYA. Since onsetless syllable are banned in MYA, the constraint *ONS was high ranked. MYA showed that coda is optional in certain syllable structures, therefore the constraint *CODA was ranked at the lowest position. The study utilized the constraint *i] σ to be high ranked, and since this constraint will create a consonant cluster in MYA which implies the constraint *σ[CC was ranked

290 lower the faithfulness constraints MAX-IO and DEP-IO. As a result, the study proved that the grammar of MYA prefers faithfulness constraints over Markedness constraint to keep the consonant cluster in the onset position surfacing: ONS> MAX-IO>DEP >*[SSP, *σ

[CC, *CC] σ>*CODA. As there were cases of low vowel syncope, the need for the constraint No[a] was necessary. The study led to the overall constraint hierarchy used to account for syncope in MYA:

(8.2) ONS> *Root (µ) > Right-Anchoring-IO > OCP- Cor [-son] [-cont]/ [-son][+ant] >

*i,u]σ > No[a]> *GEM > MAX-IO>DEP > *[SSP, *σ[CC, *CC]σ>*CODA

8.2.2 Epenthesis in MYA: OT Analysis

In analyzing epenthesis, it was observed that the markedness constraint * σ [CCC was introduced to be the dominant constrainto. The study proved that epenthesis of vowel occurred in order to break the tri consonant clusters word initially. The study asserted that the exact location of epenthesis can be determined with the use of the CONTIGUITY family constraint; CCC- →CVCC rather than CCVC. It is also proved that the behavior of gemination invokes epenthesis with respect to the violation *GEM which is ranked low.

The study came up with the following overall ranking to account for epenthesis in MYA:

(8.3) *3μ Geminate-Integrity >IDENT-IO [GEM] >*GEM > *σ[CCC, >

i,u]σ>*DIPHTHONG  Right-Anchoring-IO  CM MAX-IO D-

CONTIGJ-CONTIG DEP-IO  LICENSE-μ

8.2.3 Vowel Shortening in MYA: OT Analysis

The study revealed that the Markedness constraints 3μ is an active constraint and is ranked high. Since suffixation plays a major role in determining whether to shorten the vowel or

291 preserve it, the study proved that McCarthy’s (1994) opacity constraint and lexical phonology and morphology and OT (LPM-OT) (Kiparsky,2000) were able to account for vowel shortening when the long vowel of the verb is suffixed by either a subject or an object morpheme. The reverse of the constraints *3 μ and MAX-IO (μ) were of a great help to account for the problematic issue of suffixation of a subject and/or object morpheme. The study support to the crucial role of the constraints WSP and *CLASH in the analysis of the stress in super heavy syllable with regard to vowel shortening. The study arrived at the following overall constraint hierarchy in MYA with regard to vowel shortening and its failure respectively.:

(8.4) Word Level: MAX-IO (μ) *3μ  *σ][σCC > *DIPHTHONG  Right-

Anchoring-IO  CM MAX-IO D-CONTIGJ-CONTIG DEP-IO 

LICENSE-μ

(8.5) Stem Level: *3μ *σ][σCC > *CLASH >WSP *DIPHTHONG  Right-

Anchoring-IO  CM MAX-IO (μ)  MAX-IO D-CONTIGJ-CONTIG

DEP-IO  LICENSE-μ

Reflecting all the constraints reported above, the study arrived at the following overall constraint ranking active in MYA with respect to the relevant syllable structure and its processes namely syncope, epenthesis and vowel shortening:

(8.6) ONS , *Root(µ) >*3μ > Geminate-Integrity >IDENT-IO[GEM] >*GEM PENULT >

OCP- Cor [-son][-cont]/ [-son][+ant] > *σ[CCC> i,u]σ >* σ [CCC, *σ][σCC >

*CLASH >WSP >No[a]>*DIPHTHONG> Right-Anchoring-IO > MAX-IO(μ)>

MAX-IO > D-CONTIGJ-CONTIG >*FINAL-C-μ > WBP> DEP-IO> *[SSP,

*σ[CC, *CC]σ> LICENSE-μ >*CODA

292

8.3 Implications

This study is unique in its contribution to research on MYA by investigating its phonological system. There are many dialectal varieties in Yemen which have been explored by various scholars. Out of these varieties, MYA is the most fascinating Yemeni

Arabic dialect which usually strives to be one of the dominant dialects. This Yemeni variety is distinguished from other Yemeni dialects for having a slightly different phonological forms and this tendency can be observed in its system ranging from its sound system to its syllable structure. The study offers a guide for those who are interested in phonology of Arabic dialects. MYA is a linguistically rich source which provides researchers with different linguistic topics to be investigated. The study serves as guide for linguists to consider how universal grammar (UG) plays a role in dialectal variations.

