DOCSLIB.ORG

Fanaticos, Exiles and the Mexico-U.S. Border: Episodes of Mexican State Reconstruction, 1923-1929 Julian Dodson

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Fanaticos, Exiles and the Mexico-U.S. Border: Episodes of Mexican State Reconstruction, 1923-1929 Julian Dodson University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository History ETDs Electronic Theses and Dissertations 6-23-2015 Fanaticos, Exiles and the Mexico-U.S. Border: Episodes of Mexican State Reconstruction, 1923-1929 Julian Dodson Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/hist_etds Recommended Citation Dodson, Julian. "Fanaticos, Exiles and the Mexico-U.S. Border: Episodes of Mexican State Reconstruction, 1923-1929." (2015). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/hist_etds/23 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Electronic Theses and Dissertations at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in History ETDs by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Julian Frank Dodson Candidate History Department This dissertation is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication: Approved by the Dissertation Committee: Linda B. Hall, Chairperson Judy Bieber Elizabeth Q. Hutchison Samuel Truett Jürgen Buchenau i “Fanaticos, Exiles and the Mexico-United States Border: Episodes of Mexican State Reconstruction, 1923-1929” by JULIAN FRANK DODSON BA, History, North Carolina Agricultural & Technical State University MA, History, University of North Carolina-Charlotte DISSERTATION Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctorate of Philosophy History May 9, 2015 The University of New Mexico Albuquerque, New Mexico ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the generous support of the Latin American and Iberian Institute at the University of New Mexico for the financial assistance required to perform preliminary research for the early stages of this project. The LAII’s Field Research Grant allowed me to spend a total of six months over three Summers for pre-dissertation research, and the focus of the present project has been improved greatly as a result. I would also like to thank the LAII for awarding a PhD Dissertation Fellowship for the writing and revising of the dissertation. The History Department at the University of New Mexico has also provided generous financial support for further research in the form of the Dorothy Woodward Memorial PhD Fellowship for the 2011-2012 academic year. The in-country research performed during that period has been invaluable to the completion of this dissertation. I would like to thank my Dissertation Committee Chair and mentor, Dr. Linda B. Hall for her support throughout the process and her perpetually open door and generous nature. This dissertation could not have been completed without the support, advice, and endless letters of recommendation provided by Linda, Dr. Elizabeth Hutchison, Dr. Samuel Truett, Dr. Judy Bieber, and Dr Jürgen Buchenau. I am eternally grateful to the staff of the Fideicomiso Archivos Plutarco Elías Calles y Fernando Torreblanca. Amalia Torreblanca and Norma Mereles have always made me feel welcome and helped me find exactly what I needed to complete my work. To Guadalupe Bracho Loaeza, Edgar Medina Luna, and the entire staff of archivists at the FAPECFT, I owe a sincere debt of gratitude for all of their assistance and wonderful conversations during the course of my research. I would like to thank Dr. Ignacio Almada iii Bay at El Colegio de Sonora for advising me to have a look at the collection of the Dirreción General de Investigaciones Sociales at the Archivo General de la Nacion, the documentary collection that yeilded the bulk of the archival sources for this project. I would also like to thank the staff at the AGN, the Centro de Estudios de Historia de Mexico, Groupo CARSO, and the Archivo Histórico Genaro Estrada at the Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, for all of their kind help in locating the collections I needed to complete my research. Finally, I would like to thank my wife, best friend, and colleague, Becky Ellis, for her patience with the writing process and her critique of various portions of this dissertation. It may have stung, but the project is certainly better for it. Likewise, I offer thanks to Jordan Biro, Bryan Turo, Brandon Morgan, Shawn Austin, Chris Steinke, Colin Snider, and Scott Crago for reading portions of my work and offering their valuable time and feedback. iv FANATICOS, EXILES AND THE MEXICO-UNITED STATES BORDER: EPISODES OF MEXICAN STATE RECONSTRUCTION, 1923-1929 by Julian Frank Dodson BACHELOR OF ARTS, NORTH CAROLINA AGRICULTURAL & TECHNICAL STATE UNIVERSITY MASTER OF ARTS, UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA-CHARLOTTE DOCTORATE OF PHILOSOPHY, UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO ABSTRACT “Fanaticos, Exiles and the Mexico-United States Border: Episodes of Mexican State Reconstruction, 1923-1929,” examines the major challenges to state reconstruction in Mexico in the wake of its decade of revolutionary violence, 1910-1920. The Mexican state, since the beginning of the revolution, found that the best way to deal with political dissent was to exile its malcontents. By the 1920s, this practice had conjured the necessity for an expanding external surveillance apparatus, as it also created the conditions by which dangerous alliances could be made between Catholic dissidents, and the more politically ambitious exiles from both before and after the revolution. The 1920s witnessed the de la Huerta and Cristero rebellions, but also smaller rebellions along the border that well-connected exiles led and funded. For those exiles that had been in the United States