DOCSLIB.ORG

Sleight of Hand: Israel, Settlements, and Unauthorized Outposts Daniel Kurtzer

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Sleight of Hand: Israel, Settlements, and Unauthorized Outposts Daniel Kurtzer MEI Policy Focus 2016-24 Sleight of Hand: Israel, Settlements, and Unauthorized Outposts Daniel Kurtzer Middle East Institute Policy Focus Series October 2016 Every U.S. administration since 1967 has opposed Israeli settlement activity, and nearly every Israeli government since 1967 has supported the building and expansion of settlements in occupied territory. Despite continued U.S. objections, Israel continues to flout international law and the commitments it has made to the United States regarding its settlements expansion. Aside from harsh rhetoric, the United States has taken nearly no action against settlements. As a result, the next administration will face the same settlements problem its predecessors have faced, and will need to find a way to balance its support for Israel’s security and its opposition to expanding settlements, which continue to obstruct a path to peace. Key Points ♦ Defying the Elon Moreh Israeli Supreme Court ruling, Israeli settlers have, with government knowledge and support, continued to build settlements on private Palestinian land ♦ President Barack Obama has taken a tougher stance on settlements, heightening his already tense relationship with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ♦ The next administration could support a U.N. Security Council resolution criticizing settlement construction ♦ The next administration could consider a reduction in aid if Israel does not adhere to its commitment to remove all outposts since 2001 ♦ The next administration could also follow in the footsteps of the E.U. by excluding Israeli goods and services produced in occupied territories from the benefits of our bilateral free trade agreement Daniel Kurtzer Daniel Kurtzer, a mem- Introduction ber of MEI’s Internation- al Advisory Council, is a srael’s settlements policy continues to Professor of Middle East exacerbate the situation on the ground, policy studies at Prince- I ton University’s Wood- and Israel’s bilateral relationship with the row Wilson School of United States and other countries. On the Public and International heels of signing a ten-year, $38 billion aid Affairs, and a former U.S. agreement with the United States, Israel an- ambassador to Israel and Egypt. The author thanks nounced its intention to build a substantial Dov Weissglas, former number of new housing units in the mid- chief of staff to Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, for his dle of the West Bank, far outside any settle- substantial advice and counsel in the preparation of ment bloc. This announcement evinced an this study; and Lara Friedman and Hagit Ofran of Peace Now for their assistance in checking facts. Any extremely harsh reaction from American errors are the sole responsibility of the author. policy spokesmen. Israel is also continuing efforts to retroactively legalize settlement illegal under international law. The Fourth outposts as an alternative to dismantling Geneva Convention prohibits an occupy- them. ing power from transferring citizens from Israeli government spokesmen, including its own territory into the occupied territory. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, have The Hague Regulations prohibit an occu- dismissed the criticisms and defended set- pying power from undertaking permanent tlement activity, including the actions tak- changes in the occupied area unless they are en regarding outposts, as Israel’s right. The related to military needs or undertaken for settlements and outpost issues are fraught the benefit of the local population. Accord- and the subject of tremendous rancor: op- ing to this argument, there may have been ponents argue that settlements contravene cases where the military or security needs international law; supporters argue that Is- of Israel dictated such “permanent chang- rael has a legitimate claim to the West Bank es,” but these have been few and far between and thus Israelis have the right to settle and, in any case, the settling of Israeli citi- there. It is important to understand what is zens in the occupied territories has never at stake and how these issues have played been undertaken “for the benefit of the lo- out over time. cal population.” The position of every Israe- li government since 1967 has reflected, in a Settlements critics focus on three argu- way, the conundrum posed by the question ments: (1) settlements are seen as imped- of the applicability of international law to ing progress toward a two-state solution of Israel’s occupation: every government has the Palestinian-Israeli conflict; (2) they are decided not to annex the territory, while al- a unilateral Israeli effort to change the de- most every government has also supported mography on the ground, and (3) most im- the building and expansion