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Why the SPD Exiles in Scandinavia Failed to Persuade the Post-1945 SPD to Adopt the Ideas and Ideals of the Scandinavian Social Democrats

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Why the SPD exiles in Scandinavia failed to persuade the post-1945 SPD to adopt the ideas and ideals of the Scandinavian Social Democrats. The SPD exiles and the Scandinavian Social Democrats in the period 1933-1956. Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of “DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY” by AMI VATURY Submitted to the Senate of Ben-Gurion University of the Negev 30 of August 2004 Beer-Sheva Why the SPD exiles in Scandinavia failed to persuade the post-1945 SPD to adopt the ideas and ideals of the Scandinavian Social Democrats. The SPD exiles and the Scandinavian Social Democrats in the period 1933-1956. Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of “DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY” by AMI VATURY Submitted to the Senate of Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Approved by the advisor Approved by the Dean of the Kreitman School of Advanced Graduate Studies 30 of August 2004 Beer-Sheva This work was carried out under the Supervision of Professor Frank Stern In the Department of History Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Table of Content Introduction Chapter A: The aims of the research, the existing scholarship in this area, 1 the nature of the sources and the structure of the dissertation. Chapter B: The development of SPD ‘pragmatism’ and Swedish Social 7 Democratic ‘reformism’ up to 1914. Chapter C: The development of the Swedish Social Democrats ‘Functional 19 Socialism’ from 1914 to 1956, and main similarities with the Danish and Norwegian Social Democratic parties. Part 1- Good Cooperation but only Limited Influence (The SPD Exiles and the Scandinavian Social Democrats up to 1940) Chapter 1.1: SPD ‘party ideology’ from 1920 to 1933 compared to the ‘party 40 Ideology’ of the Scandinavian Social Democrats; the role played by the most senior SPD exiles in Scandinavia (Fritz Tarnow and Kurt Heinig) during this period and their views regarding the ‘Weimar SPD party ideology’. Chapter 1.2: The founding of the So.Pa.De and the attitude of future leading 71 SPD exiles in Scandinavia towards the exiled secretariat in June 1933. Chapter 1.3: SPD exiles and Social Democratic Denmark in 1933 75 Chapter 1.4: The ‘Prague Manifesto’ compared to the political programs 83 of the Swedish and Danish Social democrats. Chapter 1.5: SPD exiles and the Danish and Swedish Social Democrats 87 during the period 1934-1935. Chapter 1.6: SPD exiles and Danish and Swedish Social Democrats during 96 the period 1936-1937. Chapter 1.7: SPD exiles and Scandinavian social Democrats during the 104 period 1938 to 1940. Chapter 1.8: Kurt Heinig begins to be influenced by the Scandinavian 120 Social Democrats. Chapter 1.9: SPD(RSD) Exiles in Norway during the period 1938 to 132 1940. Part 2- ‘Swedophiles,’ SPD exiles who were minimally influenced by the Scandinavian Social Democrats and SPD exiles with non-egalitarian views. (The stands taken by the So.Pa.De Secretariat in London; the internal politics of SPD exiles in Sweden from 1940 until 1944, the views they held during the period 1940-1948 and how these were influenced by the Scandinavian social Democrats) Chapter 2.1: The stands taken by the So.Pa.De Secretariat in London 141 compared to positions of the Scandinavian Social Democrats. I Chapter 2.2: SPD exiles in Sweden from the spring of 1940 till the 145 winter of 1943. Chapter 2.3: Kurt Heinig becomes an admirer of the Swedish Social 153 Democrats and a supporter of their ‘party ideology.’ Chapter 2.4: Otto Friedländer’s naïve perception of Swedish Social 163 Democracy. Chapter 2.5: SPD exiles who were minimally influenced by the 173 Scandinavian Social Democrats. Chapter 2.6: Paul Bromme and his non-egalitarian views. 180 Chapter 2.7: A ‘radical model of Paul Bromme’: Willy Brandt 193 views in the 1940’s Part 3 – Closed to Some, Open to Others. (The road to the post- 1945; the activities of Fritz Tarnow from 1940 to 1951; the political actions of the main SPD exiles in Sweden from 1944 to 1956; Heinigs efforts to promote Swedish Social Democracy till 1956) Chapter 3.1: Factors that influenced the successful integration of an 198 SPD exile from Scandinavia into the new SPD. Chapter 3.2: The opportunist 201 Chapter 3.3: How the political career of Kurt Heinig, the main 212 ‘Swedophile’ came to an end. Chapter 3.4: The fates of Stahl, Raloff, Sassnick, Friedländer 223 and the supporters of cooperation with the communists. Chapter 3.5: Paul Bromme- the road to Lübeck. 228 Chapter 3.6: Kurt Heinig tries to convince the SPD that ‘reform 234 should lead to a social revolution.’ Chapter 3.7: SPD ’party ideology’ in the period 1945-1956 240 and the ‘action program’ of 1952/1954. Concluding remarks. 