for almost a decade, the significance of the Cristero rebellion of 1926 was tremendous. It generated three years of social, military, and political instability, and many of the most dangerous exiles were determined to take advantage of the chaos. The fledgling revolutionary state faced internal and external threats throughout the decade of the 1920s. This project seeks to understand how it survived in this tumultuous period and v why the counterrevolutionaries across the border failed to affect political change in Mexico over the course of the decade. The Calles government’s focus on defending its border, utilizing a network of consular officials and confidential agents, held the most dangerous counterrevolutionaries at bay long enough to move forward with the reconstruction of the Mexican state. As such, these agents on the border became tools of state reconstruction by way of defending the nation from exile threats. My work highlights the importance of the Mexican exile community in the United States, in fueling these conflagrations with money, arms, and ammunition, but also the significance of the Mexican agencies developed to protect the border. vi Table of Contents INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................1 The State, Sovereignty, and Exiles................................................................................17 Borderlands Considered.................................................................................................29 The Methodology of Researching Espionage................................................................35 Organization ..................................................................................................................38 CHAPTER 1 THE CONFIDENTIAL DEPARTMENT: ITS ORGANIZATION AND PROFESSIONALIZATION IN THE WAKE OF THE DE LA HUERTA REBELLION....................................................................................................................47 Spies and Espionage in the Days of Don Porfirio Díaz................................................50 The Confidential Department: Professionalization, Theory, and Praxis ......................55 Bureaucratic and Administrative Maladies ..................................................................62 Inter-agency and Jurisdictional Disputes......................................................................67 Espionage and Counterespionage: Spy vs. Spy............................................................73 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................77 CHAPTER 2 DELAHUERTISMO IN EXILE: THE EARLY YEARS, 1924-1926...80 The De la Huerta Rebellion ..........................................................................................82 Delahuertismo and the Case of “Chaparreras” .............................................................95 De la Huerta and the Yaqui Rebellion of 1926...........................................................101 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................117 CHAPTER 3 THE REVOLT OF THE LOSERS: GENERAL ENRIQUE ESTRADA’S FAILED REBELLION ON THE CALIFORNIA-MEXICO BORDER ........................................................................................................................119 The Arrest ...................................................................................................................131 Militant Catholics and General Estrada’s Conspiracy................................................142 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................153 CHAPTER 4 CATHOLIC EXILES AND CONSPIRATORIAL NETWORKS ....156 The North American Clergy and the Knights of Columbus.......................................179 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................192 CHAPTER 5 CATHOLIC
Load more

Recommended publications
  • I. Background Information the Cristero War Or Cristero
    Historical Crisis Committee: Cristero War Members of the Dais: Myrna del Mar González & Gabriel García CSIMNU: September 23 & 24, 2016 I. Background Information The Cristero War or Cristero Rebellion (1926–1929), otherwise called La Cristiada, was a battle in many western Mexican states against the secularist, hostile to Catholic, and anticlerical strategies of the Mexican government. The defiance was set off by order under President Plutarco Elías Calles of a statute to authorize the anticlerical articles of the Mexican Constitution of 1917 (otherwise called the Calles Law). Calles tried to wipe out the force of the Catholic Church and associations subsidiary with it as an organization, furthermore smothering well known religious festivals. The gigantic prominent provincial uprising was implicitly upheld by the Church progressive system and was helped by urban Catholic backing. US Ambassador Dwight W. Morrow expedited transactions between the Calles government and the Church. The administration made a few concessions; the Church pulled back its support for the Cristero contenders and the contention finished in 1929. It can be seen as a noteworthy occasion in the battle among Church and State going back to the nineteenth century with the War of Reform, however, it can likewise be translated as the last real laborer uprising in Mexico taking after the end of the military period of the Mexican Revolution in 1920. II. Church-State Conflict The Mexican Revolution (1910–20) remains the biggest clash in Mexican history. The fall of Dictator Porfirio Díaz unleashed disarray with numerous battling groups and areas. The Catholic Church and the Díaz government had gone to a casual modus vivendi 1Whereby the State did not uphold the anticlerical articles of the liberal Constitution of 1857, and additionally did not cancel them.
