BACKGROUNDER No

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

BACKGROUNDER No BACKGROUNDER No. 3359 | NOVEMBER 1, 2018 After the Election of Andrés Manuel López Obrador: Charting the Road Ahead for U.S.–Mexico Relations Ana Rosa Quintana Abstract Mexico is one of the U.S.’s largest trade partners, behind only China Key Points and Canada. U.S. officials and their Mexican counterparts throughout many levels of government work together on a daily basis. From agri- n The partnership with Mexico is culture to border security to counterterrorism, this cooperation sup- one of the most important for the ports safety in both countries. Yet, Mexico is also the largest source of United States. It is a relationship in which foreign and domestic U.S.-bound narcotics, a dynamic fueled by growing U.S. demand. Since policies are intertwined due to the early days of the Trump Administration, recalibrating the rela- Mexico’s geographic proxim- tionship with Mexico has been a priority for the White House. From ity to America. Mexico is one of updating NAFTA to expanding cooperation on the migrant crisis in the U.S.’s largest trade partners, Central America, the White House has placed a premium on getting behind only China and Canada. the relationship right. The election of López Obrador as the next Mexi- n Violence and rampant insecurity can president presents the Trump Administration and Congress with have plagued Mexico for decades. an opportunity to win big on Mexico policy by broadening cooperation Despite broad cooperation with on regional challenges, review the new U.S.–Mexico–Canada Agree- the U.S., Mexico’s leaders have ment to ensure it strengthens trade in North America, and ramping up been unable to address its internal bilateral efforts on the Central American migrant crisis. security crisis. n There are enduring difficulties ndrés Manuel López Obrador, known as AMLO, was elected in addressing Mexico’s security Apresident of Mexico on July 1 with the highest majority in Mex- challenges, growing U.S. demand ico’s history. His election also marks the first time that a third-par- for narcotics, and flows of ille- gal immigration. ty candidate won the presidency since Mexico first held elections in 1917. Similar to President Donald Trump, López Obrador cam- n Recalibrating the relationship with paigned on changing the political status quo. On December 1, he will Mexico has been a priority for Pres- ident Trump. The election of López assume the presidency, and his party MORENA and its coalition Obrador as next Mexican presi- allies, the Workers Party (PT) and Social Encounter Party (PES), dent presents the Trump Adminis- will have a majority in the Congress of the Union. Their coalition— tration with an opportunity to win Junto Haremos Historia—will control numerous state legislatures big on Mexico policy by broadening cooperation on regional chal- lenges, working with Congress to This paper, in its entirety, can be found at http://report.heritage.org/bg3359 pass the new U.S.–Mexico–Canada The Heritage Foundation 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE Agreement, and ramping up bilat- Washington, DC 20002 eral efforts on the Central Ameri- (202) 546-4400 | heritage.org can migrant crisis. Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress. BACKGROUNDER | NO. 3359 NOVEMBER 1, 2018 as well. López Obrador will inherit a country facing the vote and 31 of Mexico’s 32 states, the highest significant challenges from historically high levels majority in Mexico’s election history. A coalition of of violence, widespread corruption, and nearly half the New Alliance Party (PNA) and the Green Party of the country’s 127 million citizens living in poverty. of Mexico (PVEM) led by the PRI, Mexico’s incum- The partnership with Mexico is one of the most bent and historically dominant party, suffered major important for the United States. It is a relationship in setbacks in national, state, and local level elections. which foreign and domestic policies are intertwined PRI presidential candidate José Antonio Meade won due to Mexico’s geographic proximity to the United only 16 percent of the votes. Ricardo Anaya, candi- States. Mexico is one of the U.S.’s largest trade part- date for the PAN, earned 22 percent of the vote, even ners, behind only China and Canada. U.S. officials and after forming a coalition with the leftist Democrat- their Mexican counterparts throughout many levels ic Revolutionary Party (PRD).2 After the election, of government work together on a daily basis. From the PVEM and PRD split from PRI and will now be agriculture to border security to counterterrorism, working with the MORENA-led coalition. their cooperation supports safety in both countries. The congressional and gubernatorial results Yet, Mexico is also the largest source of U.S.