How the ANC, the DA and the EFF Construct South Africa As a Nation

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How the ANC, the DA and the EFF Construct South Africa As a Nation How the ANC, the DA and the EFF construct South Africa as a nation by Anja Koekemoer Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Political Science in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Dr Ubanesia Adams-Jack December 2017 i Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Declaration By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third-party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Date: December 2017 Copyright © 2017 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved ii Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ABSTRACT The ‘nation’ is a powerful social construct. How it is understood has significant consequences for a society and its people. Actors compete for the ability to define the ‘nation’ as a means to spread their views and influence. Consequently, the conceptualisation of the nation remains subject to discursive contest and susceptible to change. South Africa is no stranger to the nation being redefined. Pre-1994 South Africa was shaped by segregationist policies. During apartheid, race determined national identity and the relationship among racial groups. The different ethnic nations co-existed in the South African territory, but they did not do so as equals. Non-white populations were oppressed and exploited and this provoked a struggle, which culminated in the country’s liberation in the 1990s with a negotiated settlement. The 1994 election symbolically marked the beginning of post-apartheid South Africa. It was also used as an opportunity to promote a reinvented South African nation. This ‘new’ national identity was to be based on inclusivity, equality and diversity. Archbishop coined the term ‘rainbow nation’ to reflect this vision for post-apartheid South Africa. The socio-political context in which South Africa as a nation is constructed has changed since 1994. Political parties have started to strategically focus on difference in order to win or maintain political support (Sarakinsky, 2001). This led to the research question of how three important political parties in South Africa, namely the African National Congress (ANC), the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), construct South Africa as a nation. Bacchi’s (2004) concept ‘problem representation’ was applied to official political party documents and political parties’ social media to examine their respective constructions of the nation. Bacchi (2004) argues that by using problem representations one can identify certain underlying assumptions that are implicitly being promoted by the construction of the problem. The concept ‘problem representation’ was used to identify what assumptions underpin their construction of the South African nation by analysing constructions of public policy problems and by looking at what these political parties find problematic about the notion of a Rainbow Nation. The ANC and the DA share a commitment to the ‘rainbow nation’. Both parties see unity, diversity and equality as desirable and as the foundation of South African national identity. In contrast, the EFF rejects the 1994 national narrative. They do not regard it as a reimagination iii Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za of South African national identity and dispute the premise that the ‘new’ South Africa is based on the principles of equality, unity and diversity. According to the EFF, the nation remains ethnically, or racially, defined and black people remains subjugated. Support for the EFF indicates that political parties can benefit from promoting an alternative construction of the nation. However, discarding an inclusive, civic national identity can come at the cost of developing a more socially cohesive South Africa in the long run. iv Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za OPSOMMING Die begrip ‘nasie’ is ‘n kragtige sosiale konstruksie. Die verstaan hiervan het beduidende gevolge vir die samelewing en sy mense. Die begrip word gebruik om beleid te formuleer en speel daarom ‘n groot rol in die vorming van standpunt en uitbreiding van invloed in die samelewing. Gevolglik bly die konseptualisering van die ‘nasie’ onderhewig aan diskursiewe geskille en vatbaar vir verandering. Om ‘n nasie so te herdefinieer is natuurlik nie vreemd aan Suid-Afrika nie. Voor 1994 was Suid-Afrika immers gevorm deur segregasie politiek. Gedurende apartheid het ras, en die verhouding tussen verskillende rasse, die nasionale identiteit bepaal. Die verskillende etniese groepe het so as aparte groepe van mekaar bestaan - nie as gelykes van mekaar nie. Nie-wit gemeenskappe is onderdruk en uitgebuit. Dit het gely tot die bevrydingstryd wat uitgeloop het op die onderhandelde skikking in die 1990’s. Die 1994-verkiesing het egter die