of settlements portantly, they are widely considered to be in the occupied territory. Sleight of Hand 1 Israeli Settlements: A settlement, such as the late Plia Albeck— liberally declared about 16 percent of the Complicated History West Bank as “state land” and allocated more than 14 percent for settlements. The history of the settlements movement is complex, and it is that complexity that Over time, the Israeli government estab- often stymies settlements opponents from lished procedures for approving settlements marshaling political support against Israe- that involved multiple layers of decisions. li policy. Settlement activity began almost In 1992, the government headed by Prime immediately after the June 1967 war and Minister Yitzhak Rabin strengthened these has been advanced by Israeli governments procedures by deciding there would be no of the left and the right. A major turning settlements permitted unless approved by point occurred in 1979, when the Israeli the Israeli cabinet. As a result of this de- Supreme Court handed down a landmark cision, virtually no new settlements were decision in the Elon Moreh case. The court approved, and many construction projects were stopped. Four years later, after the election of Benjamin “Within ten years there were 104 Netanyahu as prime minister, the government turned a blind eye such unauthorized outposts, all when settlers began acting uni- of them illegal under Israeli law.” laterally to establish “outposts,” that is, a collection of trailers and other temporary buildings ruled that settlers needed to evacuate a set- on lands they claimed. Soon after the es- tlement because there was no security jus- tablishment of these outposts, which were tification for the expropriation of private not authorized by the government and thus Arab land for settlement purposes. In ef- were illegal under Israeli law, government fect, the court ruling served notice that set- agencies connected these outposts to elec- tlements could not be established on land tricity and water lines and the Israeli army that was privately owned. provided security and other services nor- mally provided to authorized settlements. In response, the Israeli justice ministry be- Within ten years, there were 104 such un- gan a survey of the West Bank and Gaza authorized outposts, all of them illegal un- to determine which land was private and der Israeli law. which was “state land,” that is, land un- der the control of the ruling authority. In subsequent years, Israeli justice ministry officials—particularly those who favored 2 Kurtzer The Mitchell Report to accommodate “natural growth,” for ex- and New Israeli ample, the expansion of families. In June 2002, in a major policy speech on Commitments the peace process, President George W. Bush endorsed the Mitchell recommenda- In 2001, a report was issued by the Sharm tion on settlements, saying: “…consistent el-Sheikh Fact-Finding Committee (also with the recommendations of the Mitchell known as the Mitchell report) that had Committee, Israeli settlement activity in been commissioned to examine the causes the occupied territories must stop.” In 2003, for the outbreak of the Palestinian intifada Bush advanced the “Roadmap for Peace,” a the previous year. Among other issues, the proposal for resolving the Israeli-Palestin- Mitchell report recommended a freeze on ian conflict in phases. The Israeli govern- Israeli settlement activity, including natural ment voted to accept the roadmap, but put growth. The Israeli government respond- forward 14 reservations, one of which in- ed to the report in a letter stating : “…Is- rael appreciates the “The Mitchell report recommended efforts of the Com- mittee and consid- a freeze on Israeli settlement ers that its Report provides a con- activity, including natural growth.” structive and posi- tive attempt to break the cycle of violence dicated that the issue of settlements should and facilitate a resumption of direct bilat- be deferred until negotiations took place on eral negotiations for peace on the basis of final status. However, the reservations spec- reciprocity.” Reacting to Mitchell’s demand ified that the issue of “illegal settlements” regarding “natural growth,” the Israeli gov- was not part of Israel’s reservations. ernment stated: “…it must be recalled that it is already part of the policy of the Gov- Around the same time, Bush’s deputy na- ernment of Israel not to establish new set- tional security advisor, Stephen Hadley met tlements. At the same time, the current and with Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to try to everyday needs of the development of such reach understandings that would limit Is- communities must be taken into account.” raeli settlement activity. They agreed on Israel’s response was understood at the time four draft principles that were similar to as essentially endorsing
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
    Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State ..............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • B'tselem 2005 Annual Report
    בצלם - מרכז המידע הישראלי לזכויות האדם בשטחים (ע.ר.) ﺒﺘﺴﻴﻠﻡ - ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﻠﻪ B’Tselem – The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories B’Tselem 2005 Activity Report Introduction _______________________________________________________________ 1 Summary of Activities and Highlights___________________________________________ 1 Topics Addressed ___________________________________________________________ 3 Gaza Before and After Disengagement_____________________________________________ 3 Settler Violence ________________________________________________________________ 4 Separation Barrierand Settlement Expansion _______________________________________ 5 Military Accountability _________________________________________________________ 7 Lethal Force during Arrests_____________________________________________________________ 7 Lethal Force and Lack of Military Investigations ____________________________________________ 8 Jerusalem_____________________________________________________________________ 9 Southern Hebron Hills _________________________________________________________ 10 House Demolitions ____________________________________________________________ 10 Death Penalty in the Palestinian Authority ________________________________________ 11 Additional Research Topics ____________________________________________________ 12 Resource and Information Center_____________________________________________ 12 Advocacy and Public Relations _______________________________________________
    [Show full text]
  • Is It All About Territory? Israel's Settlement Policy in The
    DIIS REPORT 2012:08 DIIS REPORT IS IT ALL ABOUT TERRITORY? ISRAEL’s SETTLEMENT POLICY IN THE OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORY SINCE 1967 Leila Stockmarr DIIS REPORT 2012:08 DIIS REPORT DIIS . DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1 DIIS REPORT 2012:08 © Copenhagen 2012, the author and DIIS Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK-1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover photo: Bernat Armangue/AP Layout: Allan Lind Jørgensen Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN 978-87-7605-504-2 Price: DKK 50.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Hardcopies can be ordered at www.diis.dk Leila Stockmarr, PhD Fellow, Roskilde University [email protected] 2 DIIS REPORT 2012:08 Contents Abstract 4 Dansk resumé 5 Abbreviations 6 Introduction 7 Aim of the report 7 Part 1 10 Back to basics 1: the intertwining of territory and legitimacy 10 The nature and extent of the phenomenon 11 Strategies of legitimisation 13 Part 2 17 The international community’s legal positions on settlements and occupation 17 Occupation 17 Settlements 19 Israeli contra-arguments and ‘legal regime’ 20 Settlers at the frontline – a question of security? 22 Shifting dynamics of the settlers’ influence 23 Restricting use of space: internal closure, planning and zoning 25 Settlements and outposts: a false dichotomy between ‘legal’ and ‘illegal’ 30 Part 3 32 Back to basics 2: asymmetry as a precondition 32 Blurring the lines: Oslo’s failure to halt
    [Show full text]
  • Israeli Nonprofits: an Exploration of Challenges and Opportunities , Master’S Thesis, Regis University: 2005)
    Israeli NGOs and American Jewish Donors: The Structures and Dynamics of Power Sharing in a New Philanthropic Era Volume I of II A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies S. Ilan Troen, Advisor In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy by Eric J. Fleisch May 2014 The signed version of this form is on file in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. This dissertation, directed and approved by Eric J. Fleisch’s Committee, has been accepted and approved by the Faculty of Brandeis University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of: DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Malcolm Watson, Dean Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Dissertation Committee: S. Ilan Troen, Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies Jonathan D. Sarna, Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies Theodore Sasson, Department of International Studies, Middlebury College Copyright by Eric J. Fleisch 2014 Acknowledgements There are so many people I would like to thank for the valuable help and support they provided me during the process of writing my dissertation. I must first start with my incomparable wife, Rebecca, to whom I dedicate my dissertation. Rebecca, you have my deepest appreciation for your unending self-sacrifice and support at every turn in the process, your belief in me, your readiness to challenge me intellectually and otherwise, your flair for bringing unique perspectives to the table, and of course for your friendship and love. I would never have been able to do this without you.