    [Show full text]
  • Perfil Histórico De La Guerra Cristera
    Lusitania Sacra . 33 (Janeiro-Junho 2016) 269-290 Perfil histórico de la guerra cristera JUAN GONZÁLEZ MORFÍN jgonzalezmorfin@yahoo .com .mx Resumen: Después de más de diez años de constantes restricciones a la libertad religiosa, en 1926 el episcopado mexicano declaró que ya no existían las condiciones mínimas para que los sacerdotes siguieran ejerciendo su ministerio . En ese momento, muchos católicos mexicanos, después de haber agotado todos los recursos, eligieron el camino de las armas para defender la libertad religiosa: es lo que se conoce como “guerra cristera” . En este breve estudio se ofrecen los rasgos más importantes para conocer esta etapa de la historia de México . Palabras clave: Guerra, Resistencia, Licitud moral, Libertad religiosa, Legítima defensa . Perfil histórico da guerra cristera Resumo: Após mais de uma década de permanentes restrições à liberdade religiosa, em 1926 o episcopado mexicano declarou não existirem condições mínimas para que os sacerdotes continuassem a exercer o seu ministério . Nesse momento, muitos católicos mexicanos, depois de esgotados todos os recursos, escolheram a via das armas para defender a liberdade religiosa: aquilo a que ficou conhecido como “guerra cristera” . Neste estudo apresentamos em traços gerais esta etapa da história do México . Palavras-chave: Guerra, Resistência, Legitimidade moral, Liberdade religiosa, Legítima-defesa . Historical profile of the Cristero War Abstract: After more than ten years of continued restrictions on religious freedom, in 1926 the Mexican bishops declared that since there were no minimum conditions for the priests to continue ministering . In this moment, many Mexican Catholics, because they had no choice to defend their religious freedom, they chose the path of arms: this is what is known as “Cristero War” .
    [Show full text]
  • The Civil Society-Driven Anti-Corruption Push in Mexico During the Enrique
    MEXICO CASE STUDY Rise and Fall: Mexican Civil Society’s Anti-Corruption Push in the Peña Nieto Years Roberto Simon AS/COA Anti Corruption Working Group Mexican Civil Society’s Anti-Corruption Push in the Peña Nieto Years Rise and Fall: Mexican Civil Society’s Anti-Corruption Push in the Peña Nieto Years Mexico City — “Saving Mexico” declared the cover of Time magazine, alongside a portrait of President Enrique Peña Nieto gazing confidently toward the future.1 Elected in 2012, Peña Nieto had been in power for only 15 months, yet already his bold reform agenda — dubbed the “Pacto por Mexico” (Pact for Mexico) — had made him a darling of global investors. Time noted that the president — “assisted by a group of young technocrats (including) Finance Minister Luis Videgaray and Pemex chief Emilio Lozoya” — was making history by breaking Mexico’s eight-decade state monopoly over the energy industry. “And the oil reform might not even be Peña Nieto’s most important victory,” the magazine said. There was “evidence” that Peña Nieto was about to “challenge Mexico’s entrenched powers.” While most investors focused on the deep regulatory changes under way, leading Mexican civil society organizations were looking at another critical promise in the Pacto por Mexico: fighting endemic corruption. “For centuries, corruption has been one of the central elements of the Mexican state (and) a constant in shaping the political system,” said Jorge Buendía, a prominent pollster and political analyst. A powerful governor from the 1960s to the 1980s allegedly once said that in Mexico “a poor politician is a poor politician.”2 And by the time Peña Nieto came to power, most in the country believed that things hadn’t really changed.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cristero War and Mexican Collective Memory
    History in the Making Volume 13 Article 5 January 2020 The Movement that Sinned Twice: The Cristero War and Mexican Collective Memory Consuelo S. Moreno CSUSB Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making Part of the Latin American History Commons Recommended Citation Moreno, Consuelo S. (2020) "The Movement that Sinned Twice: The Cristero War and Mexican Collective Memory," History in the Making: Vol. 13 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making/vol13/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in History in the Making by an authorized editor of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Articles The Movement that Sinned Twice: The Cristero War and Mexican Collective Memory By Consuelo S. Moreno Abstract: Many scattered occurrences in Mexico bring to memory the 1926-1929 Cristero War, the contentious armed struggle between the revolutionary government and the Catholic Church. After the conflict ceased, the Cristeros and their legacy did not become part of Mexico’s national identity. This article explores the factors why this war became a distant memory rather than a part of Mexico’s history. Dissipation of Cristero groups and organizations, revolutionary social reforms in the 1930s, and the intricate relationship between the state and Church after 1929 promoted a silence surrounding this historical event. Decades later, a surge in Cristero literature led to the identification of notable Cristero figures in the 1990s and early 2000s.
