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Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism. -
Opposition Parties Sustaining Multiparty Democracy?
Briefing Paper 292 June 2012 Opposition Parties Sustaining Multiparty Democracy? 1. Introduction whole faces an existential crisis.4 As a result, concerns have been raised about whether South Africa’s electoral system is designed to opposition parties will survive, and equally, sustain a multiparty democracy.1 The about the quality of multiparty democracy in proportional representation (PR) system South Africa. facilitates the proliferation of political parties and, in turn, encourages electoral competition. The number of registered parties has increased 2. Background from around 157 in September 20082 to just over 190 in early 2011. Some 42 parties contested the A multiparty system is characterised by 2009 elections compared to the 26 parties in competition between more than two political 1999 and 27 parties in 1994; this number grew parties. Democratic theorists explain that under to 37 in 2004. In addition, there has been a this system many parties exist with equal significant increase in parties contesting at the chances of becoming governing parties, either local level. Last year, the Independent Electoral individually or through coalitions.5 Thus, in an Commission (IEC) announced that 121 parties ideal multiparty democracy, prospects for a one‐ contested the 2011 municipal elections, party state or a dominant party emerging are compared to 97 parties in 2006 and 79 in 2000. relatively small. A classic example is Germany: This growth in the number of parties is, some two major parties, the Social Democratic Party would argue, good for the sustainability of (SDP) and the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), multiparty democracy; it certainly indicates that have ruled the country for over 60 years through people are free to form parties, to register them political coalitions which have also involved and to campaign for votes. -
TV on the Afrikaans Cinematic Film Industry, C.1976-C.1986
Competing Audio-visual Industries: A business history of the influence of SABC- TV on the Afrikaans cinematic film industry, c.1976-c.1986 by Coenraad Johannes Coetzee Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Art and Sciences (History) in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Dr Anton Ehlers December 2017 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za THESIS DECLARATION By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. December 2017 Copyright © 2017 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS Historical research frequently requires investigations that have ethical dimensions. Although not to the same extent as in medical experimentation, for example, the social sciences do entail addressing ethical considerations. This research is conducted at the University of Stellenbosch and, as such, must be managed according to the institution’s Framework Policy for the Assurance and Promotion of Ethically Accountable Research at Stellenbosch University. The policy stipulates that all accumulated data must be used for academic purposes exclusively. This study relies on social sources and ensures that the university’s policy on the values and principles of non-maleficence, scientific validity and integrity is followed. All participating oral sources were informed on the objectives of the study, the nature of the interviews (such as the use of a tape recorder) and the relevance of their involvement. -
United Nations Human Rights Council Forum on Minority Issues
UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL FORUM ON MINORITY ISSUES Minorities in situations of humanitarian crises Geneva Switzerland 24 & 25 November 2016 Presented by: Advocate Anton Alberts – Freedom Front Plus South Africa We hereby submit a brief country-specific analysis of the Afrikaner and other minorities in South Africa. We focus specifically on the early warning stage of preventing a crisis. The Afrikaner and various other minorities, including the KhoiSan First Nation communities are experiencing increasing pressure from the government and related political parties. This pressure has taken on various form in law and in practice and is known as “Transformation”. Transformation’s meaning is informed by the term “representivity” and in essence means that all civil and governmental institutions must represent the demographic status of the country. This means that minorities will always be relegated to an inferior status as no organisation, community, business, school, university, and sports team will receive government support unless it reflects the demographic majoritarian status. This means that minorities may not have complete or majority representation of their own within these mentioned socio-spheres. This is a carefully crafted and insidious logic disguised as a constitutional imperative in terms of Section 9 of the Constitution that guarantees equality. The basic point of departure is that everyone is equal before the law and entitled to equal protection and benefit of the law. However, intervention can take legally place in order to ensure equity for those persons that were disadvantaged by unfair discrimination and it is upon this rule that the ANC-government has crafted its “Transformation” and “representivity”-logic where all of society must represent the demographic majority representation as their social-engineered solution. -
