South Africa Elections: the ‘Ramaphoria’ Has Waned May 14, 2019
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Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism. -
South African N Volume 23 – Number 15 N 3 May 2019 N 28 Nisan 5779
south african n Volume 23 – Number 15 n 3 May 2019 n 28 Nisan 5779 The source of quality content, news and insights t www.sajr.co.za Art Deco 19th century Royal Worcester hand painted diamond ring moon vases decorated with irises SOLD R9,000 SOLD R12,000 Art, antiques, objets d’art , furniture, and jewellery Art & antiques auction on 11 May 2019 9:30am Josef Lorenzl, cold painted bronze and View upcoming auction highlights at www.rkauctioneers.co.za ivory figurine on agate base 011 789 7422 • 083 675 8468 • 12 Allan Road, Bordeaux, Johannesburg SOLD R8,500 south african n Volume 23 – Number 15 n 3 May 2019 n 28 Nisan 5779 The source of quality content, news and insights t www.sajr.co.za South African in shul during San Diego shul shooting TALI FEINBERG constant threat of rockets there. now,” he says. “South Africa is living in the area expressed their says, referring to the actions “This is a quiet town, and the usually 20 years behind the United shock at the shooting. “I heard the of the current United States ubrey Meyerowitz, shul is in a quiet lane. There was States, but in security at shuls and news when I got home from shul, administration. “It is a passive or originally from no security because no one ever public places, South Africa is 20 and was simply flabbergasted,” even active consent to allow them Johannesburg, was in the expected this to happen here,” years ahead.” says Howard Schachat, originally to behave in a way they would ChabadA shul of Poway, California, says Meyerowitz, who had even He says the America of today from Cape Town. -
Opposition Parties Sustaining Multiparty Democracy?
Briefing Paper 292 June 2012 Opposition Parties Sustaining Multiparty Democracy? 1. Introduction whole faces an existential crisis.4 As a result, concerns have been raised about whether South Africa’s electoral system is designed to opposition parties will survive, and equally, sustain a multiparty democracy.1 The about the quality of multiparty democracy in proportional representation (PR) system South Africa. facilitates the proliferation of political parties and, in turn, encourages electoral competition. The number of registered parties has increased 2. Background from around 157 in September 20082 to just over 190 in early 2011. Some 42 parties contested the A multiparty system is characterised by 2009 elections compared to the 26 parties in competition between more than two political 1999 and 27 parties in 1994; this number grew parties. Democratic theorists explain that under to 37 in 2004. In addition, there has been a this system many parties exist with equal significant increase in parties contesting at the chances of becoming governing parties, either local level. Last year, the Independent Electoral individually or through coalitions.5 Thus, in an Commission (IEC) announced that 121 parties ideal multiparty democracy, prospects for a one‐ contested the 2011 municipal elections, party state or a dominant party emerging are compared to 97 parties in 2006 and 79 in 2000. relatively small. A classic example is Germany: This growth in the number of parties is, some two major parties, the Social Democratic Party would argue, good for the sustainability of (SDP) and the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), multiparty democracy; it certainly indicates that have ruled the country for over 60 years through people are free to form parties, to register them political coalitions which have also involved and to campaign for votes. -
TV on the Afrikaans Cinematic Film Industry, C.1976-C.1986
Competing Audio-visual Industries: A business history of the influence of SABC- TV on the Afrikaans cinematic film industry, c.1976-c.1986 by Coenraad Johannes Coetzee Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Art and Sciences (History) in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Dr Anton Ehlers December 2017 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za THESIS DECLARATION By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. December 2017 Copyright © 2017 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS Historical research frequently requires investigations that have ethical dimensions. Although not to the same extent as in medical experimentation, for example, the social sciences do entail addressing ethical considerations. This research is conducted at the University of Stellenbosch and, as such, must be managed according to the institution’s Framework Policy for the Assurance and Promotion of Ethically Accountable Research at Stellenbosch University. The policy stipulates that all accumulated data must be used for academic purposes exclusively. This study relies on social sources and ensures that the university’s policy on the values and principles of non-maleficence, scientific validity and integrity is followed. All participating oral sources were informed on the objectives of the study, the nature of the interviews (such as the use of a tape recorder) and the relevance of their involvement. -
