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A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary
A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the National Action Party, and the Democratic Revolutionary Party George W. Grayson February 19, 2002 CSIS AMERICAS PROGRAM Policy Papers on the Americas A GUIDE TO THE LEADERSHIP ELECTIONS OF THE PRI, PAN, & PRD George W. Grayson Policy Papers on the Americas Volume XIII, Study 3 February 19, 2002 CSIS Americas Program About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to—current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, formerly deputy secretary of defense, who has been president and CEO since April 2000. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author. © 2002 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. -
Ambition, Electoral Competition, and Legislative Representation in Mexico, 1997-2009 Yann P
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository Political Science ETDs Electronic Theses and Dissertations 1-31-2013 Ambition, Electoral Competition, and Legislative Representation in Mexico, 1997-2009 Yann P. Kerevel Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/pols_etds Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Kerevel, Yann P.. "Ambition, Electoral Competition, and Legislative Representation in Mexico, 1997-2009." (2013). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/pols_etds/8 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Electronic Theses and Dissertations at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science ETDs by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Yann P. Kerevel Candidate Political Science Department This dissertation is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication: Approved by the Dissertation Committee: Lonna Rae Atkeson , Chairperson Juan Pablo Micozzi Michael S. Rocca Kathryn Hochstetler James McCann AMBITION, ELECTORAL COMPETITION, AND LEGISLATIVE REPRESENTATION IN MEXICO, 1997-2009 by YANN P. KEREVEL B.A. Criminal Justice, Grand Valley State University, 2003 M.A. Latin American Studies, University of New Mexico, 2006 DISSERTATION Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Political Science The University of New Mexico Albuquerque, New Mexico December 2012 ii DEDICATION To Ruth Lucile Hollinger iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation could not have been written without the advice and support of a large number of wonderful people who have graciously dedicated their time and energy. First, I would like to acknowledge the invaluable feedback and support from Lonna Atkeson over the last four years. -
A Guide to the 2004 Mexican State Elections
A Guide to the 2004 Mexican State Elections George W. Grayson July 2004 Western Hemisphere Election Study Series About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to—current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, former U.S. deputy secretary of defense. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former U.S. senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author. CSIS Americas Program Leadership Sidney Weintraub, director, Americas Program, and William E. Simon Chair in Political Economy Viviane Vanni, coordinator, Americas Program Armand Peschard-Sverdrup, director, Mexico Project Sara Rioff, research assistant, Mexico Project Miguel Diaz, director, South America Project Elizabeth Hetzler, research associate, South America Project Andre Belelieu, research associate, Canada Project © 2004 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. -
CRWS Paper, May 2021.Docx
Berkeley Center for Right-Wing Studies Working Paper Series TUMOR: The (Dis)organization of the Right-Wing Opposition against Mexico’s ‘Fourth Transformation’ by Julián Castro-Rea, University of Alberta, Canada, and Gerardo Centeno García, University of Ottawa, Canada Presented at the 2021 Joint Conference on Right-Wing Studies and Research on Male Supremacism May 10-14, 2021 TUMOR: The (Dis)organization of the Right-Wing Opposition against Mexico’s ‘Fourth Transformation’ Julián Castro-Rea University of Alberta, Canada [email protected] Gerardo Centeno García University of Ottawa, Canada [email protected] Abstract Mexico’s current government, led by president Andrés Manuel López Obrador (December 2018-November 2024), launched a program of major overhaul of the country’s governance named “The Fourth Transformation (4T)”. While the reform agenda is largely supported by the masses, these measures have met a strong, multifaceted and relentless reaction from the social and political interests being affected, couched in a right-wing discourse. This opposition, carried out either by individual actors or by coalitions of organized interests, has been sarcastically dubbed TUMOR (“Todos unidos contra Morena”, All United against Morena, the party in power) by 4T supporters. This article aims at mapping and analyzing the right-wing movement of resistance to the 4T, identifying its main individual and collective actors, their strategies and their international allies. It tests the hypothesis suggested in Kevin Middlebrook’s theory about conservatism and the right in Latin America: when economically and socially privileged actors feel deprived of political power to protect their interests, they resort to whatever means and strategy is at their disposal to regain the lost influence. -
An Analysis and Comparison of the Terms of Office of Three Mexican Presidents Joel Chargoy Iowa State University