37532 3-2 Icasa Layout 1
Government Gazette Staatskoerant REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA REPUBLIEK VAN SUID-AFRIKA Vol. 586 Pretoria, 3 April 2014 No. 37532 N.B. The Government Printing Works will not be held responsible for the quality of “Hard Copies” or “Electronic Files” submitted for publication purposes AIDS HELPLINE: 0800-0123-22 Prevention is the cure 401408—A 37532—1 2 No. 37532 GOVERNMENT GAZETTE, 3 APRIL 2014 IMPORTANT NOTICE The Government Printing Works will not be held responsible for faxed documents not received due to errors on the fax machine or faxes received which are unclear or incomplete. Please be advised that an “OK” slip, received from a fax machine, will not be accepted as proof that documents were received by the GPW for printing. If documents are faxed to the GPW it will be the sender’s respon- sibility to phone and confirm that the documents were received in good order. Furthermore the Government Printing Works will also not be held responsible for cancellations and amendments which have not been done on original documents received from clients. CONTENTS • INHOUD Page Gazette No. No. No. GENERAL NOTICE Independent Communications Authority of South Africa General Notice 266 Electronic Communications Act (36/2005): Party Election Broadcasts (PEBs) during 2014 election broadcast period ............................................................................................................................................................................. 3 37532 This gazette is also available free online at www.gpwonline.co.za STAATSKOERANT, 3 APRIL 2014 No. 37532 3 GENERAL NOTICE NOTICE 266 OF 2014 IC INDEPENDENT COMMUNICATIONS AUTHORITY OF SOUTH AFRICA PARTY ELECTION BROADCASTS (PEBs) DURING 2014 ELECTION BROADCAST PERIOD I, DR Stephen Mncube, Chairperson of the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa ("the Authority") here by publish, the schedule to monitor Party Election Broadcasts (PEBs)during the election broadcast period in terms of Sections 56, 57, 58 and 59 of the Electronic Communications Act No. -
Analysing National Freedom Party V Electoral Commission and Another
afrika focus — Volume 33, Nr. 1, 2020 — pp. 49-58 IMPLICATIONS OF THE FAILURE TO PAY THE REQUIRED ELECTORAL DEPOSIT IN SOUTH AFRICA: ANALYSING NATIONAL FREEDOM PARTY V ELECTORAL COMMISSION AND ANOTHER Angelo Dube Department of Public, Constitutional and International Law, University of South Africa, South Africa The right to participate in elections is one of the cornerstones of any democratic country. This is true of South Africa’s electoral process, which was put to the test in the case of National Freedom Party v Electoral Commission in 2016. To promote free and fair elections, certain safeguards must be put in place. These include notifying the Electoral Commission of an intention to participate in elections through the payment of a deposit on a specified date by the party intending to participate in elections, and the publication of an election timetable by the government. This research has found that once published, the Electoral Commission has no power to change the electoral timetable. The only remedy for a party that fails to comply with the electoral prescripts such as the payment of an electoral deposit lies under section 11(2)(a) of the South African Local Government: Municipal Electoral Act. Additionally, it found that the concept of free and fair elections takes into account the interests of all parties concerned, and not just that of the party that alleges unfairness stemming from the exclusion. Whilst the exclusion of a party can lead to the violation of certain fundamental rights, such as the right to regular free and fair elections, and the right to vote, it is important to note that this case clearly establishes the legal position that a party’s failure to comply with the legal prescripts, will bar that political party from obtaining a remedy for exclusion. -
ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS SUBMISSION to Justice Moseneke Inquiry on Free and Fair Local Government Elections During COVID: 02 July 2021
ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS SUBMISSION TO Justice Moseneke Inquiry on Free and Fair Local Government Elections during COVID: 02 July 2021 A. Introduction 1. Section 19 of the Constitution says, “every citizen is free to make political choices, which includes the right— (a) to form a political party; (b) to participate in the activities of, or recruit members for, a political party; and (c) to campaign for a political party or cause”. 2. To enable this important Constitutional Clause, Section 190(1) of the Constitution obliges the Independent Electoral Commission as an institution designated to strengthen constitutional democracy to do the following: a. Manage elections of national, provincial, and municipal legislative bodies in accordance with national legislation. b. Ensure that those elections are free and fair. 3. We are here to make a submission that if the Local Government Elections scheduled for the 27th of October 2021 proceed under the current conditions, they will NOT BE FAIR, WILL NOT BE FREE AND WILL NOT BE HEALTHY. 4. Proceeding with elections in October 2021 will violate section 190(1 of the CONSTITUTION, which stipulates that the INDEPENDENT ELECTORAL COMMISSION must “ENSURE THAT THOSE ELECTIONS ARE FREE AND FAIR”. 5. WE AS LEADERS OF POLITICAL PARTIES, OUR MEMBERS AND BRANCHES ALWAYS LIVE UNDER THE THREAT OF BEING ARRESTED FOR VIOLATING THE DISASTER MANAGEMENT ACT. 6. If the SAPS proceed with arresting EFF leaders for violating the Disaster Management Act, it means the entire leadership and membership of the EFF will be arrested because if elections proceed, we will have no choice but to call political gatherings. -
Grondwet Christen Vervolging
vereis! Dit kan nie vir enige Afrikaner met 'n GRONDWET bietjie verstand moeilik wees om in te sien dat die grondwet in vyandskap met die Christen- bevorder Afrikaner staan nie. CHRISTEN VERVOLGING Deur Sydney Gregan Sedert 1994 het die Afrikaner so "aanpasbaar" geword by veranderde omstandighede dat daar na 23 jaar met reg gevra kan word: Het die Afrikaner nog (minimum)-waardes? Nou word Afrikaners opgeroep om hulle Pas het ons gesien hoe 'n wêreldse hof die skoolgeld te weerhou van skole indien die grondwet téén die Christelike godsdiens Christelike godsdiens by sulke skole in die slag uitgelê het. Het ons dan enigiets anders gaan bly. Die feit is dat die Christelike verwag? Het ons dan nie geweet dat dit 'n anti- gosdsdiens sedert 1994 so verwater het by Christelike grondwet is nie? 'n Grondwet wat Afrikaanse staatskole dat net die dop daarvan die mens eerder as God as uitgangspunt neem oorgebly het. Die godsdiens wat tans daar en alles wat vir die Christen en regte-Afrikaner beoefen word is 'n vormgodsdiens, een wat nie kosbaar en ononderhandelbaar is, ten gronde geskud sal word as die (leë) dop ook verwyder rig nie? word nie. Wat besef moet word is dat staatskole wat uitvoering gee aan 'n grondwet van 'n land verplig sal kan word om "godsdiensloos" te word. En boonop sal 'n ouer wat sy skoolgeld weerhou van 'n skool wat die grondwet gehoorsaam geen simpatie kan verwag van 'n balju wat sy bates kom opskryf In hierdie uitgawe...... Theresa May - Verkiesing Grondhervorming Tog is daar steeds mense wat hulleself Afrikaner Organisasies Christene noem en Afrikaans praat en 'n Blanke vel het wat die grondwet verdedig! Veral as hulle bevordering en hulle beroep dit Waarom Swartes vir Diktators stem Junie 2017 net omdat hy skoolgeld weerhou het nie! Dit is Gebeur dit nie moet ons besef dat dit baie laat polities naïef om 'n vergelyking te tref tussen 'n in die dag vir die Afrikaner geword het. -
South Africa Elections: the ‘Ramaphoria’ Has Waned May 14, 2019
South Africa Elections: The ‘Ramaphoria’ Has Waned May 14, 2019 Key Takeaways • On May 8, 2019, South Africa held elections to elect a new National Assembly, which in turn elects the president, and provincial leadership. The ruling Africa National Congress party (ANC) won 57.5 percent of the vote, marking the first victory for the ANC under the leadership of Cyril Ramaphosa, who has led the party since December 2017 and was appointed president in February 2018 following the resignation of the embattled Jacob Zuma. • In a blow to Ramaphosa and his allies, this is the first time the ANC received less than 60 percent of the national vote. The Democratic Alliance (DA) obtained 21 percent and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) won 11 percent nationally. • The country’s development has stalled in recent years amid poor business confidence and wary foreign capital lingering from the rampant corruption during the Zuma administration. Given the myriad challenges facing the country – including stagnant economic growth, the world’s highest levels of income inequality, widespread unemployment, and endemic poverty – many South Africa-watchers described the May elections as the most crucial since the birth of democracy and a referendum on voters’ confidence in the ANC. • The elections were the sixth and most hotly contested since the end of apartheid in 1994. A record number of parties, 48, were registered, a reflection of South Africa’s thriving democracy and a clear indication of the growing challenge to the ruling ANC’s dominance. There were 26.5 million eligible voters, with lower than normal turnout estimated at a mere 66 percent. -
Buying Into Kleinfontein: the Financial Implications of Afrikaner Self- Determination
