Cambodia: The Tragedies (Part 2)

By

Hann So

April 17, 2013

Visit to the Refugee Camps on the Khmer-Thai Border

March 22 – April 2, 1987

The Delegation

The delegation, headed by John Than Po of Seattle, WA, was composed of: Seang Lim Bit,Oakland, CA; Sakphan Keam, Long Beach, CA; Kim An Leng, Lebanon, PA; Bun Tek (Ted) Ngoy, Mission Viejo, CA; Luke Polk, Portland, OR; Sithan Sar, Norwalk, CA; Hann So, San Jose, CA; Arun Son, Fresno, CA.

The delegation left Los Angeles, CA on March 21, 1987, and arrived in Bangkok, Thailand on March 22,1987. The visit lasted until April 2, 1987.

The Mission

The mission of the delegation was to:

• observe the living conditions of the Khmer refugees, • boost the morale of the Khmer refugees, • encourage the struggle for freedom and peace of the Khmer refugees, • support the cooperation between the Khmer People’s National Liberation Armed Forces (KPNLAF) and the Nationalist Sihanoukian Army (ANS) in their effort to liberate Cambodia from the Vietnamese rule, and • educate the Westerners about the refugees’ plight and the Cambodian tragedy.

The Program

March 23 Orientation meeting with General Sak Sutsakhan, Commander-in-Chief of KPNLAF March 24 Visit of Ampil March 25 Visits of Nam Yin (Baksei), Nong Chan, Samlor, and Dangrek March 26 Visits of O’Bok, and Rithysen March 27 Trip to Surin Dinner reception by Prince Norodom Ranariddh, Commander-in-Chief of ANS March 28 Visit of site B March 29 Visit of Sokh Sann Macrh 30 Meeting with Son Sann, President of Khmer People’s National Liberation Front (KPNLF)

The Meeting

On March 23, 1987, the delegation had an orientation and information meeting with General Sak Sutsakhan, Commander-in-Chief of KPNLAF. Former Premier Huy Kanthoul was also present. Gen. Sak handed out the program and inform us tha the Thai Supreme Commander had approved or request to visit all the refugee camps except Khao I Dang which was closed in December 1986. Also, we were not authorized to spend the nights in the camps for security reason.

Gen. Sak explained about the refugees’ plight and the situations in the camps with all the problems that the refugees actually faced. He showed us the location of Site II, Sokh Sann and Site B on the map. These were the camps scheduled to be visited by the delegation. He was pleased to announce that the internal crisis of KPNLF ended on March 18 when he and President Son Sann of KPNLF went to Site II to sow the Khmer people their reconciliation and unity. Gen. Sak also talked about the reforms he started on KPNLAF and the civilian camps, which were separated from the military camps that were moved to the fields inside the Khmer territory. He emphasized the need of having a close cooperation and coordination of activities with ANS under the leadership of the KPNLAF-ANS Joint Military Command (JMC). He personally made sure that all human rights violations would be investigated and the perpetrators prosecuted. He asked the delegation to carefully observe and listen during the entire visit. He would accept any suggestions. He was very open and allowed the delegation to ask any kind of questions.

The delegation met Gen. Thou Thip, who just got back from his four-month incursion deep inside Cambodia. He went all the way down to Kompong Thom.

In the afternoon of the same day, the delegation departed for Aranyaprathet, located in eastern Thailand about 200 miles from Bangkok. Pen Toula, who was in charge of public relations, was our guide.

Site 2

Site 2 is administered by KPNLF. It has about 160,000 inhabitants. It is divided into 2 camps:

• Site 2 North comprises of Ampil, Nam Yin (Baksei), Nong Chan, Samlor and Dangrek. • Site 2 South consists of O’Bok, and Rithysen.

Visit of Ampil

On March 24, 1987, the delegation visited the Ampil camp. Upon its arrival, the delegation was greeted by Gen. Dien Del, Deputy Commander-in-Chielf of KPNLAF, Gen. Pan Thay, Deputy Chief of Staff and Commander of Special Force., and the presidents of the seven camps: Lay Khek, Keo Lundi, Nget Sophon, Chhay Kim huor, Pong Sothy, Thou Thon and Reaksa Sambok.It was the first time that all the camp presidents were together and had shown a good sign of unity. After lunch, the delegation was entertained by the remarkable classical and folkloric dances. The performers were refugees who saw and wanted to conserve the real treasure of the Khmer culture. Through hard work, practice and patience, they demonstrated their artistic talents and abilities, and their love of art. We had to notice that some members of FUNCINPEC, a Sihanoukist organization, and ANS (Gen. Toan Chay, doctor Vanna Roth, etc.) also attended the show.