-bound were equally as poor for the PRI-led and PAN-led narcotics, a dynamic fueled by growing U.S. demand. coalitions. The MORENA-led coalition won 54 per- Since the early days of the Trump Administration, cent of the seats in the Senate and 61.6 percent in the recalibrating the relationship with Mexico has been Chamber of Deputies, Mexico’s lower house, with a priority for the White House. From updating the MORENA winning the majority in both houses. By North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) contrast, the PRI coalition controls only 11.7 per- to expanding cooperation on the migrant crisis in cent of the seats in the Senate and 9.4 percent in the Central America, the White House has placed a pre- lower house. The PAN did not fare well either, with mium on getting the relationship right. The election 23.4 percent in the Senate and 21.6 percent in the of López Obrador presents the Trump Administra- lower house. Traditionally, either the PRI or the tion and Congress with an opportunity to win big on PAN coalition controlled the congress. The MORE- Mexico policy by broadening cooperation on region- NA coalition also won five of the nine gubernatorial al challenges, review the new U.S.–Mexico–Canada races in the election, and the party has a majority in Agreement to ensure it strengthens trade in North 19 of Mexico’s 32 state legislatures.3 America (USMCA), and ramping up bilateral efforts U.S. policymakers should follow the political on the Central American migrant crisis. changes in Mexico closely. MORENA has been around less than four years as a political party and yet man- Shake-up to Mexico’s Political System aged to alter Mexico’s political landscape. The move- Mexico’s traditional two-party system was ment was originally founded in 2012 by López Obra- upended with the 2018 elections. Going into the elec- dor as a nonprofit organization and later registered as tions, polling found that only 9 percent of Mexicans a political party following the 2012 presidential elec- had confidence in the country’s two-party system tion. Prior to creating MORENA, López Obrador was consisting of the center-left Institutional Revolu- a member of the PRI early in his political career and tionary Party (PRI) and center-right National Action later joined the PRD. He was the PRD’s presidential Party (PAN).1 Electoral results in 2018 reinforced candidate in the 2006 and 2012 elections, losing both. those findings with the historic election of a third- MORENA was founded by dissatisfied mem- party candidate. López Obrador won 53 percent of bers of Mexico’s leftist political parties. The party’s 1. “Solo 9% de Los Mexicanos Confía En Partidos Politicos; el Nivel Más Bajo en 22 Años” (Only 9 Percent of Mexicans Have Confidence in Political Parties; the Lowest Level in 22 Years), Animal Político, October 30, 2017, https://www.animalpolitico.com/2017/10/mexicanos-confia- partidos-politicos/ (accessed July 25, 2018). 2. Instituto Nacional Electoral, “Computos Distritales 2018: Presidencia–Nacional” (District Tallies 2018: Presidency–National), 2018, https:// computos2018.ine.mx/#/presidencia/nacional/1/1/1/1 (accessed July 25, 2018). 3. Central Electoral, “Concluye INE la Integración del Congreso de La Unión” (National Electoral Institute Finalizes Integration of the Congress of the Union), August 23, 2018, https://centralelectoral.ine.mx/2018/08/23/concluye-ine-la-integracion-del-congreso-de-la-union/ (accessed August 27, 2018). 2 BACKGROUNDER | NO. 3359 NOVEMBER 1, 2018 TABLE 1 Mexican Presidential Elections After coming in second in two consecutive presidential elections, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) was elected president in 2018 by the widest margin in Mexican history. WINNER % ND PLACE % RD PLACE % Vicente Fox (PAN) Francisco Labastida (PRI) Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas (PRD) Felipe Calderón (PAN) AMLO (PRD) Roberto Madrazo (PRI) Enrique Peña Nieto (PRI) AMLO (PRD) Josefi na Vázquez Mota (PAN) AMLO (MORENA) Ricardo Anaya Cortés (PAN) José Antonio Meade (PRI) SOURCE: Instituto Nacional Electoral, https://www.ine.mx/ (accessed September 24, 2018). BG3359 heritage.org political agenda is largely based on an anticorrup- state, and local government positions. Until 1997, tion platform. Members of MORENA believe that the PRI consistently controlled the congress by at Mexico’s dominant parties do not represent the will least a 50 percent majority. of the people but rather the “mobs in power.”4 The While Mexico held elections in the PRI era, they party criticizes neoliberal economic policies and were anything but free and fair.6 Successive PRI favors a stronger government role in the economy. administrations governed Mexico as an authoritari- It supports stronger unions and progressive social an regime that used state resources to maintain con- policies on issues like gay marriage. At times MORE- trol.7 Nobel Prize laureate Mario Vargas Llosa once NA has deviated from its leftist ideology and favored described it as “the perfect dictatorship.”8 The party pragmatic policies.