    [Show full text]
  • Mexico Report Wolfgang Muno, Jörg Faust, Martin Thunert (Coordinator)
    Mexico Report Wolfgang Muno, Jörg Faust, Martin Thunert (Coordinator) Sustainable Governance Indicators 2019 © vege - stock.adobe.com Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators SGI 2019 | 2 Mexico Report Executive Summary Considering Mexico’s experience with military and corporatist autocratic rule, the country has made significant progress over the last two decades with regard to electoral competition and its overall regulatory environment, including market-oriented reforms. Economic and political elites, as well as an increasing share of the middle-class, are technically well qualified, and have gained knowledge on how best to organize the country’s political, economic and social frameworks. Mexican policymakers at both the national and regional levels are well trained, internationally experienced and often equipped with high-level qualifications from Western universities. Mexico’s tertiary education system is increasingly competitive internationally as are several major firms, including an increasing number in the manufacturing sector. At the same time, Mexico suffers from structural problems that are uncommon among other OECD countries. These challenges mainly relate to the extremely unequal distribution of social benefits and services among the population, such as security and social opportunities. The resulting cleavages between geographic regions, rural and urban areas, and social classes are among the most pressing barriers to further socioeconomic progress. In addition, uneven state capacity, both geographically and across policy sectors, often undermines the effective and coherent implementation of policies. In comparison to most other OECD countries, Mexico’s GDP growth over the last decade was rather slow, the socioeconomic situation was marked by considerable inflation, the lowest tax-to-GDP ratio of any OECD country, and persistently high levels of poverty and inequality.
    [Show full text]
  • Del Porfirismo Al Periodo Neoliberal En El Siglo Xxi
    ESTADO MEXICANO, CRECIMIENTO ECONÓMICO Y AGRUPACIONES SINDICALES Del porfirismo al periodo neoliberal en el siglo XXI I ESTADO MEXICANO, CRECIMIENTO ECONÓMICO Y AGRUPACIONES SINDICALES Del porfirismo al periodo neoliberal en el siglo XXI I Francisco Javier Aguilar García UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL AUTÓNOMA DE MÉXICO INSTITUTO DE INVESTIGACIONES SOCIALES MÉXICO, 2017 JL1231 A48 Aguilar García, Francisco Javier Estado mexicano, crecimiento económico y agrupaciones sindicales : del porfirismo al periodo neoliberal en el siglo XXI. -- I. Primera edición. -- México : UNAM, Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales, 2017. 2 volúmenes : ilustraciones, cuadros, figuras. ISBN: 978-607-02-8842-5 1. México -- Política económica. 2. Sindicatos -- Historia -- Siglo XX. 3. Sindicatos -- México. 4. México -- Historia -- Revolución, 1910-1920. 4. México -- Historia -- Siglo XX. I. Tít. Este libro fue sometido a un proceso de dictaminación por académicos externos al Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, de acuerdo con las normas establecidas por el Consejo Editorial de las Colecciones de Libros del Instituto. Los derechos exclusivos de la edición quedan reservados para todos los países de habla hispana. Queda prohibida la reproducción parcial o total, por cualquier medio, sin el consentimiento por escrito del legítimo titular de los derechos. Primera edición: enero de 2017 D.R.© 2017, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales Circuito Mario de la Cueva s/n Ciudad de la Investigación en Humanidades Ciudad Universitaria, C.P. 04510, Ciudad de México. Coordinación editorial: Virginia Careaga Covarrubias Cuidado de la edición: David Monroy Gómez Formación de textos: Angélica Nava Ferruzca Diseño de portada: Cynthia Trigos Suzán Impreso y hecho en México ISBN: 978-607-02-8842-5 ÍNDICE I Nota preliminar y agradecimientos .........................