246 Appendix A- The SPD and the Swedish Social Democrats from 1871 to 253 1956 (important dates). B- A copy of the ‘Prague Manifesto’ from ‘Neuer Vorwärts’ 264 of the 28.1.1934. C- Abbreviations of organizations names 271 Sources 272 II Abstract Introduction The aim of this dissertation is to explain the limited influence of the Scandinavian Social Democrats on SPD exiles whom they hosted in the period 1933-1956 and on the main organization of the exiles – the So.Pa.De. Many of the SPD exiles in Scandinavia were senior figures in the Weimar SPD and the So.Pa.De leadership viewed the Scandinavian Social Democrats as important allies. However, the SPD did not adopt, after 1945, the egalitarian goals of the Scandinavian Social Democrats. The most successful politicians of the post 1945 SPD who spent a period of exile in Scandinavia were not members of the Weimar SPD but members of the German SAP (Willy Brandt) or the KPD (Herbert Wehner). In addition to defining the aim of the dissertation, the Introduction provides a detailed description of the SPD up to 1914 and of the Scandinavian Social Democrats up to 1956 (Chapter B and Chapter C). The time frame of the research ends in 1956. These two chapters are not part of the research (there was no significant political activity by the main, future SPD exiles in Scandinavia before 1914, and the history of the Scandinavian Social Democratic Parties is not an integral part of the research), however their content is essential in order to understand the claims put forward in this paper. The first chapter describes the development of the SPD’s pragmatic tendency up to 1914 and the development of the policy of ‘reformist Socialism’ of the main Scandinavian Social Democratic Party (the Swedish Social Democrats) prior to 1914. The second chapter describes the form of ‘reformist Socialism’ ultimately adopted by the Scandinavian Social Democrats and its implementation up to 1956. The emphasis in the second chapter is on the Swedish Social Democrats because theirs was the most prominent example of this policy and because most SPD exiles in Scandinavia spent the latter part of their exile in Sweden. The two chapters aim to show the main differences in ideas and political tactics between the SPD and the Scandinavian Social Democrats, differences that one would III have expected to diminish in light of the large concentration of SPD exiles in Scandinavia and the close contacts between the So.Pa.De and the Scandinavian Social Democrats. The ideas of ‘reformist Socialism’ were expressed clearly by the Swedish Social Democrats as from 1911 and by the Danish Social Democrats as from 1913. The platform was also adopted by the Norwegian Labor Party in the mid 1930s. After 1945, it became the policy of the ruling Swedish, Danish and Norwegian Social Democratic Parties as well as that of the Finnish Social Democratic Party, which formed coalition governments with the Communist Party. The central aims of ‘reformist Socialism’ were: A) to create a classless society with equal distribution of income and capital; B) to achieve this goal and finance generous welfare payments and extensive public services through high taxes; C) to organize the entire workforce in trade unions and to create a trade union policy of equal wages; D) to promote a Keynesian macroeconomic policy in order to create full employment, assigning a lesser role to central planning; E) to give trade unions a large percentage of control in the management of their workplaces and to place key parts of the economy under public ownership (not necessarily through nationalization); F) to garner the political support of small farmers and the self employed in addition to that of urban workers. Up to 1914, the SPD had an ‘orthodox’ party program, the Erfurt Program, which did not address the needs of small farmers and the self-employed. The revisionist movement which developed in the SPD did not adopt the egalitarian goals of Scandinavian ‘reformist Socialism.’ The trade unions were the pragmatic body within the SPD but they were small in relative size compared to their counterparts in Scandinavia. Part 1 Part one deals with the SPD exiles and the Scandinavian Social Democrats up to 1940. Chapter 1 is devoted to the main SPD exiles in Scandinavia and their position regarding SPD policies and ideas in the period 1920-1933. The chapter compares these policies and ideas with those of the Scandinavian Social Democrats at the same period. This was the period, which led to the exile of the SPD since it was unable to prevent the rise of the extreme right in Germany and save the democratic Weimar IV Republic. The process led to the outlawing of the SPD in June 1933. During the same period, the Social Democratic Parties became the main political power in Scandinavia.
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    OUTPOST OF FREEDOM: A GERMAN-AMERICAN NETWORK’S CAMPAIGN TO BRING COLD WAR DEMOCRACY TO WEST BERLIN, 1933-72 Scott H. Krause A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Konrad H. Jarausch Christopher R. Browning Klaus W. Larres Susan Dabney Pennybacker Donald M. Reid Benjamin Waterhouse © 2015 Scott H. Krause ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Scott H. Krause: Outpost of Freedom: A German-American Network’s Campaign to bring Cold War Democracy to West Berlin, 1933-66 (under the direction of Konrad H. Jarausch) This study explores Berlin’s sudden transformation from the capital of Nazi Germany to bastion of democracy in the Cold War. This project has unearthed how this remarkable development resulted from a transatlantic campaign by liberal American occupation officials, and returned émigrés, or remigrés, of the Marxist Social Democratic Party (SPD). This informal network derived from members of “Neu Beginnen” in American exile. Concentrated in wartime Manhattan, their identity as German socialists remained remarkably durable despite the Nazi persecution they faced and their often-Jewish background. Through their experiences in New Deal America, these self-professed “revolutionary socialists” came to emphasize “anti- totalitarianism,” making them suspicious of Stalinism. Serving in the OSS, leftists such as Hans Hirschfeld forged friendships with American left-wing liberals. These experiences connected a wider network of remigrés and occupiers by forming an epistemic community in postwar Berlin. They recast Berlin’s ruins as “Outpost of Freedom” in the Cold War.