simboliese begin van post-apartheid Suid-Afrika beteken. Dit was ook ‘n geleentheid om ‘n ‘nuwe’ Suid-Afrikaanse nasie te vestig. Inklusiwiteit, gelykheid en diversiteit sou die fondasie vir die ‘nuwe’ nasionale identiteit vorm. Hiervoor het aartsbiskop Desmond Tutu die konsep van ‘n ‘reёnboognasie’ geskep. Dit moes ‘n nuwe droom vir post-apartheid Suid-Afrika weerspieël. Die sosiale konteks waarin Suid-Afrika as ‘n nasie gevorm is, het egter sedert 1994 verander. Politieke partye het strategies al meer gefokus op verskille in ‘n poging om politieke steun te behou of te werf (Sarakinsky, 2001). Dit het gely tot hierdie navorsing waarin die vraag beantwoord word oor hoe drie belangrike politieke partye in Suid-Afrika, naamlik die African National Congress (ANC), die Demokratiese Alliansie (DA) en die Ekonomiese Vryheidsvegters (EFF) Suid-Afrika as a nasie definieer. Bacchi (2004) se konsep van ‘probleemvoorstelling’ is aangewend in die bestudering van amptelike dokumente en sosiale media van die verskillende politieke partye, om die verskille in die verstaan van ‘n ‘nasie’ uit te wys. Bacci (2004) voer aan dat deur die konsep van ‘probleemvoorstelling’ onderliggende vertrekpunte reeds eksplisiet bevorder word. Die konsep van ‘probleemvoorstelling’ is gebruik om te identifiseer watter aannames gebruik word in die konstruksie van die Suid-Afrikaanse nasie. Dit is gedoen deur openbare beleidsprobleme te ontleed en agter te kom wat hierdie politieke partye as problematies ervaar in die idee van ‘n Reënboognasie. v Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Die ANC en die DA deel ‘n verbintenis tot die konsep van ‘n ‘reёnboognasie’. Albei partye sien eenheid, diversiteit en gelykheid as wenslik en as die grondslag in hul konstruksie van ‘n nuwe Suid-Afrikaanse nasie. In teenstelling hiermee verwerp die EFF hierdie nasionale narratief van 1994. Hulle beskou dit nie as 'n herkenning van Suid-Afrikaanse nasionale identiteit nie en betwis die veronderstelling dat die 'nuwe' Suid-Afrika gebaseer is op die beginsels van gelykheid, eenheid en diversiteit. Volgens die EFF bly die nasie etnies of rassisties gedefinieer en swartmense bly onderdruk. Ondersteuning vir die EFF dui daarop dat politieke partye wel voordeel kan trek uit die bevordering van 'n alternatiewe konstruksie van die nasie. Die wegdoen van 'n inklusiewe, burgerlike nasionale identiteit kan egter op die lange duur ten koste wees van ‘n groter eenheid (kohesie) tussen alle Suid-Afrikaners. vi Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my parents, whose support has only ever been matched by their love. None of this would have been possible without them, nor without the Lord we share. Consider this completed thesis dedicated to you as a token of my sincere gratitude. I would also like to thank my supervisor, Dr Ubanesia Adams-Jack. Her support was continuous and a source of great comfort. I cannot express how much I appreciated and enjoyed our discussions. I would not want to submit this thesis without her influence. I am, as always, much obliged to her for her efforts and patience. vii Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ANC - African National Congress ANCYL - African National Congress Youth League CPSA - Communist Party of South Africa DA - Democratic Alliance DP - Democratic Party EFF - Economic Freedom Fighters NP - National Party PP - Progressive Party RDP - Reconstruction and Development Programme PRP - Progressive Reform Party RP - Reform Party viii Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION iii ABSTRACT iv OPSOMMING v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS viii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES 1. Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1. Introduction and background 1 1.1.1. The nation: ethnic and civil 2 1.1.2. The nation as a social construct 5 1.1.3. The changing idea of the nation in South Africa 7 1.1.4. Is the Rainbow Nation a fading ideal? 9 1.2. Methodology 11 1.2.1. Data Collection 12 1.2.1.1. Documents 13 1.2.1.2. Social Media 13 1.2.2. Data Analysis 14 1.3. Chapter Outline 15 2. Chapter 2: Literature Review 2.1. Introduction 17 2.2. The nation as a hegemonic social construct 17 2.3. The ‘rainbow nation’ as a dominant national construct 19 2.4. National identity following 1994 22 2.5. The ‘rainbow nation’ as an unattained ideal 24 2.5.1. South Africa as racially divided under a doctrine of non-racialism 24 2.5.2. Sentiments of who belongs in South Africa 27 2.6. Approaches to the study of the ‘nation’ 29 2.7. Works which have made use of Bacchi 31 ix Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za 2.8. Conclusion 32 3. Chapter 3. Descriptions of the ANC, the DA and the EFF as political parties 3.1. Introduction 34 3.2. ANC 3.2.1. South Africa’s national liberation movement 34 3.2.2. An organisation with an amalgam of political ideologies 35 3.2.3.
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