In short, the main implication of this thesis is the important role played by the universal constraints of OT in general and their ranking in a specific manner. Finally, this study works as a foundation for comparative studies in regional dialects.

8.4 Further Researches and Recommendations

As the main objective of this dissertation was to study the syllable structure and the syllable related processes in MYA. Thus, there are issues which still need to be explored in order to have a comprehensive account of this variety. Therefore, I suggest the following recommendations:

As much of this dissertation was on some aspects of MYA phonology, issues of other aspects like stress and intonation were not discussed. As this dialect is full of consonant clusters, I would like to recommend the future researchers to investigate the consonant

293 clusters further within different phonological theories as OT. Studies on MYA may be conducted in other fields of linguistics such as morphology and syntax. It would be interesting to investigate the interface between various areas of linguistics such as phonology –morphology interface and phonology - syntax interface. As this dialect is centered in the biggest governorate in Yemen, sociolinguistic studies are recommended on different issues to see how language is negotiated among different social groups and how linguistic variation relates to social variables such as gender, age and social class.

Additionally, it would be a fruitful step to conduct intercultural pragmatic studies. Other recommended research scopes can be in compilation and collection of folklore and proverbs that are commonly used by the native speakers of Almhabishah city.

294

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Appendices

Appendix A

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Appendix (B) CONSENT FORM Title of the Research: A CONSTRAINT-BASED ANALYSIS OF SYLLABLE BASED PROCESSES IN MAḤBASHI YEMENI ARABIC Name of the Researcher: Moustafa Ali Hassan Hashem Al-Hamzi Supervisor: Prof. Rubina Rahman (PhD) I am a PhD scholar at the Department of English & Applied Linguistics, University of

Peshawar, Pakistan. My research is on the phonology of Maḥbashi Yemeni Arabic. I request you to kindly help me in this process.

Information  I have read and understood the attached information sheet giving details of the research.

 I have understood the purpose and nature of the study explained to me and I have had the opportunity to ask questions about the study.  I agree to my interview and participation being audio-recorded.  I understand that all information I provide for this study will be treated confidentially.  I understand that in any report on the results of this research my identity will remain anonymous.  I have had the opportunity to ask the researcher any questions that I had about the research and my involvement in it, and understand my role in the research.

 I understand that data gathered in this research may form the basis of a report or other form of publication or presentation.  I voluntarily agreed to participate in this research study.

Consent

Signing my name in this form confirms that I agree to my conversation to be recorded. Participant’s Name: ……………………………Participant’s Signature:………… Researcher’s Signature:………………………Date:………………….

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Appendix (C)

(Sample of The Data)

Appendix B ماشان تلفونك مبهذل كذيه . كاني مشغول خليها على هللا .. تصدق شتريت لها قات. ما Raw Text CODE سرحتش بين مقات حقكم . قومت شتريت بالفين من مسوق وروحنا به وثالثه الف والف كرى مسياره. A Transcription maʃa:n talfo:nak mbahðal kaðeiyah. Kani: maʃƔo:l xaliha ʕala of the text ʡallah. tsˤadiɡ ʃtre:t lha: ɡat. ma sarahtʃ be:n miɡa:t haɡɡukum ɡumt ʃtre:t ba ʡalfi:n mim mso:ɡ wa rawhna buh wa θala θah ʡalf wa ʡalf kra: mse:rah. A English Why is your mobile shappy? Translation I was so busy, just leave this matter. There is female tattoo who used to tattoo the old and young ones. A There are so fast and their income is more than five thousand. They gain a lot, a lot. This is a problem and some of them make hearts when they tattoo the girls. Some of them are asking us to bring red livers for their breakfast and some are asking for meat. In our country these habits must be prohibited. I have bought Qat which costs two thousand and I have paid one thousand for the taxi driver. ذلحين انت سجلت فيم مستشفى حق معيون . بداية المسنه قالك يفحصوا لمعيون . دريت به ذيه . اطباء بالحدود . يعني جاي محابشه . قد قال لي حمد ... لي معه مشكله وااال Raw Text B الي يشتي يتعامى مدري الي حول يدوا لهم عالج. ماهي امنيتك يا .... . ان شاء هللا لو في فرصه نحضر ماجستير وانت يا ... انا اشتي اكمل ماجستير . بس رجعنا بين المغارس نبروط . يا ... مال عيونك كذيوك . بتدي لك كحل اال ما هوه وهللا نشتي نركب نظارات . مابوا اال منظاره حقه مدري مالها. Transcription Ðalhi:n ʡant saʤalt fim mistaʃfa haɡumʢju:n. bdajatim sanah of the text ɡallak jif ha sˤu: lim ʡju:n. dri:t buh ðijah ʡatˤiba blah du:d. ɡid B ɡa:l li hmad …. li: mʢah miʃklah wa ʡala li: jiʃti: jit ʢama . mdir: ʡili hwal jidu: luh ʢila:ʤ ma .hi:h ʔom ni:ta; ja: …… ʔin ʃa ʔallah law fi: fursˤ ah ʔakamilim maʤisti:r . wa ʔant ja ……ʔana ʔaʃti: ʔakamilim maʤisti:r miθla:k rʤiʕna bi:n miƔ aris nbirwatˤ . ja: ……mal ʕju:nak kðu:k .btidi lak kuħl ʔila ma huh. wa ʔalah niʃti: nrakib nadˤarat . ma bu: ʔila mnadˤarah haɡɡuh mdri malha English Now! Have you registered in the eye hospital? By the beginning Translation B of this year, they will start examining the patients’eyes. Have you heard of it? Doctors without limitations!! Ahmad … told me if the there is anyone. who suffers in his eye or cross-eyed, they are requested to come to take medicine.