After the show, the delegation was given a guided tour of the camp by Nget Sophon, president of the camp. We visited the Khmer Women’s association which was in charge of the sewing (hand and machine), handicraft (scarf and mat weaving, silk production, carpentry, sculpture), children’s education and orphan centers. We toured the self-reliance program center, which promoted the breeding of chicken and ducks, and the center for handicaps. Chum Sambath, director of Information, showed us the traditional theater and music, and the modern music. He gave each member of the delegation two tapes of Khmer revolutionary songs, and two tapes of Ayai, a traditional song dialogued by a man and a woman. They were all performed by the talented refugees.

Visits of Nam Yin, Nong Chan, Samlor and Dangrek

On March 25, 1987, the delegation visited the facilities of all the above camps. We started with Nam Yin. In Nong Chan, we had a brief meeting with the populace, where each member of the delegation introduced himself and made a small speech. During the meeting, the following question was asked: why didn’t the Khmer living in foreign countries help now instead of waiting to side with the winners?

At lunch, the delegation was divided to allow each member the chance to sit with the officials of the camps. We had a good opportunity to chat about the problems and to become aware of the real problems in the camps. Afterwards, we proceeded back to the reunion center where we enjoyed the folkloric dances.

At the Samlor camp, the delegation was greeted by both the camp president and Gen. Ta Maing. After the presentations and speeches, we proceeded to Dangrek, where camp president Keo Lundi showed us the technical school. He tried to develop a course of electricity, electronics and mechanics. He needed books and equipment.

Back to Aranyaprathet, Gen. Teap Ben, Vice-Chairman of JMC, invited the delegation for dinner. Afterwards, Gen. Dien Del went to have a friendly chat with us at our place until four in the morning. He answered all the questions that were posed to him.

Visits of O’Bok, and Rithysen On March 26, 1987, the delegation spent the whole day at O’Bok and Rithysen. After having visited O’Bok, the delegation was briefed about the Rithysen camp by Thou Thon, the camp president. Rithysen was the largest camp with more than 60,000 inhabitants.

We toured the Lok Ta Sok school, and had a meeting with the students of political war. The delegation was very impressed by the great number of students – several thousands - who assembled there to greet and listen to us. We were so moved by their presence that we did not want to leave. Pressed by time, we had to move on to another meeting with the mass. Another question that deserved reflection from all of us was raised: even though we were unable to help the refugees go to the third countries, at least could we do something to improve their living conditions?

After the meeting, as we were running late, we were taken to another meeting where we were introduced to all the military commanders and camp presidents. After a brief speech by Gen. Sak, we all had lunch under a very friendly and relaxed atmosphere. We were entertained by the Khmer traditional music.

After lunch, we visited the Khmer Women’s association and the medical school. Then we ended our visit at the Buddhist temple. The honorable head of the temple said to us after our own introduction: “I was mesmerized for a while during your speeches. Right now, I’m kind of staying in a temple in Cambodia, and all of you are like the ambassadors, who come to visit my temple. I’m so moved.” We could see tears coming out of his eyes. Everybody cried too. We left with deep sorrow.

In the evening, the delegation wa briefed by Gen. Pok Sam An, Chief of Staff of KPNLAF, about the military situation.

Site B

Site B is administered by FUNCINPEC, and has about 46,000 inhabitants.

Trip to Surin

On March 27, 1987, Gen. Teap Ben took the delegation to Surin. We were greeted and briefed by Leu Lay Sreng, Information Director of FUNCINPEC. We were shown the Free Radio center. A tape and some documents were given out to each member.

In the evening, the delegation was invited to a dinner reception given by Prince Norodom Ranariddh, Commander-in-Chief of ANS. He talked about politics, the military situation, and the cooperation between the two non-communist forces.

Visit of Site B

On March 28, 1987, the delegation was taken to Site B. We were greeted by Prince Ranariddh and camp president Chhim Siek Leng. The mass stood in ovation upon our arrival. It was a great honor for us to be there. Site B was quite a nice camp. They managed to have a cooperative system. We visited the sewing and orphan centers, the Red Cross, the handicraft center, the hospital and the dam. We attended the show performed by the children, who were trained and coached by Princess Norodom Bopha Devi, the famous Royal ballet star. After lunch, the delegation headed back to Aranyaprathet.

Sokh Sann

On March 29, 1987, the delegation had its last visit at Sokh Sann, a camp administered by KPNLF and located in the Chanthaburi province. Chak Bory, who was in charge of logistics, accompanied us. Gen. Prim Vit greeted us upon arrival. It was a model camp where people produced soybean milk, soaps, bread, sandals, watering pots, baskets, etc. Again, we had the joy of admiring the artistic talents of the young children through their performances. Each camp had its own show.