Recommended publications
  • Usmx-Pub-Outlook2020-011420
    MEXICO COUNTRY OUTLOOK 2020 January 2020 © 2020 Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and the Baker Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the Baker Institute for Public Policy. “Mexico Country Outlook 2020” Mexico Country Outlook 2020 I. Introduction No country has a greater impact on the daily lives of Americans than Mexico. Binational trade now exceeds $700 billion per year, encompassing the energy, manufacturing, agriculture, tourism, service, and retail industries. As many as 5 million U.S. jobs depend on America’s commercial relationship with Mexico. Cooperation between the two nations is crucial as both governments work to stem the flow of illegal drugs and undocumented migration, and to ensure a stable and secure North American region. Against this backdrop, the Center for the United States and Mexico conceived the idea for the Mexico Country Outlook, an annual program on the political, economic, regulatory, social, and security issues that will affect the process of doing business in Mexico in the coming year. The 2020 outlook also includes an analysis of current trends and expected developments, as well as insights on the U.S.-Mexico relationship during a period of heightened tensions. The content for the program draws on the expertise of center scholars, all of whom have lived and worked in Mexico for decades and whose perspectives are informed by rigorous, on-the-ground research and a network of academic, government and private-sector experts in Mexico and the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Espinosos Temas Del Nuevo Gobierno
    DE LA DIRECTORA Espinosos Temas del Natalia Vidales Rodríguez Directora General Nuevo Gobierno ste mes, inician en varios estados del país 18 foros Pero, por lo pronto, hay algo imposible de ocultar: que el nacionales convocados por el futuro régimen donde problema de la prohibición de las drogas se está “resolviendo” supuestamente se escuchará a la población para razonar no con una solución, sino generando otro problema, el de Elo concerniente a la legalización de la marihuana y tomar la la permisibilidad de algo dañino, guiándose por el aforismo mejor decisión. de que si las soluciones no resuelven el problema….hay que cambiar el problema. Se simulará una consulta donde se escucharán todas las voces para, en base a ello, decidir la conveniencia o no de Se reformó la Constitución para que en los temas torales se despenalizar la producción, consumo y distribución de la realizaran referéndums y plebiscitos. Pero como en esos casos Cannabis pero, en realidad, la decisión ya está tomada. ya se conoce el recelo del pueblo entonces se recurre a las consultas arregladas donde la conclusión se justificará con la Sin duda se dejará ahí proponer -en los foros que ya participación ciudadana. Un buen teatro, ni duda cabe. Un conocemos- a favor y en contra pero… solo para finalmente buen y costoso teatro. concluir que las mejores ideas y propuestas coincidieron con la iniciativa ya planteada por la futura Secretaria de El voto a favor de AMLO -como el que se brinda a los Gobernación Olga Sánchez Cordero y que enviará al Congreso. gobernantes- no fue un cheque en blanco para que lo llene a Luego entonces…ya podemos predecir la conclusión que su gusto, sino un Pagaré con vencimiento a la vista sobre las ¨encontrarán¨ en los foros.
    [Show full text]
  • The Civil Society-Driven Anti-Corruption Push in Mexico During the Enrique
    MEXICO CASE STUDY Rise and Fall: Mexican Civil Society’s Anti-Corruption Push in the Peña Nieto Years Roberto Simon AS/COA Anti Corruption Working Group Mexican Civil Society’s Anti-Corruption Push in the Peña Nieto Years Rise and Fall: Mexican Civil Society’s Anti-Corruption Push in the Peña Nieto Years Mexico City — “Saving Mexico” declared the cover of Time magazine, alongside a portrait of President Enrique Peña Nieto gazing confidently toward the future.1 Elected in 2012, Peña Nieto had been in power for only 15 months, yet already his bold reform agenda — dubbed the “Pacto por Mexico” (Pact for Mexico) — had made him a darling of global investors. Time noted that the president — “assisted by a group of young technocrats (including) Finance Minister Luis Videgaray and Pemex chief Emilio Lozoya” — was making history by breaking Mexico’s eight-decade state monopoly over the energy industry. “And the oil reform might not even be Peña Nieto’s most important victory,” the magazine said. There was “evidence” that Peña Nieto was about to “challenge Mexico’s entrenched powers.” While most investors focused on the deep regulatory changes under way, leading Mexican civil society organizations were looking at another critical promise in the Pacto por Mexico: fighting endemic corruption. “For centuries, corruption has been one of the central elements of the Mexican state (and) a constant in shaping the political system,” said Jorge Buendía, a prominent pollster and political analyst. A powerful governor from the 1960s to the 1980s allegedly once said that in Mexico “a poor politician is a poor politician.”2 And by the time Peña Nieto came to power, most in the country believed that things hadn’t really changed.
