Is It All About Territory? Israel's Settlement Policy in The
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State .............................................................................................. -
Israeli Settlement Goods
British connections with Israeli Companies involved in the Trade union briefing settlements settlements Key Israeli companies which export settlement products to the Over 50% of Israel’s agricultural produce is imported by UK are: the European Union, of which a large percentage arrives in British stores, including all the main supermarkets. These Agricultural Export Companies: Carmel-Agrexco, Hadiklaim, include: Asda, Tesco, Waitrose, John Lewis, Morrisons, and Mehadrin-Tnuport, Arava, Jordan River, Jordan Plains, Flowers Sainsburys. Direct Other food products: Abady Bakery, Achdut, Adumim Food ISRAELI SETTLEMENT The Soil Association aids the occupation by providing Additives/Frutarom, Amnon & Tamar, Oppenheimer, Shamir certification to settlement products. Salads, Soda Club In December 2009, following significant consumer pressure, Dead Sea Products: Ahava, Dead Sea Laboratories, Intercosma the Department for Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA) issued GOODS: BAN THEM, guidelines for supermarkets on settlement labeling — Please note that some of these companies also produce differentiating goods grown in settlements from goods legitimate goods in Israel. It is goods from the illegal grown on Palestinian farms. Although this guidance is not settlements that we want people to boycott. compulsory, many supermarkets are already saying that they don’t buy THEM! will adopt this labeling, so consumers will know if goods Companies working in the are grown in illegal Israeli settlements. DEFRA also stated that companies will be committing an offence -
A Realpolitik Reassessment
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 178 From Camp David to Oslo: A Realpolitik Reassessment Sep 17, 1998 Brief Analysis he peace process has, in practice, meant Israel's acceptance by the Arab world. This process, however, is not T irreversible. It is mainly a function of Israel's military, economic, and strategic strength and the Arab recognition of structural weakness. Only as long as current conditions hold, the peace process will continue. The American role in the peace process is important yet should not be overstated. Much has occurred without the involvement of the United States. The Oslo Accord, which occurred without American knowledge of the negotiations, is a primary example. The peace treaty between Jordan and Israel also did not have much input from the United States. To be sure, a change in U.S. policy toward increased isolationism could significantly threaten the peace process. Realpolitik Reasons for the Peace Process. The root cause for the peace process has been several realist considerations: Reaction to past conflict. Failed attempts to eliminate Israel by military means have forced the Arab world, however reluctantly, to accept Israel. The use of force has proven too difficult and too costly in dealing with Israel. In addition, Arab recognition of Israel's nuclear capabilities has reinforced the notion that Israel is militarily strong and cannot be easily removed from the map. Weariness toward war has also forced the countries of the region to redefine their national goals. Populations have grown tired of protracted conflict. This has led to a willingness to discuss the possibility of peace by all nations in the region. -
An Interview with Eyal Weizman
Sensible Politics: The Visual Culture of Nongovernmental Politics. Edited by Meg McLagan and Yates McKee. New York: Zone Books, 2012. Pp. 429-451. Forensic Architecture: An Interview with Eyal Weizman Yates McKee and Meg McLagan yates mckee: We would like to start by asking you to talk about the broader tra- jectory of your career. You first gained prominence in the architectural field when the exhibition you cocurated, A Civilian Occupation, was withdrawn as the sub- mission by the Israeli Architecture Association to the 2002 International Union of Architects Congress in Berlin. You were trained professionally as an architect and had a practice, but already in 2002 you were operating in relation to political and human rights activism. How did that come about? eyal weizman: I studied architecture at the Architecture Association School of Architecture in London and in 1996 spent my “year out” working in Tel Aviv. I wanted to volunteer for work at the Palestinian Ministry of Planning. It was the Oslo years, only a few months after [Prime Minister Yitzhak] Rabin was assas- sinated. The Ministry of Planning was on the seam between north Jerusalem and south Ramallah. I volunteered as a planner, but there was not much to do. The offices had large contingents of Norwegians who felt, I assume, responsible for the agreement that bore the name of their capital. I was doing all sorts of planning- assistant tasks, such as hand-rendering plans and so on, when at some point, the planners thought of a better use of my time. As an Israeli, I had access to carto - graphic information that was not otherwise made available to the Palestinians. -
Geographers Mobilize: a Network-Diffusion Analysis of the Campaign to Free Ghazi-Walid Falah1
Geographers Mobilize: A Network-Diffusion Analysis of the Campaign to Free Ghazi-Walid Falah1 Mark de Socio Department of Geography & Geosciences, Salisbury University, USA; [email protected] Abstract: In summer 2006, Professor Ghazi-Walid Falah, a political geographer and editor- in-chief of the journal Arab World Geographer, was arrested by Israeli police after taking photographs of rural landscapes in Northern Galilee. Falah was subsequently held for 23 days, incommunicado, and without charge. An international campaign to “Free Ghazi” was launched by his family, friends and colleagues, largely over academic listservs and other media. Utilizing social network analysis and contextualizing the campaign within structures of telecommunications technologies, the purpose of this paper is to assess the various factors that contributed to the campaign’s coalescence, its rapid development, and its global reach. Keywords: social networks, scale, political geography, Internet Introduction Kirby (1992:236) defines geography as what “geographers choose to do”. Ghazi-Walid Falah (2007:588) demonstrates that what geographers choose to do can, at times, be dangerous. Falah, for example, chose to research and write on the political geography of Palestine and Israel, beginning with his dissertation 25 years ago (Falah 1983). According to Falah, this career program of research runs counter to the hegemonic discourse—historical, political, or otherwise—concerning the geographies of Palestine and Israel (see, for example, Falah 1991, 1994, 1996, 2003). Consequently, Falah found himself under suspicion by the Israeli government as both a Palestinian and as a “rogue” scholar of political geography writing of the contested territories of Palestine/Israel within the broad framework of critical geopolitics (Morrissey 2006). -