Meeting with KPNLF Presdient

On March 30, 1987, the delegation had a meeting with President Son Sann of KPNLF. Also present was Gen. Sak and Defense Minister Im Chhodeth. Kit was ameeting full of interest. President Son Sann reiterated the need to have unity and solidarity to fight the Vietnamese. He sadi that he and Gen. Sak had reconciled. Themain focus now is the struggle for freedom and peace.

Seang Lim Bit, Sithan Sar and Hann So had an open and meaningful meeting with Neang Chin Han, general Secretary of KPNLF.

In the afternoon, the delegation had another meeting with Gen. Sak. The delegation reported back what was discovered and gave him some suggestions. Any questions, that were in mind, were asked. Now that the delegation had seen and heard everything about the front, it was up to each individual to judge. The truth had to be told.

Informal Meeting

On April 1, 1987, Seang Lim Bit, Sakphan Keam, Sithan Sar, Arun Son and Hann So had an informal breakfast meeting with Robert Porter, Jr., 1st Secretary, and Thomas Ferguson, 2nd Secretary of the U.S. embassy in Bangkok. They were very honest by sharing their thoughts on the non-communist forces. Thomas Ferguson is in charge of the Khmer affairs.

Then Sakphan, Sithan and AHnn went to talk to Tony Edson, end Secretary in charge of the refugee section. He said that the U.S. would continue to take former employees with the American embassy or organizations, former officials of the Khmer Republic, close families, and those who felt persecuted. He encouraged American citizens of Khmer origin to file an immigrant visa petition for their relatives. The latter would get a better chance to be admitted to the U.S. If a relative was accepted by another country, Tony Edson suggested to let him go to that country as it would be easier for him to go to the U.S. later on if an American relative would petition him.

In the evening, the delegation was invited for dinner by Kylin Chhor, Chief Division of Administration of the United Nations ESCAP. Also Present were Sarim Kol, liaison Officer of ESCAP, Thann Kong, and the director of Food for the Hungry.

On the flight back home on April 2, 1987, Hann So had the privilege to sit next to Robert Porter, Jr. he raised the following question: Why didn’t the Khmer intellectuals living abroad get involved and help?

Conclusion

Criticizing without knowing the truth is bad. If one wants to criticize, it must be constructive. He, who spends his time criticizing, must be accountable for his accountable for his actions and all damaging reports must be substantiated unless he wants to be the laughing stock. Credibility resides in oneself. One cannot prevent another person from being a patriot too. One is free to choose, and can help as much as he can. Honesty is the best weapon while sly remarks create repulsion. Error is human, and one cannot be right all the time. One must listen to what others have to say. As Lafontaine said, “We always need someone smaller than us.”

Hann So encourages his compatriots living abroad to go to the border and discover the truth for themselves. Believing in what one says is never sufficient. Through caring and sharing, one reaches his self-fulfillment. The two non-communist movements need help from allof us. If all Khmer living abroad decide to contribute $1 a month per person, this donation would mean a lot to the refugees and would certainly relieve their hardship.

Why did we spend more than $20,000 from our own pockets? For one reason only: learn the truth. We don’t want be a part of an extinct race, and we don’t want our homeland to get wiped out from the face of this earth.

Acknowledgments

The delegation would like to than Gen. Sak Sutsakhan, President Son Sann, Prince Ranariddh, Gen. Dien Del, Gen. Pok Sam An, Gen. Pan Thay, Gen. Teap Ben, Gen. Prum Vit, Dr. Vanna Roth, Gen. Toan Chay, Gen.Thao, Chhim Siek Leng, Pen Toula, Chak Bory, Leu Lay Sreng, Chum Sambath, Mam Yin, Yuth, all the camp presidents, the presidents of the Khmer Women’s associations, and finally the refugees.

Vietnam's Vietnam: Scars of Cambodia - The New York Times

April 9, 1989 Vietnam's Vietnam: Scars of Cambodia

By STEVEN ERLANGER, Special to the New York Times

HO CHI MINH CITY, Vietnam, April 7— Vietnam's unconditional withdrawal from Cambodia by the end of September, announced Wednesday, will conclude an ordeal of duty, sacrifice, suffering and hubris that caused internal pressures similar to those faced by the Soviet Union in Afghanistan and the United States in Vietnam itself.

For all three countries, the end of a military adventure that began with security concerns and ideological idealism was ambivalent, without clear resolution, let alone the accustomed victory, and left an uncertain future for their client regimes.

Many Vietnamese view the decade-long involvement in Cambodia with some pride for the salvation of a close neighbor from the degradation and genocide of the Khmer Rouge Government of Pol Pot, whom Vietnamese troops ousted from power when they invaded Dec. 25, 1978.

The Vietnamese also take pride in the assistance that enabled Hanoi's chosen government in Phnom Penh to rebuild a semblance of normal life from the detritus of ''Year Zero,'' as Cambodians called the period after the flight of the Khmer Rouge. 'Genocidal Regime'

''International law did nothing against Pol Pot,'' said Thai Duy, on the editorial board of the weekly Dai Doan Ket, or Great Solidarity. ''If that genocidal regime lasted two years more, what would have become of Cambodia? Would that nation still exist?''

