Ambition, Electoral Competition, and Legislative Representation in Mexico, 1997-2009 Yann P
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The Civil Society-Driven Anti-Corruption Push in Mexico During the Enrique
MEXICO CASE STUDY Rise and Fall: Mexican Civil Society’s Anti-Corruption Push in the Peña Nieto Years Roberto Simon AS/COA Anti Corruption Working Group Mexican Civil Society’s Anti-Corruption Push in the Peña Nieto Years Rise and Fall: Mexican Civil Society’s Anti-Corruption Push in the Peña Nieto Years Mexico City — “Saving Mexico” declared the cover of Time magazine, alongside a portrait of President Enrique Peña Nieto gazing confidently toward the future.1 Elected in 2012, Peña Nieto had been in power for only 15 months, yet already his bold reform agenda — dubbed the “Pacto por Mexico” (Pact for Mexico) — had made him a darling of global investors. Time noted that the president — “assisted by a group of young technocrats (including) Finance Minister Luis Videgaray and Pemex chief Emilio Lozoya” — was making history by breaking Mexico’s eight-decade state monopoly over the energy industry. “And the oil reform might not even be Peña Nieto’s most important victory,” the magazine said. There was “evidence” that Peña Nieto was about to “challenge Mexico’s entrenched powers.” While most investors focused on the deep regulatory changes under way, leading Mexican civil society organizations were looking at another critical promise in the Pacto por Mexico: fighting endemic corruption. “For centuries, corruption has been one of the central elements of the Mexican state (and) a constant in shaping the political system,” said Jorge Buendía, a prominent pollster and political analyst. A powerful governor from the 1960s to the 1980s allegedly once said that in Mexico “a poor politician is a poor politician.”2 And by the time Peña Nieto came to power, most in the country believed that things hadn’t really changed. -
Mexico Report Wolfgang Muno, Jörg Faust, Martin Thunert (Coordinator)
Mexico Report Wolfgang Muno, Jörg Faust, Martin Thunert (Coordinator) Sustainable Governance Indicators 2019 © vege - stock.adobe.com Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators SGI 2019 | 2 Mexico Report Executive Summary Considering Mexico’s experience with military and corporatist autocratic rule, the country has made significant progress over the last two decades with regard to electoral competition and its overall regulatory environment, including market-oriented reforms. Economic and political elites, as well as an increasing share of the middle-class, are technically well qualified, and have gained knowledge on how best to organize the country’s political, economic and social frameworks. Mexican policymakers at both the national and regional levels are well trained, internationally experienced and often equipped with high-level qualifications from Western universities. Mexico’s tertiary education system is increasingly competitive internationally as are several major firms, including an increasing number in the manufacturing sector. At the same time, Mexico suffers from structural problems that are uncommon among other OECD countries. These challenges mainly relate to the extremely unequal distribution of social benefits and services among the population, such as security and social opportunities. The resulting cleavages between geographic regions, rural and urban areas, and social classes are among the most pressing barriers to further socioeconomic progress. In addition, uneven state capacity, both geographically and across policy sectors, often undermines the effective and coherent implementation of policies. In comparison to most other OECD countries, Mexico’s GDP growth over the last decade was rather slow, the socioeconomic situation was marked by considerable inflation, the lowest tax-to-GDP ratio of any OECD country, and persistently high levels of poverty and inequality. -
A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary
A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the National Action Party, and the Democratic Revolutionary Party George W. Grayson February 19, 2002 CSIS AMERICAS PROGRAM Policy Papers on the Americas A GUIDE TO THE LEADERSHIP ELECTIONS OF THE PRI, PAN, & PRD George W. Grayson Policy Papers on the Americas Volume XIII, Study 3 February 19, 2002 CSIS Americas Program About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to—current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, formerly deputy secretary of defense, who has been president and CEO since April 2000. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author. © 2002 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. -
BACKGROUNDER No
BACKGROUNDER No. 3359 | NOVEMBER 1, 2018 After the Election of Andrés Manuel López Obrador: Charting the Road Ahead for U.S.–Mexico Relations Ana Rosa Quintana Abstract Mexico is one of the U.S.’s largest trade partners, behind only China Key Points and Canada. U.S. officials and their Mexican counterparts throughout many levels of government work together on a daily basis. From agri- n The partnership with Mexico is culture to border security to counterterrorism, this cooperation sup- one of the most important for the ports safety in both countries. Yet, Mexico is also the largest source of United States. It is a relationship in which foreign and domestic U.S.-bound narcotics, a dynamic fueled by growing U.S. demand. Since policies are intertwined due to the early days of the Trump Administration, recalibrating the rela- Mexico’s geographic proxim- tionship with Mexico has been a priority for the White House. From ity to America. Mexico is one of updating NAFTA to expanding cooperation on the migrant crisis in the U.S.’s largest trade partners, Central America, the White House has placed a premium on getting behind only China and Canada. the relationship right. The election of López Obrador as the next Mexi- n Violence and rampant insecurity can president presents the Trump Administration and Congress with have plagued Mexico for decades. an opportunity to win big on Mexico policy by broadening cooperation Despite broad cooperation with on regional challenges, review the new U.S.–Mexico–Canada Agree- the U.S., Mexico’s leaders have ment to ensure it strengthens trade in North America, and ramping up been unable to address its internal bilateral efforts on the Central American migrant crisis. -