    [Show full text]
  • Mexico Report Wolfgang Muno, Jörg Faust, Martin Thunert (Coordinator)
    Mexico Report Wolfgang Muno, Jörg Faust, Martin Thunert (Coordinator) Sustainable Governance Indicators 2019 © vege - stock.adobe.com Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators SGI 2019 | 2 Mexico Report Executive Summary Considering Mexico’s experience with military and corporatist autocratic rule, the country has made significant progress over the last two decades with regard to electoral competition and its overall regulatory environment, including market-oriented reforms. Economic and political elites, as well as an increasing share of the middle-class, are technically well qualified, and have gained knowledge on how best to organize the country’s political, economic and social frameworks. Mexican policymakers at both the national and regional levels are well trained, internationally experienced and often equipped with high-level qualifications from Western universities. Mexico’s tertiary education system is increasingly competitive internationally as are several major firms, including an increasing number in the manufacturing sector. At the same time, Mexico suffers from structural problems that are uncommon among other OECD countries. These challenges mainly relate to the extremely unequal distribution of social benefits and services among the population, such as security and social opportunities. The resulting cleavages between geographic regions, rural and urban areas, and social classes are among the most pressing barriers to further socioeconomic progress. In addition, uneven state capacity, both geographically and across policy sectors, often undermines the effective and coherent implementation of policies. In comparison to most other OECD countries, Mexico’s GDP growth over the last decade was rather slow, the socioeconomic situation was marked by considerable inflation, the lowest tax-to-GDP ratio of any OECD country, and persistently high levels of poverty and inequality.
    [Show full text]
  • A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary
    A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the National Action Party, and the Democratic Revolutionary Party George W. Grayson February 19, 2002 CSIS AMERICAS PROGRAM Policy Papers on the Americas A GUIDE TO THE LEADERSHIP ELECTIONS OF THE PRI, PAN, & PRD George W. Grayson Policy Papers on the Americas Volume XIII, Study 3 February 19, 2002 CSIS Americas Program About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to—current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, formerly deputy secretary of defense, who has been president and CEO since April 2000. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author. © 2002 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Mslr July 2021
    Mexican Strategic Landscape Monthly report JUNE 2021 REGIONS OF MÉXICO NORTHWESTERN NORTHEASTERN WESTERN-BAJÍO CENTRAL SOUTHERN YUCATÁN PENINSULA The Mexican Strategic Landscape Report is a monthly publication of the Institute for Strategy and Development Research, a think tank dedicated to the analysis and the dissemination of information in key topics which address Mexico's problems and structural challenges. This document provides insights from the six different regions that make up the country. It helps readers and decision makers comprehend the particularities and complexities of each one concerning four main subjects: NATURAL POWER AND SECURITY DEVELOPMENT RESOURCES AUTHORITIES OVERVIEW 1. Drug trafficking interference in Michoacán raises tension. On different occasions, the Governor of Michoacán Silvano Aureoles has publicly denounced the interference organized crime has had in the elections, where he mentions that having crime’s support was decisive for the triumph of Morena Party in the entity. Although the President of Mexico asked him for evidence about the accusation, the governor was not received at the national palace. At least 9 different drug trafficking groups operate in Michoacan, including: CJNG, La Nueva Familia Michoacana, Caballeros Templarios and Cartel de los Correa. In addition to this, several former governors have been pointed out for alleged links with organized crime. Despite the seriousness of the accusations made by the current Governor, it is not known if there is an ongoing investigation of these events. 2. International organizations concerned about electoral violence in México. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet condemned the electoral violence that claimed the lives of more than 90 candidates, the gender-based violence that women have suffered, and attacks that opposition candidates have received which generated a tense political environment.