    [Show full text]
  • Brief History of the Cristero War and Mexico's Struggle for Religious Freedom the Role of the U.S. Knights of Columbus in Resp
    Brief History of the Cristero War and Mexico’s Struggle for Religious Freedom When President Plutarco Calles took over as president of Mexico in 1924, he did not want the Catholic Church to be a part of any moral teachings to its citizens. He did not want God to be a part of anyone’s life. He wanted to bring Mexico’s population to belong to a Socialist state, and wanted to ensure that all citizens were going to be educated under the government’s dictatorship and secular mindset. He also wanted to ensure that only the government would have the freedom to form the minds of its citizens and insisted that the Church was poisoning the minds of the people. He implemented the “Law for Reforming the Penal Code” or “Calles’ Law”, which severely restricted the free practice of religion in Mexico. Priests or religious wearing clerical garb in public, and clerics who spoke out against the government could be jailed for five years. The Mexican bishops suspended public religious services in response to the law, and supported an economic boycott against the government. Violence soon erupted, as bands of Catholic peasants battled federal forces. Priests were shot and hung, Church property seized, and many religious institutions closed. The Cristeros’ battle cry was “Viva Cristo Rey!” (“Long live Christ the King!”). During the three-year war (1926-1929), approximately 90,000 people were killed. There are a total of 35 Martyrs who have been canonized. The Role of the U.S. Knights of Columbus in Response to the Cristero War In August of 1926, days after the Calles Law took effect, the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Meaning of the Cristero Religious War Against the Mexican Revolution *
    The Meaning of the Cristero Religious War Against the Mexican Revolution * JAMES W. WILKIE Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jcs/article/8/2/214/842539 by guest on 01 October 2021 Fighting in the name of "Christ the King," thousands of Cath- olics engaged in armed revolt against the Mexican Revolutionary regime from 1926 to 1929. The meaning of the Cristero rebellion has never been well understood because scholars have generally considered the Roman Catholic Church and the Mexican govern- mentas monoliths. In fact, Mexican hierarchical and lay Cath- olic groups were sharply divided over the nature of the Church- state conflict; and deep political differences existed among the leaders of the Mexican Revolution. Consequently, a modus vivendi was negotiated in 1929 as moderate Church leaders re- jected Catholic military action andas government officials sought a welcome respite in the Revolution's campaign to regulate the Church. The purpose of this study is to reexamine the origins of the Cristero conflict, to identify its goals, and tO explain the strange outcome of the Church-state truce of 1929. Standard scholarly approaches to understanding the Cristero War, based upon the assumption of monolithic Church-state policy, have taken the following tacks. First, the Church's flagrant violation of the law forced the government suppression of unconstitutional practices of worship. 1 Alternatively, the government, searching for a pre- text to crush the Catholic religion, purposefully forced the Cris- teros into rebellion? Recently a third, composite view has de- picted the conflict as "inevitable" since "the lines had been drawn" between two intransigent forces "in agrarian reforms, in *This article is part of a larger study of the Mexican Revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • La Guerra De Religión En México (1926-1929)
    La guerra de religión en México (1926-1929) Marco Fabrizio Ramírez Padilla COORDINADOR La guerra de religión en México-interiores.indd 1 2/5/15 10:23 AM Coordinación editorial: José Luis Chong Cuidado de la edición: Rafael Luna Diseño de cubierta: Patricia Pérez Foto de portada: Primera edición: 2014 D.R. © Palabra de Clío, A. C. 2007 Insurgentes Sur # 1814-101. Colonia Florida. C.P. 01030 Mexico, D.F. ISBN: 978-607-95645-6-8 Impreso y hecho en México www.palabradeclio.com.mx Los contenidos e ideas expuestas en este trabajoson de exclusiva responsabilidad de los autoresy pueden no coincidir con las de la institución. La guerra de religión en México-interiores.indd 2 2/5/15 10:23 AM ÍNDICE Introducción ....................................................................................... 5 De la Conquista a la formación de la Liga Nacional de Defensa Religiosa Raymundo Casanova Ramírez ............................................................... 9 Resonancias cristeras en el pueblo de Mascota de Jalisco María Eugenia Herrera ......................................................................... 31 El Cisma que encendió el fuego: La Igleisa Católica Apostólica Mexicana y la Guerra Cristera Yabin Silva ........................................................................................... 79 Más allá de la fe… logistica de guerrilla Javier Valentin Hernandez Garcia ......................................................... 103 El Ethos barroco que subyace a la confrontación cristera Flor de María Balboa Reyna ................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Porfirian Influence on Mexican Journalism: an Enduring Legacy of Economic Control
    University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1987 Porfirian influence on Mexican journalism: An enduring legacy of economic control Steve Devitt The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Devitt, Steve, "Porfirian influence on Mexican journalism: An enduring legacy of economic control" (1987). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5085. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5085 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COPYRIGHT ACT OF 1976 Th is is an unpublished m a nu scr ipt in w hich c o pyr ig ht s u b s is t s . Any further r e p r in t in g of it s contents must be APPROVED BY THE AUTHOR. Ma n s f ie l d L ibrary Un iv e r s it y of Montana D a t e :____ 1_ THE PORFIRIAN INFLUENCE ON MEXICAN JOURNALISM: AN ENDURING LEGACY OF ECONOMIC CONTROL by Steve Devitt B.A., Eastern Montana College, 1971 Presented in partial fulfillment for the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Journalism University of Montana 1987 Approved by Graduate School UMI Number: EP40549 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The.