United Nations Human Rights Council Forum on Minority Issues
UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL FORUM ON MINORITY ISSUES Minorities in situations of humanitarian crises Geneva Switzerland 24 & 25 November 2016 Presented by: Advocate Anton Alberts – Freedom Front Plus South Africa We hereby submit a brief country-specific analysis of the Afrikaner and other minorities in South Africa. We focus specifically on the early warning stage of preventing a crisis. The Afrikaner and various other minorities, including the KhoiSan First Nation communities are experiencing increasing pressure from the government and related political parties. This pressure has taken on various form in law and in practice and is known as “Transformation”. Transformation’s meaning is informed by the term “representivity” and in essence means that all civil and governmental institutions must represent the demographic status of the country. This means that minorities will always be relegated to an inferior status as no organisation, community, business, school, university, and sports team will receive government support unless it reflects the demographic majoritarian status. This means that minorities may not have complete or majority representation of their own within these mentioned socio-spheres. This is a carefully crafted and insidious logic disguised as a constitutional imperative in terms of Section 9 of the Constitution that guarantees equality. The basic point of departure is that everyone is equal before the law and entitled to equal protection and benefit of the law. However, intervention can take legally place in order to ensure equity for those persons that were disadvantaged by unfair discrimination and it is upon this rule that the ANC-government has crafted its “Transformation” and “representivity”-logic where all of society must represent the demographic majority representation as their social-engineered solution. -
CALD Executive Mission to South Africa
CALD Executive Mission to South Africa Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats – Democratic Alliance Forging South-South Cooperation Among Political Parties 29 September - 5 October 2018 Saturday, 29 September 2018 Travel from Asia to Johannesburg (OR Tambo International Airport) Sunday, 30 September 2018 Variable Arrival and check-in at hotel Protea Hotel Marriott Johannesburg Wanderers Cnr. Corlett Drive & Rudd Road, Illovo 2196 South Africa T: +27 11 770 5500 F: +27 11 770 5555 E: [email protected] W: protea.marriott.com 13h30 Travel to Apartheid Museum 14h00 – 17h00 Apartheid Museum Visit 18h00 – 19h15 Welcome, introductions and programme overview With William Clayton and Kati Georgousaki With DA International Office Coordinator & FNF Programme Officer 19h15 – 21h00 Opening dinner Solly Msimanga, DA Gauteng Premier Candidate and With Executive Mayor of Tshwane 1 Monday, 1 October 2018 08h00 – 09h00 Breakfast and check-out of hotel 09h00 – 09h45 Travel to DA Campaign Headquarters Nkululeko House, Bruma, Johannesburg 09h45 – 10h15 Welcome and Introductions Nkululeko House, Bruma, Johannesburg 10h15 – 10h45 Tour of DA Campaign Headquarters Nkululeko House, Bruma, Johannesburg 10h45 – 11h30 The By-Elections Office With Gary van Wyk, DA Executive Director: By Elections and Political Activity Nkululeko House, Bruma, Johannesburg 11h30 – 12h00 Finger Food Snacks 12h00 – 12h45 Travel to Constitution Hill 12h45 – 15h00 Constitution Hill Visit 15h00 – 16h00 Travel to the Airport 16h00 – 17h00 Check-in 18h00 – 20h00 Flight to Cape -
Survey: English
Household Selection Procedure Start your walk pattern from the starting point indicated on the EA map. For each interview start walking in a different direction from the starting point. In other words: for the 1st interview walk in a northerly direction from the starting point, for the 2nd interview walk in the direct opposite direction (i.e. South), for the 3rd interview go at right angles to the direction of the 1st interview (i.e. go East or West), and for the 4th interview go in the direct opposite direction to the 3rd interview (i.e. East if you went West in the 3rd interview, or West if you went East in the 3rd interview). Use an interval of 10 houses between your starting point and the first house that you visit. If a call is unsuccessful, use the table below to record your progress until you make a successful call. Circle a code number for unsuccessful calls only. Continue walking and going to every 10 th house until you have a