Buying into Kleinfontein: The Financial Implications of Afrikaner Self- Determination by Johannes Stephanus van Wyk A dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree M.Soc.Sci.: Social Anthropology in the Department Anthropology and Archaeology University of Pretoria Faculty of Humanities Supervisor: Professor John Sharp October 2014 Declaration I, Johannes Stephanus van Wyk, declare that this dissertation is my own original work. Where secondary material has been used (either from a printed source or from the internet), this has been carefully acknowledged and referenced in accordance with the Depart of Anthropology and Archaeology, Faculty of Humanities and the University of Pretoria. Signature: ______________________ Date: _________________ ii Acknowledgements As with most studies of this kind I owe a considerable debt of gratitude to those who offered their time and thoughtful opinions to me during the course of my field research in Kleinfontein. This includes everyone who I encountered during this time. Two people stood out in this regard. Dina de Jager opened her home to me for a considerable length of time; she went a step further by making connections to other people for me. Without her I would not have been able to complete my research. Thanks also go to Pieter du Preez who acted as a gatekeeper for me and was someone with whom I could consult whenever the need arose. Naturally I am also thankful for the people in the Department of Anthropology and Archaeology at the University of Pretoria where I have developed my intellectual thinking skills since my undergraduate days. Apart from this it has also afforded me the opportunity to find and enjoy dignity. -
Democratic Development in Africa Through the Lens of the Sixth South African Elections
DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA THROUGH THE LENS OF THE SIXTH SOUTH AFRICAN ELECTIONS On 8 May 2019, South Africa went to the polls to elect a new National Assembly and provincial legislatures in each province. These were the sixth elections held since the end of apartheid in 1994. The National Assembly election was won by the ruling African National Congress (ANC) albeit with a reduced margin compared to all the five previous elections since 1994. It was the first time the winning margin had fallen below the symbolically important threshold of 60 percent thus representing ANC’s worst performance. Nevertheless, these results follow a set pattern that shows a steady erosion of support for the dominant party (ANC) over the past three national elections. ANC garnered 57.50 percent of the vote compared to 62.15 percent in the previous elections held in 2014. The official opposition party Democratic Alliance (DA) won 20.77 percent of the votes, a two-percent dip compared to 2014; while the Economic Freedom Fighters party (EFF)’s support significantly grew from 6.35 percent in 2014, to almost 11 percent in 2019. The Freedom Front Plus (FF+)’s performance also grew from 0.9 percent to 2.38 percent of the vote, which was its highest vote share since its founding. Both the ANC and DA support seems to be waning while the newcomers in particular the far- left Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) of the former ANC youth league leader Julius Malema which has stirred up South African politics, seems to be gaining popularity. -
Party Politics in Kenya and South Africa: the Conundrum of Ethnic and Race Relations
Open Access Library Journal 2020, Volume 7, e6383 ISSN Online: 2333-9721 ISSN Print: 2333-9705 Party Politics in Kenya and South Africa: The Conundrum of Ethnic and Race Relations John Rabuogi Ahere Peace Studies, School of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences, University of New England, Armidale, Australia How to cite this paper: Ahere, J.R. (2020) Abstract Party Politics in Kenya and South Africa: The Conundrum of Ethnic and Race Relations. Since the colonial period, group identity has affected politics in Kenya and Open Access Library Journal, 7: e6383. South Africa. Ethnicity and race are used to explain many issues in both https://doi.org/10.4236/oalib.1106383 countries including party politics. This article examines the linkages between Received: April 30, 2020 ethnic and race relations in the activities of political parties in both countries. Accepted: May 19, 2020 The article finds that ethnicity and race are endemic to the nature and opera- Published: May 22, 2020 tions of political parties in Kenya and South Africa. As a result, most political Copyright © 2020 by author(s) and Open parties formulate policies and allocate public goods and national resources Access Library Inc. along ethnic and racial lines in a bid to satisfy their support bases so as to This work is licensed under the Creative achieve and maintain political power. Commons Attribution International License (CC BY 4.0). Subject Areas http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Open Access Conflict Management, Conflict Prevention, Peace Studies Keywords Ethnicity, Race, Political Parties, Kenya, South Africa 1. Introduction With the advent of decolonisation, the greatest challenge for African leaders was in transferring their people’s tribal loyalties to the state, which would hencefor- ward serve as a multi-ethnic unifying factor (Keller 2014, p.