There is also, to be sure, simple relief - that sons and relatives will be returning home from difficult and dangerous duty, after 55,000 casualties, including some 18,000 dead, and that Vietnam will finally be at peace for almost the first time since the resistance against the French began in the early 1930's.

But for some Vietnamese, the long occupation of Cambodia is a metaphor for Vietnam's recent and ongoing ''renovation'': a more realistic policy at last emerging after a tremendous sacrifice by the peasant class in pursuit of a miscalculated and dogmatic adventure by an unchanging and relatively unsophisticated elite.

''In the end,'' one Vietnamese official said, ''this is our version of Afghanistan. We are forced to go by our own internal difficulties and declining economy, the need for jobs and Western investment

1/3 Vietnam's Vietnam: Scars of Cambodia - The New York Times to solidify our renovation. And we stayed too long. We can no longer afford to be isolated in the world when our neighbors in Southeast Asia are developing with such speed.''

Anh Duc, a writer and editor of the monthly magazine Van, a journal of literature and reportage, said: ''We are talented in fighting. But as you know, over time we made many mistakes, and one was to be so big-mouthed and proud about our victory over the United States. We were so proud over our victory for so long a time, and we thought we could have a victory in everything else.''

Vietnamese policy on nearly all topics, including Cambodia, began to change significantly only at the end of 1986, when Nguyen Van Linh, now 73, was named Communist Party General Secretary and ''renovation'' was begun.

The transformation of an essentially Stalinist legacy of nationalization, centralization and collectivization is somewhat chaotic, but its direction is clear, and it requires a significant opening to the democracies of Asia and the West for investment and aid. Resistance to Changes

But as in the Soviet Union, there has been significant resistance to the changes as a deviation from Communism and a discrediting of the past. This, Vietnamese officials say, along with the initial weakness of the Government they established in Phnom Penh and the military inclination to give priority to security concerns, goes a long way to explain why Vietnam remained in Cambodia so long.

Maj. Gen. Tran Cong Man, editor of Quan Doi Nhan Dan, the Army People's Daily, provided two further reasons - error and pride. In an interview, he said that Khmer Rouge attacks on Vietnamese border villages in 1977 and 1978 required a response.

''It seems to us it was something we had to do,'' he said. ''And when we sent our troops to chase away Pol Pot, we thought it was a great victory.

''But during our stay, we have made some mistakes. Instead of helping the Cambodians to grow up, we did many things and let them do few. That's why the time is so long.

''And we have come to a conclusion that will be right forever,'' General Man said - ''that the revolution of each country and the independence of each country must be managed by each nation themselves. And the support of others can only be secondary.'' Disaffection Among Veterans

General Man also admitted that there has been some disaffection among those who have returned from the front to face a not always appreciative citizenry and to try to find a job in an economy with an unemployment rate of up to 30 percent.

''They fight very well,'' he said of the veterans, ''but when they come back home, some cause trouble. First they feel they have showed devotion and sacrifice on the battlefield, and when they come back, they are not treated in proportion to what they have given. They feel treated

2/3

Cambodia Expects Resurgence of Khmer Rouge - New York Times

World

Cambodia Expects Resurgence of Khmer Rouge

By STEVEN ERLANGER, Special to The New York Times Published: October 01, 1989

While Vietnamese officers who have returned from Cambodia routinely assert that the Phnom Penh army is now good enough to stand on its own, they also volunteer nearly uniform respect for the guerrilla tactics and skill of the Khmer Rouge, the main military force opposing Prime Minister Hun Sen.

A week after the last of the Vietnamese forces left Cambodia, more and more people in the region regard an intensification of Cambodia's civil war as inevitable. For them the specter of the Khmer Rouge looms, raising questions of who are the fighters, what are their objectives, how are they supplied and what are their capabilities. Have they changed, as their leaders maintain, or are they still willing to pursue policies of murderous terror, as they did when they stormed into the Cambodian capital on April 17, 1975?

Col. Nguyen Huu Tinh has spent parts of three tours in Cambodia and has just returned from three years in Kompong Thom province. His views are representative of those of most Vietnamese field officers interviewed in the last two weeks, both here and in Cambodia.

With Vietnam's 1,500-man 742d Regiment and Cambodian forces, the colonel was fighting two Khmer Rouge divisions, the 802d and 616th, which he said totaled only about 1,600 troops, half of which spent much of their time at logistics in a province far from their sanctuaries in Thailand.