Jerusalem: City of Dreams, City of Sorrows
1 JERUSALEM: CITY OF DREAMS, CITY OF SORROWS More than ever before, urban historians tell us that global cities tend to look very much alike. For U.S. students. the“ look alike” perspective makes it more difficult to empathize with and to understand cultures and societies other than their own. The admittedly superficial similarities of global cities with U.S. ones leads to misunderstandings and confusion. The multiplicity of cybercafés, high-rise buildings, bars and discothèques, international hotels, restaurants, and boutique retailers in shopping malls and multiplex cinemas gives these global cities the appearances of familiarity. The ubiquity of schools, university campuses, signs, streetlights, and urban transportation systems can only add to an outsider’s “cultural and social blindness.” Prevailing U.S. learning goals that underscore American values of individualism, self-confidence, and material comfort are, more often than not, obstacles for any quick study or understanding of world cultures and societies by visiting U.S. student and faculty.1 Therefore, international educators need to look for and find ways in which their students are able to look beyond the veneer of the modern global city through careful program planning and learning strategies that seek to affect the students in their “reading and learning” about these fertile centers of liberal learning. As the students become acquainted with the streets, neighborhoods, and urban centers of their global city, their understanding of its ways and habits is embellished and enriched by the walls, neighborhoods, institutions, and archaeological sites that might otherwise cause them their “cultural and social blindness.” Jerusalem is more than an intriguing global historical city. -
Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds an End to Antisemitism!
Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds An End to Antisemitism! Edited by Armin Lange, Kerstin Mayerhofer, Dina Porat, and Lawrence H. Schiffman Volume 5 Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds Edited by Armin Lange, Kerstin Mayerhofer, Dina Porat, and Lawrence H. Schiffman ISBN 978-3-11-058243-7 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-067196-4 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-067203-9 DOI https://10.1515/9783110671964 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. For details go to https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Library of Congress Control Number: 2021931477 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2021 Armin Lange, Kerstin Mayerhofer, Dina Porat, Lawrence H. Schiffman, published by Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston The book is published with open access at www.degruyter.com Cover image: Illustration by Tayler Culligan (https://dribbble.com/taylerculligan). With friendly permission of Chicago Booth Review. Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com TableofContents Preface and Acknowledgements IX LisaJacobs, Armin Lange, and Kerstin Mayerhofer Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds: Introduction 1 Confronting Antisemitism through Critical Reflection/Approaches -
Peace Initiatives Since the Annapolis Process
Chapter Five Peace Initiatives Since the Annapolis Process The Likud government led by Prime Minister Netanyahu came to power in 2009. In formulating policy toward the Palestinians, the fact that Prime Minister Olmert had proposed a very generous package to the Palestinians on the core issues and had not received a response—neither positive nor negative—influenced the Netanyahu government. The new government felt that this was further proof that the Palestinians did not desire an overall peace treaty, which included recognizing Israel as the Jewish homeland.14 Netanyahu’s government was concerned that Olmert’s proposals would serve as the opening positions in any renewal of the negotiations, proposals that the Likud party and most of the coalition parties did not support. Indeed, the Palestinian side did demand that the starting positions for renewed negotiations should be the Israeli positions presented in Olmert’s proposal, but without viewing them as a single package. This was in contrast to the Palestinian positions on the core issues, which did not deviate from their initial opening positions. Therefore, it was clear that the effort by President Obama to renew the negotiations by means of his special envoy, Senator George Mitchell, was doomed to failure. Mitchell felt that the differences in the positions as presented by the sides in the Annapolis process should be identified so that they could focus on bridging the gaps on the key issues— refugees, Jerusalem, borders and security, two homelands, the future of Gaza, and the end of -
B'tselem 2005 Annual Report