Veracruz: Fixing Mexico’S State of Terror
Veracruz: Fixing Mexico’s State of Terror Latin America Report N°61 | 28 February 2017 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 149 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Mexico’s Flawed Transition .............................................................................................. 4 A. Weak Criminal Justice ............................................................................................... 4 B. War on Drugs ............................................................................................................. 6 C. Viceroyalties ............................................................................................................... 8 III. Private Fortunes and Public Fear: Corruption, Crime and Complicity ........................... 10 A. Looting of Public Funds ............................................................................................. 10 B. New Criminal Entrants .............................................................................................. 11 C. Criminal Security Forces .......................................................................................... -
FORTUNATE SONS of the MEXICAN REVOLUTION: MIGUEL ALEMÁN and HIS GENERATION, 1920-1952 by Ryan M. Alexander
FORTUNATE SONS OF THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION: MIGUEL ALEMÁN AND HIS GENERATION, 1920-1952 Item Type text; Electronic Dissertation Authors Alexander, Ryan M. Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 30/09/2021 16:37:29 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/216972 FORTUNATE SONS OF THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION: MIGUEL ALEMÁN AND HIS GENERATION, 1920-1952 by Ryan M. Alexander ________________________________ Copyright © Ryan M. Alexander 2011 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2011 2 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by Ryan M. Alexander, entitled “Fortunate Sons of the Mexican Revolution: Miguel Alemán and his Generation, 1920-1952,” and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. _______________________________________________________Date: Nov. 10, 2011 William H. Beezley _______________________________________________________Date: Nov. 10, 2011 Bert J. Barickman _______________________________________________________Date: Nov. 10, 2011 Kevin Gosner Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate’s submission of the final copies of the dissertation to the Graduate College. I hereby certify that I have read this dissertation prepared under my direction and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement. -
Cido Vega Papers, 1855-1864
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf996nb3vx No online items Guide to the Plácido Vega Papers, 1855-1864 Department of Special Collections Green Library Stanford University Libraries Stanford, CA 94305-6004 Phone: (650) 725-1022 Email: [email protected] URL: http://library.stanford.edu/spc © 1999 The Board of Trustees of Stanford University. All rights reserved. Guide to the Plácido Vega Papers, Special Collections M0098 1 1855-1864 Guide to the Plácido Vega Papers, 1855-1864 Collection number: M0098 Department of Special Collections and University Archives Stanford University Libraries Stanford, California Contact Information Department of Special Collections Green Library Stanford University Libraries Stanford, CA 94305-6004 Phone: (650) 725-1022 Email: [email protected] URL: http://library.stanford.edu/spc Processed by: Freyschlag Date Completed: 1965 June © 1999 The Board of Trustees of Stanford University. All rights reserved. Descriptive Summary Title: Plácido Vega Papers, Date (inclusive): 1855-1864 Collection number: Special Collections M0098 Creator: Vega, Plácido. Extent: 5.5 linear ft. Repository: Stanford University. Libraries. Dept. of Special Collections and University Archives. Language: English. Access Restrictions None. Publication Rights Property rights reside with the repository. Literary rights reside with the creators of the documents or their heirs. To obtain permission to publish or reproduce, please contact the Public Services Librarian of the Dept. of Special Collections. Provenance -
México 2017: El Gobierno En Desventaja Rumbo Al 2018
REVISTA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA / VOLUMEN 38 / N° 2 / 2018 / 303-333 MEXICO 2017: INCUMBENT DISADVANTAGE AHEAD OF 2018 México 2017: El gobierno en desventaja rumbo al 2018 EDWIN ATILANO ROBLES Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas (CIDE), Mexico ALLYSON LUCINDA BENTON Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas (CIDE), Mexico ABSTRACT Weak economic performance, high inflation, and a devalued peso drew criticism of the incumbent Institutional Revolutionary Party’s (PRI) economic and fiscal policy choices, and kept President Enrique Peña Nieto’s approval ratings low. The incum- bent PRI thus entered the 2018 electoral season in a weak position, with reduced chances of defeating its main opposition candidate, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, of the National Regeneration Movement (MORENA). Keywords: economic performance, Mexican earthquake, public security, NAFTA, PRI, public opinion, Mexico RESUMEN El débil desempeño, la alta inflación y la devaluación del peso crearon un escenario de críti- cas hacia las decisiones económicas y fiscales del partido en el gobierno, el Partido Revolucio- nario Institucional (PRI), y de igual forma facilitaron que el presidente Enrique Peña Nieto tuviera una baja tasa de aprobación. El PRI inició el periodo electoral de 2018 en una posi- ción débil, lo cual redujo sus posibilidades de derrotar al principal candidato de oposición, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, del Movimiento de Regeneración Nacional (MORENA). Palabras clave: desempeño económico, terremoto mexicano, seguridad pública, TLCAN, PRI, opinion pública, México EDWIN ATILANO ROBLES • ALLYSON LUCINDA BENTON I. INTRODUCTION Ongoing weak economic growth, important social concerns, and deteriorating security conditions during 2017 put the incumbent Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional or PRI) at a disadvantage ahead of the 2018 presidential race. -