Even so, he said, the Khmer Rouge fought well, and ''it was hard to eliminate them, because they live among the people,'' the traditional complaint of any regular army facing guerrillas. The Brutal History Of Khmer Rouge Rule

During the Khmer Rouge's time in power, from 1975 until the Vietnamese invaded in December 1978 and installed a pro-Hanoi Government in January 1979, more than one million people died from starvation, disease and murder. Given this brutal history, the Khmer Rouge are widely feared and hated in those parts of Cambodia where they have been repelled.

The resulting lack of a large sea of committed or sympathetic peasants to swim in and the difficulty of transporting materiel from Thailand are the major vulnerabilities of the Khmer Rouge, analysts agree. Recently such failings have been compounded by the increasingly ambivalent attitudes of China and Thailand, which have been key benefactors of the shadowy guerrillas.

The Khmer Rouge claim widespread support in the countryside, but it not readily clear how much is freely offered and how much is extorted. Their guerrillas often take rice and animals from villagers while killing or kidnapping local officials and demanding ''volunteers'' for fighting and carrying ammunition.

Still, Chinese military aid and the sanctuaries provided by Thailand for the Khmer Rouge army and for Khmer Rouge-controlled refugees are indisputable advantages and thus far continue.

And as some Cambodian officials, diplomats and international relief workers say, Cambodians have learned to accommodate themselves to whatever force is holding the guns at any moment, particularly in the remoter parts of the country.

Even in provinces like Kompong Thom, Kompong Cham and Kompong Speu, all relatively distant from the Thai border, the Government has found it difficult to get Khmer Rouge fighters to defect.

''We send their families to persuade them, but they don't surrender,'' the Governor of Kompong Speu, Samreth Sakhan dit Sophat, said last month. ''We have to be realists. People live with what is around them.'' Despite an offer of clemency, he said, there were no defectors in his province this year through mid-August. Some Political Support In the Countryside

Khieu Kanharith, a member of the Cambodian National Assembly and editor of the semiofficial weekly Kampuchea, said in an interview that the Khmer Rouge retain some political supporters. He said they amounted to only a few percent, but he added that under the Khmer Rouge, who attempted to transform Cambodia into a Maoist, peasant-dominated agrarian collective, it was the city dwellers and professional classes who suffered most.

Peasants and ethnic minorities long despised or mistreated by Phnom Penh had their day in the sun, however bloody that day was, and some lived better than before, he said, adding that in a few provinces, like Kratie in the northeast, the only deaths came from disease.

''Kratie was very good under the Khmer Rouge,'' said Mr. Khieu Kanharith. ''No one was killed there.''

The Khmer Rouge are also respected for their intense nationalism by some Cambodians, who have seen large parts of their ancient empire swallowed up by the Thais and the Vietnamese. And it was the Khmer Rouge who carried the brunt of the fight against the Vietnamese occupiers.

Despite the Vietnamese withdrawal, no one, including Western analysts in Bangkok, expects the Khmer Rouge to be able to repeat their 1975 victory, which took place in the midst of the chaos of the wider war in Indochina and the American retreat. But Eastern bloc diplomats in

1/2

4 PARTIES IN CAMBODIAN WAR SIGN U.N.-BACKED PEACE PACT; KHMER ROUGE SHARES RULE - The New York Times

October 24, 1991 4 PARTIES IN CAMBODIAN WAR SIGN U.N.-BACKED PEACE PACT 4 PARTIES IN CAMBODIAN WAR SIGN U.N.- BACKED PEACE PACT; KHMER ROUGE SHARES RULE

By ALAN RIDING,

Correction Appended PARIS, Oct. 23— With mutual distrust still lingering between longtime enemies, Cambodia's warring factions signed a peace treaty today aimed at ending a nightmare of war, mass murder, foreign occupation, starvation and exile that has devastated the Southeast Asian country over the last 21 years.

Under the agreement -- brokered by the United States, the Soviet Union and China -- a cease-fire in the round of civil war that began in 1978 went into immediate effect. It is to be followed by the demobilization of rival armies, repatriation of 350,000 refugees and elections by mid-1993.

But while the agreement today may offer Cambodia the hope of a respite from its pain, it also resurrected the specter of a return to power of the Communist Khmer Rouge movement. The Khmer Rouge was -- and is -- headed by the infamous Pol Pot, and under his leadership it was responsible for more than one million deaths in a total population of seven million from the time it seized power in April 1975 until it was ousted at the end of 1978 by Vietnamese troops. Khmer Rouge Strongest Faction

The Khmer Rouge remains easily the strongest of three Cambodian rebel factions, with an estimated 50,000 to 100,000 armed followers. And it now has two representatives on a new Supreme National Council and will be able to participate in the elections.

The two other rebel factions are the Khmer People's National Liberation Front, a conservative group headed by Son Sann, and a faction led by Prince Norodom Sihanouk, Cambodia's former head of state, who is to head the Supreme National Council during the transition to democratic elections.