בצלם - מרכז המידע הישראלי לזכויות האדם בשטחים (ע.ר.) ﺒﺘﺴﻴﻠﻡ - ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﻠﻪ B’Tselem – The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories B’Tselem 2005 Activity Report Introduction _______________________________________________________________ 1 Summary of Activities and Highlights___________________________________________ 1 Topics Addressed ___________________________________________________________ 3 Gaza Before and After Disengagement_____________________________________________ 3 Settler Violence ________________________________________________________________ 4 Separation Barrierand Settlement Expansion _______________________________________ 5 Military Accountability _________________________________________________________ 7 Lethal Force during Arrests_____________________________________________________________ 7 Lethal Force and Lack of Military Investigations ____________________________________________ 8 Jerusalem_____________________________________________________________________ 9 Southern Hebron Hills _________________________________________________________ 10 House Demolitions ____________________________________________________________ 10 Death Penalty in the Palestinian Authority ________________________________________ 11 Additional Research Topics ____________________________________________________ 12 Resource and Information Center_____________________________________________ 12 Advocacy and Public Relations _______________________________________________ -
West Bank Settlement Homes and Real Estate Occupation
Neoliberal Settlement as Violent State Project: West Bank Settlement Homes and Real Estate Occupation Yael Allweil Faculty of Architecture and Town Planning, Technion and Israel Institute for Advanced Studies [email protected] Abstract Intense ideological debates over the legal status of West Bank settlements and political campaigns objecting to or demanding their removal largely neglect the underlying capitalist processes that construct these settlements. Building upon the rich scholarship on the interrelations of militarism and capitalism, this study explores the relationship between capitalist and militarist occupation through housing development. Pointing to neoliberalism as central to the ways in which militarism and capitalism have played out in Israeli settlement dynamics since 1967, this paper unpacks the mutual dependency of the Israeli settlement project on real estate capitalism and neoliberal governance. Through historical study of the planning, financing, construction, and architecture of settlement dwellings as real estate, as well as interviews and analysis of settler-produced historiographies, this paper identifies the Occupied Territories (OT) as Israel’s testing ground for neoliberal governance and political economy. It presents a complementary historiography for the settlement project, identifying three distinct periods of settlement as the product of housing real estate: neoliberal experimentation (1967-1994), housing militarization (1994-2005), and “real-estate-ization” (2005-present). Drawing on Maron and Shalev -
Israel: the Embattled Ally, (Cambridge: the Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1978), P
Australian National University THESES SIS/LIBRARY TELEPHONE: +61 2 6125 4631 R.G. MENZIES LIBRARY BUILDING NO:2 FACSIMILE: +61 2 6125 4063 THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY EMAIL: [email protected] CANBERRA ACT 0200 AUSTRALIA USE OF THESES This copy is supplied for purposes of private study and research only. Passages from the thesis may not be copied or closely paraphrased without the written consent of the author. THE INTIFADAH AND THE FATEFUL TRIANGLE: A LABYRINTH OF RHETORIC Shelley J. Pellegrino August 1990 A sub-thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Arts (International Relations), Department of International Relations, Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University. I certify that this thesis does not incorporate without acknowledgement any material submitted for a degree or diploma in any university, and to the best of my knowledge and belief, does not contain any material previously published or written by any other person except where due reference is made in the text. Shelley J. Pellegrino The Australian National University August 1990 TO MY PARENTS Victor and Wallette Pellegrino TO MY FAMILY Angela Terese Mahinamalamalama Mei-lyn Christopher Joseph Bailey Hoku-ao Wu-wei Blue Bear and Anzac ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This sub-thesis would not have seen fruition without the support and direction provided by Dr. Amin Saikal of the Department of Political Science, and Dr. Jan Pettman of the Peace Research Centre. I would also like to express my gratitude to Greg Fry, Convenor of the Master of Arts (International Relations) program, and to Richard Leaver for his valued assistance and always-jovial nature. -
Palestinian Nonviolent Resistance to Occupation Since 1967
FACES OF HOPE A Campaign Supporting Nonviolent Resistance and Refusal in Israel and Palestine AFSC Middle East Resource series Middle East Task Force | Fall 2005 Palestinian Nonviolent Resistance to Occupation Since 1967 alestinian nonviolent resistance to policies of occupa- tion and injustice dates back to the Ottoman (1600s- P1917) and British Mandate (1917-1948) periods. While the story of armed Palestinian resistance is known, the equally important history of nonviolent resistance is largely untold. Perhaps the best-known example of nonviolent resistance during the mandate period, when the British exercised colo- nial control over historic Palestine, is the General Strike of 1936. Called to protest against British colonial policies and the exclusion of local peoples from the governing process, the strike lasted six months, making it the longest general strike in modern history. Maintaining the strike for so many months required great cooperation and planning at the local Residents of Abu Ghosh, a village west of Jerusalem, taking the oath level. It also involved the setting up of alternative institu- of allegiance to the Arab Higher Committee, April 1936. Photo: Before tions by Palestinians to provide for economic and municipal Their Diaspora, Institute for Palestine Studies, 1984. Available at http://www. passia.org/. needs. The strike, and the actions surrounding it, ultimately encountered the dilemma that has subsequently been faced again and to invent new strategies of resistance. by many Palestinian nonviolent resistance movements: it was brutally suppressed by the British authorities, and many of The 1967 War the leaders of the strike were ultimately killed, imprisoned, During the 1967 War, Israel occupied the West Bank, or exiled.