    [Show full text]
  • Locality Profiles and Needs Assessment in the Ramallah & Al
    Locality Profiles and Needs Assessment in the Ramallah & Al Bireh Governorate ARIJ welcomes any comments or suggestions regarding the material published herein and reserves all copyrights for this publication. This publication is available on the project’s homepage: http://proxy.arij.org/vprofile/ramallah and ARIJ homepage: http://www.arij.org Copyright © The Applied Research Institute – Jerusalem (ARIJ) 2014 Acknowledgments ARIJ hereby expresses its deep gratitude to the Spanish Agency for International Cooperation for Development (AECID) for their funding of this project. ARIJ is grateful to the Palestinian officials in the ministries, municipalities, joint services councils, village committees and councils, the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) and civil society organizations for their assistance and cooperation with the project team members during the data collection process. Editors Jad Isaac Roubina Ghattas Nader Hrimat Contributors Iyad Khalifeh Elia Khalilieh Ayman Abu Zahra Juliette Bannoura Enas Bannourah Nadine Sahouri Hamza Halaybeh Flora Al-Qassis Ronal El Zughayyar Anas Al Sayeh Poppy Hardee Issa Zboun Jane Hilal Suhail Khalilieh Table Of Contents PART ONE: Introduction................................................................................................................ 6 Locality Profiles and Needs Assessment in Ramallah & Al Bireh Governorate....................7 1.1. Project Description and Objectives:.................................................................... 7 1.2. Project Activities:................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of the Givat Assaf Outpost
    Israeli settlements and outposts in blue, Palestinian towns in green. Givat Assaf can be seen in the center. Photo courtesy of Peace Now. MA'AN Development Center 19 Spotlight Dividing Palestinian Communities: the Impact of the Givat Assaf Outpost • 600,000: Amount of shekels the Israeli Ministry of Housing and Construc- tion invested in Givat Assaf in housing in the first four years of its exis- tence1 • 93.75: Amount of dunums of land on which Givat Assaf is located2 • 100: Percentage of land on which Givat Assaf is located that is private Pal- estinian land, taken from the villages of Deir Dibwan, Beitan, and Burqa3 • 25: Number of caravans for settlers in Givat Assaf as of 20084 • 5: Number of Israeli settlements within a five kilometer radius of Givat Assaf • 30: Approximate number of settler families living in Givat Assaf5 ince the implementation of the Oslo Accords, settlers have established scattered Shilltop outposts with backchannel funding from the State of Israel. These hilltop outposts typically consist of caravan-style housing structures built on hilltops adjacent to Palestinian villages or between two or more Palestinian villages. The residents of these outposts are typically religious and/or nationalist and are responsible for much of the violence inflicted upon nearby Palestinian residents.6 The outpost of Givat Assaf, located 5km east of Ramallah, was established in 2001 and is part of a bloc of settlements that completely separates Ramallah from the Palestinian village of Deir Dibwan and the Jordan Valley.7 North of Givat Assaf are the settlements of Beit El and Ofra, while to the south are the settlements of Pesagot and Kochav Ya’acov.
    [Show full text]
  • Tightening the Noose Author(S): Trude Strand Source: Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol
    Tightening the Noose Author(s): Trude Strand Source: Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 43, No. 2 (Winter 2014), pp. 6-23 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Institute for Palestine Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/jps.2014.43.2.6 . Accessed: 24/09/2015 02:26 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of California Press and Institute for Palestine Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Palestine Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 130.58.102.238 on Thu, 24 Sep 2015 02:26:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Tightening the Noose: The Institutionalized Impoverishment of Gaza, 2005–2010 TRUDE STRAND This article outlines and analyzes Israel’s Gaza policy during the period from 2005 to 2010. Based on primary materials, including the testimony of Israeli officials before the Turkel Commission investigating the Mavi Marmara incident, classified documents that have come to light through Wikileaks, and Israeli government documentation, the article argues that in the wake of Israel’s evacuation of the territory under its 2005 Disengagement Plan, the Gaza Strip became the object of a deliberate and sustained policy of institutionalized impoverishment.