The three rebel groups, ideologically disparate, have made an uneasy alliance to fight the Vietnamese-installed Government in Phnom Penh, now headed by Prime Minister Hun Sen.

The United Nations has been given the central role in insuring that the accord is respected. It is to

1/7 4 PARTIES IN CAMBODIAN WAR SIGN U.N.-BACKED PEACE PACT; KHMER ROUGE SHARES RULE - The New York Times send thousands of troops and civilians to help run Cambodia and share power with the 12- member Supreme National Council, which has been formed by the warring factions as a transitional administration until a democratic government is in place.

At the signing ceremony here today, a sense of perspective was provided by the French President, Francois Mitterrand, who said: "A dark page of history has been turned. Cambodians want peace, which means that any spirit of revenge would now be as dangerous as forgetting the lessons of history." 'Magnitude of the Suffering'

The agreement was also hailed by Secretary of State James A. Baker 3d. "What makes the case of Cambodia so extraordinary -- and its claim for international support so compelling," Mr. Baker said, "is the magnitude of the suffering its people have endured."

Western diplomats said peace in Cambodia was made possible mainly by changes taking place outside the country -- both new cooperation between Washington and Moscow to settle regional conflicts and moves by China and Vietnam to encourage their Cambodian political clients to negotiate in good faith.

In return for Hanoi's support of the Cambodian peace, the United States announced plans today to seek a gradual normalization of its relations with Vietnam, which invaded Cambodia in 1978 and installed its client government in Phnom Penh.

Mr. Baker also said that the Administration intended to move toward such ties with Cambodia and with Laos, where Washington now stations not an ambassador but only a charge d'affaires in Vientiane, the capital.

He said that the United States would now lift its trade embargo with Cambodia and support aid projects through a new liaison office to be opened in Phnom Penh.

Washington, along with other Western governments, decided not to establish full diplomatic relations with the Supreme National Council but rather to await election of a democratic government. In the interim, American officials said the liaison office would try to insure that American humanitarian aid does not help the Khmer Rouge.

Representatives of the 18 other nations that signed today's accord warned of the need to insure that Cambodia's nightmarish history is not repeated. But none was more scathing than Mr. Baker in condemning the Khmer Rouge for violence against its own people "that has few parallels in history."

Noting that both the United States and Cambodia have signed the United Nations-sponsored Genocide Convention, he added that "we will support efforts to bring to justice those responsible for the mass murders of the 1970's if the new Cambodian Government chooses to pursue this path."

2/7 4 PARTIES IN CAMBODIAN WAR SIGN U.N.-BACKED PEACE PACT; KHMER ROUGE SHARES RULE - The New York Times Britain's delegate, Lord Caithness, also said it would be "incomprehensible and unacceptable" if Pol Pot, Ieng Sary and other Khmer Rouge leaders identified with the period of massacres were to try to return to power. "That must not be allowed to happen," he said.

The Khmer Rouge leader, Khieu Samphan, was nonetheless one of four Cambodian leaders to sign the peace agreement. The others were Prime Minister Hun Sen; Son Sann, leader of the Khmer People's National Liberation Front, and Prince Sihanouk. Sihanouk Urges Support of Pact

Prince Sihanouk, who was the only Cambodian to address today's gathering at the Kleber Conference Center here, said he considered the agreement a charter to "put an end to the suffering and misery of my people," and he called for "loyal and scrupulous implementation" of its terms by all parties.

Prince Sihanouk governed the nation through much of the 1940's, 50's and 60's, and was deposed in 1970 by officers led by Lieut. Gen. Lon Nol. The previous year, General Lon Nol had cut back Prince Sihanouk's power and become Prime Minister. Prince Sihanouk's ouster was also played out at a time of intense American bombing in Indochina and ground incursions into Cambodia.

Today's agreement consists of three separate documents -- one covering "a comprehensive political settlement"; a second guaranteeing Cambodia's sovereignty, independence and neutrality, and a third committing the signers to aid the country's reconstruction.

The peace accord is written to govern the factions that have fought each other since the Vietnamese invasion of 1978. U.S. Began Legacy of Death

But Cambodia's legacy of suffering dates back to the American incursions of 1970, described at the time as an effort to attack Viet Cong sanctuaries and supply routes. It had the effect of drawing the small country into the larger Indochina war.

American bombing in Cambodia continued until 1973, but Washington was unable to prevent the toppling of the Lon Nol Government by the Khmer Rouge in 1975.

Years later in 1989 -- after both the Khmer Rouge terror was over and all factions seemed to be aware that the civil war was tearing apart what remained of Cambodia -- a first Cambodian peace conference was conducted in Paris, but it failed.