Violence Against Journalists and Media Workers in Mexico and U.S
MEMORANDUM May 3, 2018 Subject: Violence Against Journalists and Media workers in Mexico and U.S. Policy From: Clare Ribando Seelke, Specialist in Latin American Affairs, [email protected], 7-5229 This memorandum was prepared to enable distribution to more than one congressional office. The following memorandum provides background information on threats to journalists in Mexico, Mexican government efforts to prevent and punish violence against journalists, and U.S. programs to support journalists and strengthen Mexico’s ability to protect them. For the purposes of this memorandum, the term “journalists” includes all media workers. Press Freedom in Mexico as Compared to Other Countries in Latin America In recent years, international press freedom organizations have expressed concerns about the deterioration of press freedom in many countries in Latin America, precipitated by an increase in violence and other attacks on journalists, as well as politically-driven attempts to curb or repress independent media. In 2017, 12 of the 22 journalist killings in the region documented in the annual report of the Special Rapporteur of Freedom of Expression of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) occurred in Mexico.1 Mexico, along with Brazil, ranks among the top ten countries globally with the highest rates of unsolved journalist murders as a percentage of their population in the Global Impunity Index published by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ).2 Increasing violent crimes against journalists and the impunity enjoyed by those who perpetrate those crimes have led to journalistic self-censorship in Mexico, inhibiting people’s access to information, government accountability, and freedom of expression. -
Revolutionary Tabasco in the Time of Tomás Garrido Canabal, 1922-1935 : a Mexican House Divided
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 1-1-2004 Revolutionary Tabasco in the time of Tomás Garrido Canabal, 1922-1935 : a Mexican house divided. Kristin A. Harper University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1 Recommended Citation Harper, Kristin A., "Revolutionary Tabasco in the time of Tomás Garrido Canabal, 1922-1935 : a Mexican house divided." (2004). Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014. 1132. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1/1132 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REVOLUTIONARY TABASCO IN THE TIME OF TOMAS GARRIDO CANABAL 1922-1935: A MEXICAN HOUSE DIVIDED A Dissertation Presented by KRISTIN A. HARPER Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY September 2004 Department of History © Copyright by Kristin A. Harper 2004 All Rights Reserved REVOLUTIONARY TABASCO IN THE TIME OF TOMAS GARRIDO CANABAL 1922-1935: A MEXICAN HOUSE DIVIDED A Dissertation Presented by KRISTIN A. HARPER Approved as to style and content by: Katherine Bliss, Chair Lowell Gudmundson, Member Luis Marentes, Member Department of History A( kn()wm:i>(;ivii:n is One of the rewards lor completing a tlissertalion is having the chance to remember and publicly thank all those who made it possible. First, I would like to thank my dissertation director, Kathenne Bliss, for her exceptional guidance of this project. -
A Guide to the 2004 Mexican State Elections
A Guide to the 2004 Mexican State Elections George W. Grayson July 2004 Western Hemisphere Election Study Series About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to—current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, former U.S. deputy secretary of defense. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former U.S. senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author. CSIS Americas Program Leadership Sidney Weintraub, director, Americas Program, and William E. Simon Chair in Political Economy Viviane Vanni, coordinator, Americas Program Armand Peschard-Sverdrup, director, Mexico Project Sara Rioff, research assistant, Mexico Project Miguel Diaz, director, South America Project Elizabeth Hetzler, research associate, South America Project Andre Belelieu, research associate, Canada Project © 2004 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. -
Mexico 2017 Human Rights Report
MEXICO 2017 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Mexico, which has 32 states, is a multiparty federal republic with an elected president and bicameral legislature. In 2012 President Enrique Pena Nieto of the Institutional Revolutionary Party won election to a single six-year term in elections observers considered free and fair. Citizens elected members of the Senate in 2012 and members of the Chamber of Deputies in 2015. Observers considered the June 2016 gubernatorial elections free and fair. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control over the security forces. The most significant human rights issues included involvement by police, military, and other state officials, sometimes in coordination with criminal organizations, in unlawful killings, disappearances, and torture; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions in some prisons; arbitrary arrests and detentions; intimidation and corruption of judges; violence against journalists by government and organized criminal groups; violence against migrants by government officers and organized criminal groups; corruption; lethal violence and sexual assault against institutionalized persons with disabilities; lethal violence against members of the indigenous population and against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex persons; and lethal violence against priests by criminal organizations. Impunity for human rights abuses remained a problem, with extremely low rates of prosecution for all forms of crimes. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings There were reports the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings, often with impunity. Organized criminal groups also were implicated in numerous killings, acting with impunity and at times in league with corrupt federal, state, local, and security officials.