    [Show full text]
  • Jerusalem Report on the Israeli Colonization Activities in the West
    Applied Research Institute ‐ Jerusalem (ARIJ) P.O Box 860, Caritas Street – Bethlehem, Phone: (+972) 2 2741889, Fax: (+972) 2 2776966. [email protected] | http://www.arij.org Applied Research Institute – Jerusalem Report on the Israeli Colonization Activities in the West Bank & the Gaza Strip Volume 165, April 2012 Issue http://www.arij.org Bethlehem • The Israeli Occupation bulldozers demolished 2 residential structures and a water collection system owned by resident Laila Jabra Atallah Khalilieh in Al Makhrour area west Beit Jala city. The IO bulldozers also razed 52 electric poles planted in the road leading to Al Makhrour and a paved road. DWG (April 3, 2012). • A group of Israeli settlers have planted saplings on 2,000 square meters of land in the Ein al‐Qassis area of al‐Khader village west of Bethlehem city. The land belongs to Hasan Mousa Hasan, who had planted wheat on the fields. Settlers planted the saplings in an attempt to confiscate more land. Maannews (April 4, 2012) • Israeli Occupation Army (IOA) accompanied by the Israeli Civil Administration uprooted more than 90 Olive trees owned by Al Jbour family in Yatta town under the pretext that the Olive trees are planted on lands owned by the State of Israel. Al Ayyam (April 4, 2012). • Israelʹs Housing Ministry published tenders for the construction of hundreds of new housing units in the east Jerusalem neighborhood of Har Homa, located beyond the Green Line. The five tenders published by the ministry include 827 new housing units, most of which, 632, are to be part of a new section of the neighborhood called Har Homa Gimel, which is slated to be built on an empty hill.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel, Middle East
    Review of the Year OTHER COUNTRIES Israel and the Middle East Israel X HE VIOLENCE THAT BEGAN in late 2000 and continued all through 2001—featuring Palestinian suicide bombings aimed at pro- ducing a maximum of Israeli casualties, and Israeli reprisals—did not abate in 2002; in fact, it intensified. Tough new measures by the Likud- led coalition, including stepped-up "targeted killings'1 of terror kingpins and large-scale incursions into Palestinian areas—such as Operation De- fensive Shield in the spring—brought only temporary halts to the attacks on Israelis and sharp criticism from around the world. An exception to the unsympathetic attitude toward Israel in world cap- itals was that of the American government. Although President George W. Bush became the first president explicitly to call for a Palestinian state, he delivered a speech on June 24 announcing that the Palestinian National Authority would have to undergo democratization, renounce terror, and select new leadership (that is, not Yasir Arafat) first. Toward the end of the year, with a U.S. strike on Iraq looming, the U.S., the UN, the European Union (EU), and the chief European powers promoted a "road map," charting steps that Israel and the Palestinians might take to reach an ultimate settlement. The security crisis loomed large over Israeli life. The economy, already hard-hit by more than a year of violence, suffered further blows. And while the Labor Party left the coalition and brought down the government on October 30 ostensibly over a budgetary matter, what was really at stake was whether Labor could devise a strategy for stopping the bloodshed that would be both different from Likud's and convincing to the voters.
    [Show full text]
  • On International Legal Paradigms and the Legal Status of the West Bank
    Washington University Global Studies Law Review Volume 14 Issue 3 2015 The Astro-Nomos: On International Legal Paradigms and the Legal Status of the West Bank Orna Ben-Naftali Haim Striks School of Law, the College of Management Academic Studies Rafi Reznik Tel-Aviv University Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_globalstudies Part of the International Law Commons, and the Law and Politics Commons Recommended Citation Orna Ben-Naftali and Rafi Reznik, The Astro-Nomos: On International Legal Paradigms and the Legal Status of the West Bank, 14 WASH. U. GLOBAL STUD. L. REV. 399 (2015), https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_globalstudies/vol14/iss3/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Global Studies Law Review by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ASTRO-NOMOS: ON INTERNATIONAL LEGAL PARADIGMS AND THE LEGAL STATUS OF THE WEST BANK ORNA BEN-NAFTALI RAFI REZNIK ABSTRACT The continuous Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territory may well have exhausted the international community and exasperated the Palestinians, but it still stimulates the Israeli legal imagination. In 2012, the Israeli government established an expert committee to examine the status of Jewish construction in the West Bank. The committee’s report concluded that from an international legal perspective, the West Bank is not occupied territory; the law of belligerent occupation is not applicable to the area; the “prevailing view” is that Jewish settlements are lawful; and that Israel has a valid claim to sovereignty over the territory.