Then, beginning in 1990, the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council -- the United States, the Soviet Union, China, Britain and France -- joined the negotiations. This eventually set the stage for an accord by committing the world organization to play a major role in the transition to democracy. China and Vietnam Joined

Moves toward an agreement accelerated this summer when China and Vietnam, both eager to end their international isolation and apparently ready to put aside their traditional enmity, began leaning on the Khmer Rouge and Phnom Penh respectively to show flexibility.

3/7 4 PARTIES IN CAMBODIAN WAR SIGN U.N.-BACKED PEACE PACT; KHMER ROUGE SHARES RULE - The New York Times After today's ceremony, however, the focus turns back to Cambodia itself. Prince Sihanouk has announced that he will return to Phnom Penh on Nov. 14, and Prime Minister Hun Sen has said he will accompany him. Khmer Rouge representatives, including Mr. Khieu Samphan, are also soon to arrive in the Cambodian capital.

Similarly, the first, 268-member contingent of United Nations military and civilian personnel is expected in Phnom Penh before the end of this month with the mandate of observing the cease- fire and recommending the size of what will become known as the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia.

Western diplomats have estimated that 20,000 to 30,000 soldiers and civilian administrators will eventually be needed. They also believe that the cost of the 21-month operation will be $1 billion to $2 billion, requiring the United Nations to establish a special fund.

The United Nations Secretary General, Javier Perez de Cuellar, described the peacekeeping mission in Cambodia as "probably the most important and most complex in the history of the United Nations." It is also the largest-scale by far. The Secretary General will shortly name a special representative who will exercise enormous authority under the terms of the accord.

The immediate task of the United Nations force is to regroup the rival armies in special "cantonment" areas, where they are to surrender their weapons and help locate millions of land mines. The factions are also committed to demobilizing at least 70 percent of their forces before the voter registration period is completed.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees is to oversee the voluntary repatriation of 350,000 refugees in camps along the Thai-Cambodian border, although the Khmer Rouge has already been accused of violating the spirit of the accord by trying to force some refugees to move into areas under its control.

During preparations for elections for a 120-member assembly, involving adoption of an electoral code and voter registration, the United Nations force will also be authorized to run Cambodia's foreign affairs, national defense, finance, public security and information in order to guarantee a fair vote. Elections Within 18 Months

After the elections, expected to be held within 18 months, a constituent assembly has been given a further three months to draft a new constitution, to be approved by a two-thirds vote. It will then transform itself into a legislative assembly and elect a democratic government.

In theory, the role of the United Nations ends at this point but, because of the grim record of Cambodian violence, both the United Nations and other signers of the agreement pledged today to continue monitoring human rights in Cambodia after the end of the transitional period.

Photos: Prince Norodom Sihanouk, center, who will be president of Cambodia's Supreme National Council, at treaty signing in Paris with other delegates, including Khieu Samphan, right, a leader

4/7 4 PARTIES IN CAMBODIAN WAR SIGN U.N.-BACKED PEACE PACT; KHMER ROUGE SHARES RULE - The New York Times of the Khmer Rouge. (Agence France-Presse) (pg. A1); Delegates to the conference in Paris yesterday at which a Cambodian peace treaty was signed. (Agence France-Presse) The forests of Cambodia known as the "killing fields," where thousands were massacred.; A guerrilla soldier marching into Phnom Penh, as it was being overrun on April 17, 1975. (pg. A16) Chart: "The Peace Settlement" Main points of the agreement signed yesterday by representatives from the Cambodian Government, three guerrilla factions and 18 other nations. * Administration: The United Nations will take over administrative tasks of the Cambodian Government, and will work with the Supreme National Council, which includes representatives from the Cambodian factions. The United Nations has the power to run ministries, including defense, foreign affairs, finance and communications. * Elections: The United Nations adminstration will help organize free elections in early 1993 to elect a constitutional assembly charged with drafting a new national charter guaranteeing human rights. * Cease-fire: A cease-fire is in place. Three main guerrilla factions and Government troops will withdraw. Under United Nations supervision, 70 percent of their effective forces will be demobilized. Foreign military support will halt. * Refugees: The United Nation's administration and its High Commission for Human Rights will oversee the return of 350,000 refugees from camps along the Thai border. * Sovereignty: The independence sovereignty, neutrality and territorial integrity of Cambodia are recognized. * Reconstruction: The signers of the treaty commit themselves to financially supporting reconstruction efforts. (Source: Associated Press) (pg. A16) Chronology: "Years of Torment, Steps Toward Peace" Early History: At the height of its reach and power between the 9th and 13th centuries, the predecessor of modern Cambodia, the empire of Angkor, was a strong and culturally advanced civilization. At various times, it controlle territory from the Burmese border to the Mekong Delta, and south to the South Chia Sea. But by the second quarter of teh 15th century, the empire was declining and was attacked on either side by Thailand and Vietnam. 1863: Again under pressure from his neighbors, Cambodia requests French protection to stave off national extinction, and the French transform Cambodia into a protectorate. By the end of the 19th century, Cambodia is incorporated with Laos and a divided Vietnam into an Indochinese union under French rule. 1941: The French install Prince Norodom Sihanouk, then 18 years old, as King of Cambodia. World War II: Japanese forces enter Cambodia in 1941. Japan permits Vichy France to continue administering the country until late in the war, when it dissolves the French colonial administration. In response, King Sihanouk declares independence in March 1945. An anti-colonial government is formerd, but allied occupation forces depose it in October. 1946: After the war, France grants increased autonomy to Cambodia, but nationalists, led by King Sihanouk, demand full independence. 1953 -- November: France grants independece to Cambodia. At the Geneva Conference of 1954, Cambodia, like Vietnam and Laos, is declared a neutral state. 1955 -- March: King Sihanouk abdicates the throne in order to play an active role in day-to-day politics. He sets up a national front. 1963 -- November: Prince Sihanouk severs economic and military reations with the United States, citing the increasing American activity in Vietnam, and he accuses the American forces of carrying out border incursions into Cambodia. Late 1960's: Important groups grow restive under Sihanouk's rule. Military officers resent his policy of permitting North Vietnamese armed activity in the border area, business people oppose his refusal to accept American economic aid, and urban intellectuals criticize his political