Masthead Logo Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Retrospective Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 1-1-2006 An analysis and comparison of the terms of office of three Mexican presidents Joel Chargoy Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/rtd Recommended Citation Chargoy, Joel, "An analysis and comparison of the terms of office of three Mexican presidents" (2006). Retrospective Theses and Dissertations. 18971. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/rtd/18971 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Retrospective Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. An analysis and comparison of the terms of office of three Mexican presidents by Joel Chargoy A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Major: Interdisciplinary Graduate Studies (International Development Studies) Program of Study Committee: Steffen Schmidt, Co-major Professor Patrick Barr, Co-major Professor Eugenio Matibag Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 2006 Copyright ©Joel Chargoy, 2006. All rights reserved. 11 Graduate College Iowa State University This is to certify that the master's thesis of Joel Chargoy has met the thesis requirements of Iowa State University Signatures have been redacted for privac y signatures have been redacted for privacy 111 TABLE O F CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES v ACRONYMS vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS viii ABSTRACT ix INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I. -
The Politics of Civil-Military Relations in Mexico: a Historical and Institutional Approach
The Politics of Civil-Military Relations in Mexico: a Historical and Institutional Approach Jesus Alberto Lopez-Gonzalez This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The London School of Economics and Political Science Government Department October 2008 UMI Number: U613415 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U613415 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ivtescs c <\Oll Library a^ U & rary of Politics ^feenoffHc Science W\S \°l 2. Declaration I declare that this thesis is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except where specifically indicated in the text. Jesus Alberto Lopez-Gonzalez Date: October 18, 2008 2 Abstract Since the late 19th Century, the military in Mexico has been an important instrument of the executive branch of government to maintain political stability. In the 1880s, President Porfirio Diaz created the basis of a system of civil-military relations based on Presidential control (as opposed to civilian control). Since then, the Mexican armed forces have developed a unique bond with the President, remaining accountable and exclusively subordinated to this branch of power and no one else. -
A Guide to the 18Th National Assembly of Mexico's Institutional
A Guide to the 18th National Assembly of Mexico’s Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) A PRE-ASSEMBLY REPORT OF THE CSIS AMERICAS PROGRAM, MEXICO PROJECT George W. Grayson November 2001 Policy Paper on the Americas A Guide to the 18th National Assembly of Mexico’s Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) A PRE-ASSEMBLY REPORT OF THE CSIS AMERICAS PROGRAM, MEXICO PROJECT George W. Grayson Policy Papers on the Americas Volume XII, Study 6 November 2001 CSIS Americas Program About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on— and policy solutions to—current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, formerly deputy secretary of defense, who became president and CEO in April 2000. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax- exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author(s). -
© Copyright Page
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Narcomundo: How Narcotraficantes Gained Control of Northern Mexico and Beyond, 1945-1985 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Carlos Armando Hernández 2015 © Copyright by Carlos Armando Hernández 2015 ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Narcomundo: How Narcotraficantes Gained Control of Northern Mexico and Beyond, 1945-1985 by Carlos Armando Hernández Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Los Angeles, 2015 Professor James W. Wilkie, Chair Mexico’s official history does not properly address the Drug Wars and its effect on the nation as well as the U.S. – Mexico border region, including criminal spillover between the two countries especially since 1911. Drawing from evidence gathered at Mexico’s National Archives – specifically declassified documents from Mexico’s secret police files – contemporary news accounts from Tijuana, Mexico City, and California, as well as court cases and long ignored political biographies, I trace the historical origins of the Drug Wars in Northern Mexico extending into Mexico City; a history of drugs, dissidence, and violence. In my view, the problem of drugs in Mexico must be examined in Three Phases, two of which – Phase One and Two – I take up in the volume. The First Phase is from 1911-1945. The Second Phase is from 1945-1985. The Third Phase, since 1985, covers the rise of what I refer to as turf wars between competing drug trafficking organizations ii for the control of specific corridors vital for the production and distribution of drugs into the United States. The First Phase goes back to the year 1911 when General and later Governor Esteban Cantú arrived to defend the Northern Territory of Baja California against incursions from Southern California by the Flores Magón brothers during the start of the Mexican Revolution. -
Principles for the New Normal in Small-Scale Fisheries