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What is your ambition? By God’s will if there is a chance, I will pursue master degree. What about you? So do I. However, we came back to cut the grass in our farms. Dear …. What is wrong with your eyes? Do you use eyeliners? I want to use eyeglasses. كيف حالك يا استاذ ...؟ وهللا الحمدهلل وانت كيف حالك ؟ضابح خليها على هللا مع محمله حق منظافه طفشنا . ما هو قولت امخبر حق امس؟ قولت لك معايا مجهاله بيذاكروا سالت بني كتبت مواجب قال لي ال واقوم الطمه والمراه بتقول لي كل لك لقمه وانا شليت نفسي وضبحت. ذكرت مجهاله الي سرحنا لما عندهم ما قال ابوهم ؟ قال المجهاله حالتهم حاله ويحتاجوا تعاون ونزلنا لمخيم المهمشين لقنينا جميعه قالت حاضر تتعاون معنا ببطانيات Raw Text . سمع ما اقول لك تخيل احنا بنكتب المتقارير فيما سمعنا انفجار مقمبله صوت مقمبله انا C اكتزيت تقول مش مدبه المغاز قرحن لوما فجعنا. اي واحد شافنا قال مالكم قولت ماشمتعتش صوت مقمبله . حتى ابومبنات جارنا في مكتب جاء لما عندنا امانه انها زعزعنا وهللا زعزعتنا . ذلحين تجوا عندي تغدوا . عندي في مبيت . انا قدني جالس في مدينه يعني نازح . حال منازح . حتى مكرشه حقك خفن . keik ħalak ja:…. ʔalħamdililah wa ʔant ke:fak . dˤabiħ xaliha: ʔala ʔallah mʕa; miħamlah ħaɡɡim naðˤafah tˤfiʃna . mahu: ɡult mixabar haɡɡ ʔams . ɡultlak miʤhalah bjiðakru; wa sa:lt bni: ktabt miwaʤib ɡa:l li: la: wa ʔaɡu:m ʔaldˤumuh . ɡa:lat li:marah Transcription kullak luɡmah .wa ʔana ʃali:t nafsi: wa dˤbuħt. Ðakartim ʤahalah of the text ʔili saraħna lama ʕindhim ma ɡa:l ʔabu:him ɡa:llim ʤahalah C ħalthim ħalah jiħtaʤu: ta ʕawin . wa nazalna limxajam mihamaʃi:n .liɡina ʤamʕejah ɡalan ħa dˤr titʕawan bibatˤane:t smaʕ ma ʔaɡu:llak txaial ħina bniktub mitaɡari:r fi: ma smiʕt ʔinfʤar miɡumbilah so:tim miɡumbilah ʔana ʔiktazi:t . tɡu:l maʃimdabah mƔa:z . ɡarahan lama faʤaʕna ʔaj wahid ʃa:fana ɡa:l malkum ɡult masmiʕtʃ so:tim ɡumbilah ħata ʔabumbana:t ʤarana ʤa lama ʕindana . ʔamanah ʔin so:tha zaʕzaʕna wa ʔallah zaʕzaʕtna.