    [Show full text]
  • CID Working Paper No. 075 :: Presidential Leadership And
    Presidential Leadership and Decision-Making in Policy Reforms: The First 150 Days of Vicente Fox Rocío Ramos de Villarreal CID Working Paper No. 75 September 2001 Copyright 2001 Rocio Ramos de Villarreal and the President and Fellows of Harvard College Working Papers Center for International Development at Harvard University Presidential Leadership and Decision-Making in Policy Reforms. The First 150 Days of Vicente Fox Rocío Ramos de Villarreal Abstract At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Mexico, the twelfth-largest economy in the world and the second-largest trading partner of the US, finds itself undergoing profound transformations. After more than seven decades with a hegemonic party exercising presidential power, the country is now immersed in a full-fledged democratic process, after a ‘silk transition’. Politically, there has been a fundamental transformation in the scope of presidential rule and the relationship between the president and Congress. Whereas the legislative branch was subordinate to the executive for over half a century, Mexico’s new democracy has ushered in a Congress that is more powerful and independent, and the president now needs to lobby and negotiate with it. In this context, the ability to pass reform measures requires not only expertise in technical design or instrumental consistency but, foremost, skillfultactical management in the political arena. The purpose of this paper is to present an overview of Mexico’s evolution toward electoral democracy and to analyze President Fox’s leadership and the decision-making process he employed in his efforts to attain two major policy reforms in his first 150 days as president: the tax reform and the Indigenous bill.
    [Show full text]
  • Ambition, Electoral Competition, and Legislative Representation in Mexico, 1997-2009 Yann P
    University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository Political Science ETDs Electronic Theses and Dissertations 1-31-2013 Ambition, Electoral Competition, and Legislative Representation in Mexico, 1997-2009 Yann P. Kerevel Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/pols_etds Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Kerevel, Yann P.. "Ambition, Electoral Competition, and Legislative Representation in Mexico, 1997-2009." (2013). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/pols_etds/8 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Electronic Theses and Dissertations at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science ETDs by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Yann P. Kerevel Candidate Political Science Department This dissertation is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication: Approved by the Dissertation Committee: Lonna Rae Atkeson , Chairperson Juan Pablo Micozzi Michael S. Rocca Kathryn Hochstetler James McCann AMBITION, ELECTORAL COMPETITION, AND LEGISLATIVE REPRESENTATION IN MEXICO, 1997-2009 by YANN P. KEREVEL B.A. Criminal Justice, Grand Valley State University, 2003 M.A. Latin American Studies, University of New Mexico, 2006 DISSERTATION Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Political Science The University of New Mexico Albuquerque, New Mexico December 2012 ii DEDICATION To Ruth Lucile Hollinger iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation could not have been written without the advice and support of a large number of wonderful people who have graciously dedicated their time and energy. First, I would like to acknowledge the invaluable feedback and support from Lonna Atkeson over the last four years.
    [Show full text]
  • Declaratoria De La
    DECLARATORIA DE LA LII REUNIÓN ORDINARIA DE LA CONFERENCIA NACIONAL DE GOBERNADORES JOJUTLA, MORELOS MAYO 3, 2017 DECLARATORIA DE LA LII REUNIÓN ORDINARIA DE LA CONFERENCIA NACIONAL DE GOBERNADORES En la Ciudad de Jojutla, Morelos, siendo las ocho treinta horas del día 3 de mayo de 2017, dio inicio la LII Reunión Ordinaria de la Conferencia Nacional de Gobernadores (Conago), con la presencia de los titulares del poder ejecutivo de las entidades federativas que a continuación se mencionan: C.P. Martín Orozco Sandoval Aguascalientes Lic. Francisco Arturo Vega de Lamadrid Baja California Mtro. Carlos Mendoza Davis Baja California Sur Lic. Rafael Alejandro Moreno Cárdenas Campeche Dr. Miguel Ángel Mancera Espinosa Ciudad de México Mtro. José Ignacio Peralta Sánchez Colima Lic. Javier Corral Jurado Chihuahua Dr. José Rosas Aispuro Torres Durango Mtro. Miguel Márquez Márquez Guanajuato Lic. Héctor Antonio Astudillo Flores Guerrero Lic. Omar Fayad Meneses Hidalgo Mtro. Jorge Aristóteles Sandoval Díaz Jalisco Dr. Eruviel Ávila Villegas México 2 Jojutla, Morelos 3 de mayo de 2017 DECLARATORIA DE LA LII REUNIÓN ORDINARIA DE LA CONFERENCIA NACIONAL DE GOBERNADORES Mtro. Silvano Aureoles Conejo Michoacán C. Graco Luis Ramírez Garrido Abreu Morelos Ing. Jaime Helidoro Rodríguez Calderón Nuevo León Lic. Alejandro Ismael Murat Hinojosa Oaxaca Dr. José Antonio Gali Fayad Puebla M.V.Z. Francisco Domínguez Servién Querétaro C.P. Carlos Manuel Joaquín González Quintana Roo Dr. Juan Manuel Carreras López San Luis Potosí Mtro. Quirino Ordaz Coppel Sinaloa Lic. Claudia Artemiza Pavlovich Arellano Sonora Mtro. Francisco Javier García Cabeza de Vaca Tamaulipas Mtro. Marco Antonio Mena Rodríguez Tlaxcala Lic. Miguel Ángel Yunes Linares Veracruz Lic.