PRINCIPLES FOR THE NEW NORMAL IN SMALL-SCALE FISHERIES MONTHLY REPORT | DECEMBER 7 th 2020 Principles for the New Normal in small-scale fisheries Photography: R. Pérez R. Photography: MONTHLY REPORT | DECEMBER 2020 Introduction What was done? The pandemic has revealed a world eager to stay connected. Global uncertainty is such that From 28th October to 9th November 2020, 166 decisions to accomplish systemic changes are interviews were conducted7 (33 women y 133 yet to be made, despite the persistence of the men) in order to document the principles for pandemic. Digital transformation and adoption fisheries reactivation in the new normal. Topics have accelerated1,2, and travel has been limited, related to the changes fishers have observed affecting not only people but also goods and in their lives and in their communities as a products3. Therefore, both the local and national result of the pandemic, lessons learned, and scales have become important opportunities in how to safely return fishing, were addressed. the face of globalization to adapt to this new Thanks to the network of fishers consolidated context. during the seven previous reports, this report integrates 52 fishing communities located in 13 states8 of Mexico and 71 fishing organizations The fishing sector in Mexico reveals a lack of (52 cooperatives) that work with 21 fisheries9. attention from government agencies, especially The average age of the interviewees was 44 regarding the safe reactivation of activities. years old, ranging from 20 to 71 (for women the In countries, such as Peru, specific initiatives average was 40, men, 45). Ninety-eight percent to establish effective protocols for fishery of interviewees work in small-scale fisheries, reactivation have already been developed4. -
Observing the 2000 Mexico Elections
SPECIAL REPORT SERIES THE CARTER CENTER ★ ★ ★ ★ OBSERVING THE 2000 MEXICO ELECTIONS BY MARCELA SZYMANSKI WAGING PEACE ◆ FIGHTING DISEASE ◆ BUILDING HOPE THE CARTER CENTER STRIVES TO RELIEVE SUFFERING BY ADVANCING PEACE AND HEALTH WORLDWIDE; IT SEEKS TO PREVENT AND RESOLVE CONFLICTS, ENHANCE FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY, AND PROTECT AND PROMOTE HUMAN RIGHTS WORLDWIDE. THE CARTER CENTER NDINDI OBSERVING THE 2000 MEXICO ELECTIONS OBSERVING THE 2000 MEXICO ELECTIONS FINAL REPORT WRITTEN BY MARCELA SZYMANSKI LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN PROGRAM THE CARTER CENTER ONE COPENHILL ATLANTA, GA 30307 (404) 420-5175 FAX (404) 420-5196 WWW.CARTERCENTER.ORG MARCH 2001 1 THE CARTER CENTER NDI OBSERVING THE 2000 MEXICO ELECTIONS 2 THE CARTER CENTER NDINDI OBSERVING THE 2000 MEXICO ELECTIONS TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword 4 Preface and Acknowledgments 5 Executive Summary 7 The Carter Center’s Past Involvement in Mexico 9 Mexico’s Changing Political Landscape What was at Stake? Institutional Development as a Basis for Democratic Elections An Independent Electoral Authority The Presence of International Monitors The Growing Independence of the Media Citizens Groups Mature Opposition Parties Pre-electoral Assessment and Concerns 24 Election Day 27 The Presidential Election Results Analysis of the Results The Electoral Justice System 36 Appendices 38 A. The Carter Center Delegation B. Parties and Candidates for the Presidential Race C. Abbreviations D. Meetings and Interviews of the Carter Center Delegates E. Newspaper Clippings The Carter Center’s Latin American and Caribbean Program & 48 The Council of Presidents and Prime Ministers of the Americas About The Carter Center 49 3 THE CARTER CENTER NDI OBSERVING THE 2000 MEXICO ELECTIONS FOREWORD ince 1988, Mexico has undergone a slow but associate director, Dr. -
The University of Arizona
Transnational Immigration Politics in Mexico, 1850-1920 Item Type text; Electronic Dissertation Authors Herrera, Ricardo Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 25/09/2021 10:23:01 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/311468 TRANSNATIONAL IMMIGRATION POLITICS IN MEXICO, 1850-1920 by Ricardo Herrera __________________________ Copyright © Ricardo Herrera 2013 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2013 2 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by Ricardo Herrera, titled Transnational Immigration Politics in Mexico, 1850-1920 and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. _______________________________________________________________________ Date: November 19, 2013 William H. Beezley _______________________________________________________________________ Date: November 19, 2013 Kevin Gosner _______________________________________________________________________ Date: November 19, 2013 Martha Few _______________________________________________________________________ -
Gonzalez Paisanos Chinos.Indd
chapter 1 Mexico for the Mexicans, China for the Chinese Political Upheaval and the Anti-Chinese Campaigns in Postrevolutionary Sonora and Sinaloa After arriving in Mexico, Cantonese immigrants underwent two proc- esses that tied them more closely to political activities in China and encouraged them to identify as Chinese. The fi rst was the formation of Chinese social and political associations. Tension between Mexico’s two largest Chinese associations, the Guomindang and the Chee Kung Tong, led to open violence in the 1920s and lasting enmity throughout the twentieth century. The second was the anti-Chinese campaigns. Between 1931 and 1934, anti-Chinese associations in the northwestern states of Sonora and Sinaloa (see map 1), sheltered by the support of the state and federal government, increased pressure on Chinese immigrants until ultimately carrying out their expulsion from those states. While wealthy Chinese fl ed to other parts of the country or paid for their own passage to China, those without means were forced to cross into the United States, from where immigration authorities deported them to China. Both processes, which occurred in the context of the Chinese and Mexican revolutions, led to appeals to Chinese offi cials and contin- ued engagement with Chinese politics. A new wave of studies has uncovered the history of Mexico’s Chinese immigrant population and the anti-Chinese movement that drove the vast majority from the country. This chapter will emphasize the role of politics both in organizing the community and in fostering postrevolu- tionary xenophobia. Few Chinese could escape the political upheaval of the early twentieth century, whether it was the anarchy of the Mexican 15 GGonzalez_Paisanosonzalez_Paisanos Chinos.inddChinos.indd 1515 330/03/170/03/17 22:58:58 PPMM 16 | Chapter 1 CALIFORNIA ARIZONA Nogales N SONORA Hermosillo CHIHUAHUA BAJA CALIFORNIA Ciudad Obregón Navojoa Los Mochis SINALOA DURANGO PACIFIC Culiacán OCEAN Mazatlán NAYARIT 0 100 200 300 mi Tepic 0100 200 300 400 500 km map 1.