Ðalhi:n tʤu: ʕindi: tƔadu: fimbeit ʔana ɡid ni: ʤalis fim madinah jaʕni: naziħ hali minaziħ .. ħata mkirʃah ħaɡɡak xafan a- How are you ….? b- I am fine. What about you? c- I am bored. we have a cleanliness campaign. It is boring. d- What have you said about yesterday’s topic? e- I have told you; while my children were studying, I asked one of them whether he had done the homework. He replied “no”. Then I slapped him. My wife told me to at English least take a morsel, but I left. Translation f- Do you remember the boys we visited? What did their father say? g- He said they are suffering, and they need cooperation. We have the camp of marginalized people. There was an

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association which offered help. They will provide them with blankets. h- Listen to me, imagine !!while we were writing the reports, C we heard an explosion which shocked us. Even our neighbor ‘the father of the daughters’ has come to the office. a- What do you think if you come to my house for lunch? I am right now living in the city. b- Does it mean you are like a migrant? Even your belly is not bulging out.

وانت في مكتب تذكر زميلنا الي قاتلك يا اخي من مفروض ما يقاتلش ما يصلحش في بعض مناس مايعرفش يخاطبك . اخس حاجه عندما جدلك . لكن امانه منظمه نصفت . Raw Text واحد ستفزني قال ما متش. طيب ابومولد ما عاد فعل . من تقصد . ابومولد الي قال D يشتي دفاتر . قال يستغلو معطله حقه . وهللا في ناس وعدونا بشي . طيب وابو مبنات قال معي امبنت تشتي تخيط يا اخي مناس مفلسين Transcription Waʔant fimaktab tuðkur zamilana ʔili ɡatalak ja xi: ʕi:b mafru:dˤ of the text ma jiɡatilʃ ma jisˤliħʃ fi: baʕdim na:s ma jiʕrifʃ jxatˤibak ʔaxas ħaʤah ʕind ma ʤadalak . ʔamanih mnaðˤamah nsˤafat waħid D stafazni ɡa:l ma matʃ. ʔabumwald maʕa:d ɡa:l min tuɡsˤu tˤ ʔabumwald ʔili ɡa:l jiʃti: dafa:tir ɡa:l jist Ɣilim ʕutˤlah haɡɡuh . wa ʔalah fi: na:s waʕdu:na bʃi: . wa ʔabumbana:t ɡa:l mʕaja mbint tiʃti: txi:jitˤ ja xi: mina:s mfilsi:n a- Do you remember our mate who fought with you. It was really bad he fought with you. There are people who do not know how to talk with others. English b- Frankly speaking, the association we worked with has Translation taken your right. c- That day, one person called me asking whether you are D dead or not. a- Okay. What about that father? b- Which one!! a- The one who was asking about the notebooks? b- He said he would like to exploit the chance during the vacation a- We have got a promise. b- People are broke! من اتصل بك قبل شويه؟ ايوه واحده اتصلت بي بتقول لي ما انا بني تاعب نشتي نسعفوه محديده .قلت لها مبيت حقكم فينه قالت في محراق جنب محلك حق المحراق . غدوه نريد Raw Text روح مستشفى . بدك تروح معي براحتك . من المفروض وانت كلمتها نجي نجي . تمام E نعدل لوما عندهم . يا ... من يان مخزن انت ؟ خزنت من مسوق مابش مطار تيه امايام . كيف اموضاع ميوم . جننونا هللا يجننهم . باهلل زيد اتصل لتيه محاله. min tsˤal bak ɡabl ʃwijah . ʔajwah waħdih tasˤalat bi: bitɡu:l li Transcription maʕaja: bni: taʕib niʃti: nisʕifu:h miħdadah , ɡult laha mbe:t of the text E haɡɡukum ɡa:lat fimiħra:ɡ ʤanb maħallak ħaɡɡum miħra:ɡ.

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Ɣudwah rru:ħ mistaʃfa: baddak tru:ħ mʕaja: kuluh braħtak. min mafru:dˤ wa ʔant kalamtha nʤi: nʤi:. tamam nʕidil lamam ʕindhim . min ja:n mxazin ʔant xazant min mso:ɡ mabu:ʃ mtˤa:r tejah maja:m. ki:fim mawdˤa:ʕ mjo:m ʤanano:na ʔallah jʤaninhim . billah zi:d tsi:l li tejahim ħallah. a- Who called you earlier? b- It was a lady. She told me her son is tired and sick. They are going to take him to Alhudiadah City. She told me English where she lives in ‘Al-mihraag’ near my shop. Translation E c- Since you promised her to go, we will go together. a- Where have you bought your Gat? b- I have bought it from the market. These days, there is no rain. c- They have made us crazy because of the current situation. d- Please! try calling the association in realtion to the other humanitarian case.

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