    [Show full text]
  • Veracruz: Fixing Mexico’S State of Terror
    Veracruz: Fixing Mexico’s State of Terror Latin America Report N°61 | 28 February 2017 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 149 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Mexico’s Flawed Transition .............................................................................................. 4 A. Weak Criminal Justice ............................................................................................... 4 B. War on Drugs ............................................................................................................. 6 C. Viceroyalties ............................................................................................................... 8 III. Private Fortunes and Public Fear: Corruption, Crime and Complicity ........................... 10 A. Looting of Public Funds ............................................................................................. 10 B. New Criminal Entrants .............................................................................................. 11 C. Criminal Security Forces ..........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Justice in Mexico Trans-Border Institute ! !
    JUSTICE IN MEXICO WWW.JUSTICEINMEXICO.ORG TRANS-BORDER INSTITUTE ! ! ! ! June 2010 News Report ! ! MONTHLY SUMMARY Cartel violence continues to escalate in 2010 including several high-causality incidents • Cartel violence reaches into new territories • Calderón attempts to “re-brand” public security plan • Advances made in unified police proposal • Mexican officials look to undermine financial structures to target organized crime • DEA announces results of long-term bi-national operation against Mexican cartels in the US • U.N. report on national security implications of transnational organized crime issued • Fatal attacks in two Sinaloa prisons • More police officers let go in Monterrey • Mexican port captain arrested for suspected ties to drug smuggling • Mexican public not cooperating with cell phone registry database • Index examines states with most transparent budgets • Accountability of the Ministry of Public Function scrutinized • iPhone application to combat police corruption developed • Web page created to provide public information in “Paulette” case • Supreme Court determines human rights abuses in ABC daycare fire • CNDH find soldiers responsible for boys’ death in Tamaulipas • Governors express concerns about viability of justice reforms • Federal Police end three-year miner strike in Sonora • Parents of PAN mayoral candidate murdered in Veracruz • Baja California preparing for oral trials in August LAW AND ORDER CARTEL-RELATED VIOLENCE Cartel violence continues to escalate nationwide, with numbers punctuated by several high- casualty attacks Mexico saw its two bloodiest days in recent memory between June 11 and June 14. News outlets reported 85 deaths on June 11, including 38 in Chihuahua, 20 in Tamaulipas, and the rest distributed among nine other states. President Calderón, inconveniently, found himself in South Africa on that day to attend a soccer match.
    [Show full text]
  • The Party System and Democratic Governance in Mexico
    The Party System and Democratic Governance in Mexico José Antonio Crespo Policy Papers on the Americas Volume XV, Study 2 March 2004 About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to— current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, former U.S. deputy secretary of defense. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former U.S. senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author(s). CSIS Americas Program Leadership Sidney Weintraub, director, Americas Program, and William E. Simon Chair in Political Economy Viviane Vanni, coordinator, Americas Program Armand Peschard-Sverdrup, director, Mexico Project Sara Rioff, research assistant, Mexico Project Miguel Diaz, director, South America Project Elizabeth Hetzler, research associate, South America Project Andre Belelieu, research associate, Canada Project © 2004 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
    [Show full text]