successful interview. Reasons for Unsuccessful Calls 5 H HH 1 HH 2 HH 3 HH 4 HH H 6 HH 7 HH 8 HH 9 HH HH 10 HH 11 HH 12 HH 13 HH 14 HH 15 HH 16 HH 17 HH 18 HH 19 HH 20 HH Refused to be interviewed 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Person selected was never at home 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 Household / Premises empty / inaccessible 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 for the survey period Not a South African citizen / spoke only a foreign 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 language Deaf / mute 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 Other (specify)___________________________ 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 Successful 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 A. -
Grondwet Christen Vervolging
vereis! Dit kan nie vir enige Afrikaner met 'n GRONDWET bietjie verstand moeilik wees om in te sien dat die grondwet in vyandskap met die Christen- bevorder Afrikaner staan nie. CHRISTEN VERVOLGING Deur Sydney Gregan Sedert 1994 het die Afrikaner so "aanpasbaar" geword by veranderde omstandighede dat daar na 23 jaar met reg gevra kan word: Het die Afrikaner nog (minimum)-waardes? Nou word Afrikaners opgeroep om hulle Pas het ons gesien hoe 'n wêreldse hof die skoolgeld te weerhou van skole indien die grondwet téén die Christelike godsdiens Christelike godsdiens by sulke skole in die slag uitgelê het. Het ons dan enigiets anders gaan bly. Die feit is dat die Christelike verwag? Het ons dan nie geweet dat dit 'n anti- gosdsdiens sedert 1994 so verwater het by Christelike grondwet is nie? 'n Grondwet wat Afrikaanse staatskole dat net die dop daarvan die mens eerder as God as uitgangspunt neem oorgebly het. Die godsdiens wat tans daar en alles wat vir die Christen en regte-Afrikaner beoefen word is 'n vormgodsdiens, een wat nie kosbaar en ononderhandelbaar is, ten gronde geskud sal word as die (leë) dop ook verwyder rig nie? word nie. Wat besef moet word is dat staatskole wat uitvoering gee aan 'n grondwet van 'n land verplig sal kan word om "godsdiensloos" te word. En boonop sal 'n ouer wat sy skoolgeld weerhou van 'n skool wat die grondwet gehoorsaam geen simpatie kan verwag van 'n balju wat sy bates kom opskryf In hierdie uitgawe...... Theresa May - Verkiesing Grondhervorming Tog is daar steeds mense wat hulleself Afrikaner Organisasies Christene noem en Afrikaans praat en 'n Blanke vel het wat die grondwet verdedig! Veral as hulle bevordering en hulle beroep dit Waarom Swartes vir Diktators stem Junie 2017 net omdat hy skoolgeld weerhou het nie! Dit is Gebeur dit nie moet ons besef dat dit baie laat polities naïef om 'n vergelyking te tref tussen 'n in die dag vir die Afrikaner geword het. -
Buying Into Kleinfontein: the Financial Implications of Afrikaner Self- Determination
Buying into Kleinfontein: The Financial Implications of Afrikaner Self- Determination by Johannes Stephanus van Wyk A dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree M.Soc.Sci.: Social Anthropology in the Department Anthropology and Archaeology University of Pretoria Faculty of Humanities Supervisor: Professor John Sharp October 2014 Declaration I, Johannes Stephanus van Wyk, declare that this dissertation is my own original work. Where secondary material has been used (either from a printed source or from the internet), this has been carefully acknowledged and referenced in accordance with the Depart of Anthropology and Archaeology, Faculty of Humanities and the University of Pretoria. Signature: ______________________ Date: _________________ ii Acknowledgements As with most studies of this kind I owe a considerable debt of gratitude to those who offered their time and thoughtful opinions to me during the course of my field research in Kleinfontein. This includes everyone who I encountered during this time. Two people stood out in this regard. Dina de Jager opened her home to me for a considerable length of time; she went a step further by making connections to other people for me. Without her I would not have been able to complete my research. Thanks also go to Pieter du Preez who acted as a gatekeeper for me and was someone with whom I could consult whenever the need arose. Naturally I am also thankful for the people in the Department of Anthropology and Archaeology at the University of Pretoria where I have developed my intellectual thinking skills since my undergraduate days. Apart from this it has also afforded me the opportunity to find and enjoy dignity. -
Democratic Development in Africa Through the Lens of the Sixth South African Elections
DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA THROUGH THE LENS OF THE SIXTH SOUTH AFRICAN ELECTIONS On 8 May 2019, South Africa went to the polls to elect a new National Assembly and provincial legislatures in each province. These were the sixth elections held since the end of apartheid in 1994. The National Assembly election was won by the ruling African National Congress (ANC) albeit with a reduced margin compared to all the five previous elections since 1994. It was the first time the winning margin had fallen below the symbolically important threshold of 60 percent thus representing ANC’s worst performance. Nevertheless, these results follow a set pattern that shows a steady erosion of support for the dominant party (ANC) over the past three national elections. ANC garnered 57.50 percent of the vote compared to 62.15 percent in the previous elections held in 2014. The official opposition party Democratic Alliance (DA) won 20.77 percent of the votes, a two-percent dip compared to 2014; while the Economic Freedom Fighters party (EFF)’s support significantly grew from 6.35 percent in 2014, to almost 11 percent in 2019. The Freedom Front Plus (FF+)’s performance also grew from 0.9 percent to 2.38 percent of the vote, which was its highest vote share since its founding. Both the ANC and DA support seems to be waning while the newcomers in particular the far- left Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) of the former ANC youth league leader Julius Malema which has stirred up South African politics, seems to be gaining popularity. -
Competition for the ANC WP Dominant Party Losing Youth and Poorer Sections of South African Population
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments Competition for the ANC WP Dominant Party Losing Youth and Poorer Sections of South African Population Melanie Müller S South Africa’s governing party, the African National Congress (ANC), will elect a new president in December 2017. This person will also stand for the office of President of South Africa at the beginning of 2019 when President Jacob Zuma reaches the maximum number of two consecutive terms allowed by the country’s constitution. It is currently unclear whether he can finish his final term. Since the dismissal of finance minister, Pravin Gordhan, resistance against Zuma has reached a new climax. A broad alliance of civil society groups, trade unions and party representatives, even some from within his own party, have called for his resignation. Although these protests are aimed directly at Zuma, the causes of the dissatisfaction lie deeper. The ANC has not been able to success- fully address the country’s social challenges. In addition, corruption and mismanage- ment have shaken confidence. For a long time, the former liberation movement was considered the only party to vote for by the black population. In the past four years, how- ever, the ANC has faced serious competition from the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF). Given the loss of meaning of the ANC, the South African party system is changing. In the 2014 parliamentary elections, the network. However, the ANC did not succeed ANC failed to achieve a two-thirds majority in overcoming social injustice in South – for the first time in the history of demo- Africa, as promised. -
Undermining the “Rainbow Nation”? the Economic Freedom Fighters and Left-Wing Populism in South Africa
Undermining the “Rainbow Nation”? The Economic Freedom Fighters and Left-wing Populism in South Africa Stephen R. Hurt* & Mikko Kuisma† Paper prepared for 66th Political Studies Association Annual International Conference Hilton Brighton Metropole, Brighton 21st – 23rd March 2016 Consider as work in progress Not for citation in this form, but comments very welcome * Senior Lecturer in International Relations, Department of Social Sciences, Oxford Brookes University, Gipsy Lane, Oxford, OX3 0BP, UK. Tel: +44 (0)1865 483972; E-mail: [email protected] † Senior Lecturer in International Relations, Department of Social Sciences, Oxford Brookes University, Gipsy Lane, Oxford, OX3 0BP, UK. Tel: +44 (0)1865 483995; E-mail: [email protected] The Economic Freedom Fighters and Left-wing Populism in South Africa Undermining the “Rainbow Nation”? The Economic Freedom Fighters and Left-wing Populism in South Africa Abstract Historically, three waves of populism are often identified: agrarian populism in the US and Russia in the 19th century, post-war Latin American populism and new populism, which has been a predominantly European right-wing phenomenon. However, the third wave of populism, even in Europe, now needs to be supplemented with the recent emergence of populist left parties and movements like Podemos in Spain and Syriza in Greece, Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and Evo Morales in Bolivia. There are also good reasons for broadening the focus beyond Europe and Latin America. This paper looks at the recently formed Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) led by Julius Malema in South Africa. We argue that EFF could be understood as a particularly African articulation of left-wing populism.