    [Show full text]
  • The Age of Regularization
    The Age of Regularization The Zandberg Committee Expropriation Report for Retroactive Authorization of Israeli Outposts and Illegal Construction in the Settlements: Analysis, Ramifications and Implementation Position paper January 2019 The Age of Regularization The Zandberg Committee Expropriation Report for Retroactive Authorization of Israeli Outposts and Illegal Construction in the Settlements: Analysis, Ramifications and Implementation Position paper, January 2019 Research and writing: Ziv Stahl Editing: Lior Amihai, Yonatan Kanonich, Miryam Wijler Legal advice: Atty. Michael Sfard, Atty. Ishay Shneydor, Atty. Shlomy Zachary Graphic design: Yuda Dery Studio English translation: Maya Johnston English editing: Leora Gal Yesh Din Public council: Atty. Abeer Baker, Hanna Barag, Dan Bavly, Prof. Naomi Chazan, Ruth Cheshin, Akiva Eldar, Prof. Rachel Elior, Dani Karavan, Adv. Yehudit Karp, Paul Kedar, Dr. Roy Peled, Prof. Uzy Smilansky, Joshua Sobol, Prof. Zeev Sternhell, Yair Rotlevy. Yesh Din Volunteers: Dahlia Amit, Maya Bailey, Hanna Barag, Michal Barak, Atty. Dr. Assnat Bartor, Osnat Ben-Shachar, Rochale Chayut, Beli Deutch, Dr. Yehudit Elkana, Rony Gilboa, Hana Gottlieb, Tami Gross, Dina Hecht, Niva Inbar, Daniel A. Kahn, Edna Kaldor, Nurit Karlin, Ruth Kedar, Lilach Klein Dolev, Dr. Joel Klemes, Bentzi Laor, Judy Lots, Aryeh Magal, Sarah Marliss, Amir Pansky, Talia Pecker Berio, Nava Polak, Dr. Nura Resh, Yael Rokni, Maya Rothschild, Eddie Saar, Idit Schlesinger, Ilana Meki Shapira, Dr. Tzvia Shapira, Dr. Hadas Shintel, Ayala Sussmann, Sara Toledano, Yoram Zeevi. Yesh Din Staff: Firas Alami, Lior Amihai, Yudit Avidor, Maysoon Badawi, Hagai Benziman, Atty. Sophia Brodsky, Mourad Jadallah, Moneer Kadus, Yonatan Kanonich, Atty. Fadia Qawasmi , Atty. Michael Sfard, Ziv Stahl, Alex Vinokorov, Sharona Weiss, Miryam Wijler, Atty.
    [Show full text]
  • Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S
    Order Code RL33530 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Updated September 21, 2006 Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Summary After the first Gulf war, in 1991, a new peace process involved bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon with mixed results. Milestones included the Israeli-Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) Declaration of Principles (DOP) of September 13, 1991, providing for Palestinian empowerment and some territorial control; the Israeli-Jordanian peace treaty of October 26, 1994, and the Interim Self-Rule in the West Bank or Oslo II accord of September 28, 1995, which led to the formation of the Palestinian Authority (PA) to govern the West Bank and Gaza. However, Israeli-Syrian negotiations were intermittent and difficult, and postponed indefinitely in 2000. Negotiations with Lebanon also were unsuccessful, leading Israel to withdraw unilaterally from south Lebanon on May 24, 2000. President Clinton held a summit with Israeli and Palestinian leaders at Camp David on final status issues that July, but they did not produce an accord. A Palestinian uprising or intifadah began in September. On February 6, 2001, Ariel Sharon was elected Prime Minister of Israel, and rejected steps taken at Camp David and afterwards. The post 9/11 war on terrorism prompted renewed U.S. focus on a peace process, emphasizing as its goal a democratic Palestinian state as a precondition for achieving peace.
    [Show full text]