    [Show full text]
  • @ Copyrighted by Ward Sloan Albro, Iii 1967
    Ricardo Flores Magón and the Liberal Party: an inquiry into the origins of the Mexican revolution of 1910 Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Albro, Ward S. Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 04/10/2021 11:00:40 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/565157 @ COPYRIGHTED BY WARD SLOAN ALBRO, III 1967 RICARDO FLORES MAGON AND THE LIBERAL PARTY: AN INQUIRY INTO THE ORIGINS OF THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION OF 1910 by Ward Sloan Albro, III A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 19 6 7 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE I hereby recommend that this dissertation prepared under my direction by Ward Sloan Albro. Ill____________________________ entitled ftir.ardo Flores Maron and the Liberal Party: An Inquiry into the Origins of the Mexican Revolution of 1910 be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy_________________________________ After inspection of the dissertation, the following members of the Final Examination Committee concur in its approval and recommend its acceptance:* f + 6 7 Q/Aa. 1/ / 9&7 /?& .V, pa z Z *This approval and acceptance is contingent on the candidate's adequate performance and defense of this dissertation at the final oral examination.
    [Show full text]
  • Veracruzanos En La Independencia Y La Revolución
    Veracruzanos en la Independencia y la Revolución COMISIÓN ORGANIZADORA DEL ESTADO DE VERACRUZ DE IGNACIO DE LA LLAVE PARA LA CONMEMORACIÓN DEL BICENTENARIO DE LA INDEPENDENCIA NACIONAL Y DEL CENTENARIO DE LA REVOLUCIÓN MEXICANA Mtro. Fidel Herrera Beltrán Gobernador Constitucional del Estado Dip. Leopoldo Torres García Presidente de la Mesa Directiva del H. Congreso del Estado Magdo. Reynaldo Madruga Picazzo Presidente del Tribunal Superior de Justicia s CONSEJO CONSULTIVO Dr. Enrique Florescano Presidente Ejecutivo Dr. Porfirio Carrillo Castilla Secretario Ejecutivo Lic. Domingo Alberto Martínez Reséndiz Secretario Ejecutivo Lic. Reynaldo Escobar Pérez Lic. Sergio Villasana Delfín Secretario de Gobierno Director del Instituto Veracruzano de Cultura Dr. Víctor Arredondo Álvarez Dip. Fernando González Arroyo Secretario de Educación Representante del Poder Legislativo C. Ángel Álvaro Peña Magdo. Alejandro Hernández Viveros Secretario de Turismo y Cultura Representante del Poder Judicial Lic. Salvador Sánchez Estrada Gral. Sergio Ayón Rodríguez Secretario de Finanzas y Planeación Representante de la Secretaría de la Defensa Nacional Lic. Ranulfo Márquez Hernández Vicealm. C.G. DEM. Sergio Javier Lara Montellano Secretario de Desarrollo Social y Medio Ambiente Representante de la Secretaría de Marina Dr. Raúl Arias Lovillo Dr. Carlos Luna Escudero Rector de la Universidad Veracruzana Representante del Sector Empresarial Dra. Olivia Domínguez Pérez Profr. Romeo Ramírez Jiménez Directora del Archivo General del Estado Representante Social s SUBCOMISIONES Lic. Miguel Limón Rojas Educación y Cultura Dr. Arturo Gómez-Pompa Recuperación y Salvaguarda del Patrimonio Natural, Histórico y Cultural Mtro. Francisco Arredondo e Ing. Miguel Hernández Conservación y Desarrollo del Espacio Público Lic. Dionisio Pérez-Jácome y Arq. Miguel Ehrenzweig Obras y Proyectos Antrop.
    [Show full text]