5/7 4 PARTIES IN CAMBODIAN WAR SIGN U.N.-BACKED PEACE PACT; KHMER ROUGE SHARES RULE - The New York Times dominance. 1970 -- March: While Prince Sihanouk is abroad, civilian and military officals overthrow his Government and turn over power to Prime Minister Lon Nol, an American-backed general involved in a limited move to eclipse Prince Sihanouk the previous year. In October, the monarchy is abolished. 1975 -- April: Communist guerrillas of the Khmer Rouge seize the capital, Phnom Penh, after a string of victories in provincial cities, and oust Lon Nol's Government. Under the titular leadership of Khieu Samphan and leng Sary, and the underground control of Pol Pot, the Khmer Rouge impose a brutal reorganization of society in which more than a million people die. City dwellers are forced into harsh labor in the countryside, members of educated or merchant classes are put to death, and a reign of terror coupled with an extreme form of agrarian Marxism previals. Prince Sihanouk, the virtual prisoner of the Khmer Rouge, is declared the titular head of state. 1976: Prince Sihanouk resigns and goes to Beijing. Pol Pot emerges from the Khmer Rouge's underground leadership to become Prime Minister, taking full charge. 1978 -- December: After a year of incursions into Cambodian territory the Vietnamese Army mounts a full invasion of the country. It consolidates its powwer and in January 1979 installs a new Government led by Heng Samrin. 1982 -- June: Under pressure from China, the United States and other countries, the three Cambodian guerrilla factions form a coalition government in exile with Prince Sihanouk as president, Khieu Samphan as vice president and Son Sann of the conservative Khmer People's Liberation Front as prime minister. Washington recognizes the rebel coalition. 1985 -- September: The Khmer Rouge announces the retirement of Pol Pot as military leader, but Western governments say he is still the real leader. 1987 -- May: Prince Sihanouk steps down for a year as head of the coalition agter attacks on his men by the Khmer Rouge, and he pursues his own peace initiative. December: Hun Sen, now Prime Minister in Phnom Penh, and Prince Sihanouk hold talks in France. This and four other rounds in the next 18 months proves inconclusive. 1988 -- February: Under Chinese pressure, Prince Sihanouk returns to lead the rebel coalition. 1989 -- April: Vietnam announces that all its troops will leave Cambodia by the end of September, even if no settlement is reached. August: Peace talks in Paris involving 18 nations and the waring Cambodian factions collapse. September: Vietnam says all its troops have now been withdrawn from Cambodia, although guerrilla groups charge, and Vietnamese officials later confirm, that some remain. 1990 -- January: The five permanent members of United Nations Security Council draft a peace plan calling for a U.N.-supervised administration to run the country while elections are organized. February: Hun Sen and Prince Sihanouk meet in Bangkok and agree in principle to the United Nations role. July: The Security Council members issue a plea to the factions to set up a Supreme National Council that would prepare the way for elections. Washington reversing a nearly decade long diplomatic position, announces that it is withdrawing recognition of the rebels and is ready to renew a dialogue with Vietnam to help the peace effort. August: The Security Council members announce the main elements of a settlement. The agreement provides for an interim administration combining elements from the United Nations and all four Cambodian factions to run the country until United Nations-supervised elections can be held. Factional armies would be disarmed and kept apart by U.N. troops. September: The four factions meet in Jakarta and agree to accept the United Nations plan, and they select a Supreme National Council. The 12- member council meets in Bangkok but breaks up when the faction fail to agree on the

6/7