The Third Way at the Crossroads
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On Adam Smith, Karl Marx and Social Enterprise
A Third Way Out?— On Adam Smith, Karl Marx and Social Enterprise Chik Ho Ning Cultural Management, Chung Chi College Social enterprise is a rising form of business which strives for common good as an ultimate purpose. The Social Enterprise Alliance in Hong Kong stresses three characteristics of social enterprises: addressing social needs and serving the common good, using commercial activity as a strong revenue driver as compared to relying on donations, and holding the common good as the primary purpose (“The Case for Social Enterprise Alliance”). By another definition, provided by the Home Affairs Department of Hong Kong, a social enterprise strives for social goods in the area of providing service for the community while creating employment and training opportunities for the socially vulnerable. It is also important that social enterprises reinvest their earned profits for the social objectives, instead of distributing them to shareholders. (“What is Social Enterprise.”) One shall wonder, how does this relate to the existing business models and ideologies? In the following, I shall draw attention to ideas of Adam Smith and Karl Marx, and, in my wild imagination, their possible comments to social enterprises. Examples of social enterprises in Hong Kong shall be 26 與人文對話 In Dialogue with Humanity quoted. The essay will end with a discussion on social enterprises as “the third way”. On Adam Smith and Social Enterprise Smith is honoured as the Father of Economy, and his ideology drives the operation of a capitalistic society. In The Wealth of Nations, he emphasises the activities in a free market, driven by self-interest of individuals and led by an “invisible hand”. -
Instituto Juan March Juan March Institute
Instituto Juan March Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales (CEACS) Juan March Institute Center for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences (CEACS) No third way : a comparative perspective on the left Author(s): Lipset, Seymour Martin Date 1991 Type Working Paper Series Estudios = Working papers / Instituto Juan March de Estudios e Investigaciones, Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales 16 (1991) City: Madrid Publisher: Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales Your use of the CEACS Repository indicates your acceptance of individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any document(s) only for academic research and teaching purposes. NO THIRD WAY: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE ON THE LEFT Seymour Martin Lipset Estudio/Working Paper 1991/16 April 1991 Seymour Martin Lipset is Senior Fellow al the Hoover Institution (Stanford University) and Hazel Professor of Public Policy at George Mason University. This paper is an extended version of an oral presentation given by Professor Lipset at the Center for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences of the Juan March Institute (Madrid) in July 1990. -1- NO THIRD WAY: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE ON THE LEFT by Seymour Martin Lipset While the attention of the world has been focused on the startling transformations in the Communist world, equally important if less dramatic shifts have been occurring in the noncommunist parties of the Left. Although less noteworthy, since they do not involve revolutionary economic and political changes, they are as ideologically significant, for they represent a withdrawal from the centralized redistributionist doctrines of the democratic Left.1 Their record confirms the conclusion of Pierre Mauroy, Prime Minister of France’s first majority Socialist government, who noted in the Spring of 1990: “We thought we could find a third way, but it turned out there isn’t one.”2 In country after country, socialist and other left parties have taken the ideological road back to capitalism. -
The Third Way and the Governance of the Social in Britain Jérôme Tournadre
The Third Way and the governance of the social in Britain Jérôme Tournadre To cite this version: Jérôme Tournadre. The Third Way and the governance of the social in Britain. A city of one’s own, Ashgate, pp.201-212, 2008. halshs-00649541 HAL Id: halshs-00649541 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00649541 Submitted on 9 Dec 2011 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. CHAPTER TWELVE The ‘Third Way’ and the Governance of the Social in Britain Jérôme Tournadre-Plancq Regardless of the ‘world of Welfare’ in which it functions - to use the term coined by Gøsta Esping-Andersen (Esping-Andersen 1990) - the State has, during a large part of the twentieth century, come to play an essential role in the handling of welfare in liberal democracies. This does not mean that its role amounts to exercising a monopoly. Providing a counterweight to the market in the social-democratic ‘compromise’, the Welfare State often emerges, in the political reflection of the majority of the post-war centre-left, as the most reliable guarantor for the common good. The Social (Donzelot 1984) is then considered as the best way to reinforce this idea. -
Understanding Social Democracy
1 Understanding Social Democracy By Sheri Berman Associate Professor of Political Science Barnard College Columbia University 3009 Broadway New York, NY 10027-6598 (212) 854-2158 2 For the first half of the twentieth century, Europe was the most turbulent region on earth, convulsed by war, economic crisis, and social and political conflict. For the second half of the century, it was among the most placid, a study in harmony and prosperity. What changed? Two narratives commonly emerge in answer to this question. The first focuses on the struggle between democracy and its alternatives, pitting liberalism against fascism, National Socialism, and Marxist-Leninism. The second focuses on competition between capitalism and its alternatives, pitting liberals against socialists and communists. Democratic capitalism is simply the best, indeed the “natural” form of societal organization, these stories assert, and once Western Europe fully embraced it, all was well. This account obviously contains some truth: the century did witness a struggle between democracy and its enemies and the market and its alternatives. But it is only a partial truth, because it overlooks a crucial point: democracy and capitalism were historically at odds. An indispensable element of their joint victory, therefore, was the discovery of some way for them to coexist. In practice, that turned out to mean a willingness to use political power to protect citizens from the ravages of untrammeled markets. The ideology that triumphed was not liberalism, as the “End of History” folks would have it, it was social democracy. If this sounds surprising or overblown it is because social democracy rarely gets either the respect or in-depth ideological analysis it deserves. -
If Not Left-Libertarianism, Then What?
COSMOS + TAXIS If Not Left-Libertarianism, then What? A Fourth Way out of the Dilemma Facing Libertarianism LAURENT DOBUZINSKIS Department of Political Science Simon Fraser University 8888 University Drive Burnaby, B.C. Canada V5A 1S6 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.sfu.ca/politics/faculty/full-time/laurent_dobuzinskis.html Bio-Sketch: Laurent Dobuzinskis’ research is focused on the history of economic and political thought, with special emphasis on French political economy, the philosophy of the social sciences, and public policy analysis. Abstract: Can the theories and approaches that fall under the more or less overlapping labels “classical liberalism” or “libertarianism” be saved from themselves? By adhering too dogmatically to their principles, libertarians may have painted themselves into a corner. They have generally failed to generate broad political or even intellectual support. Some of the reasons for this isolation include their reluctance to recognize the multiplicity of ways order emerges in different contexts and, more 31 significantly, their unshakable faith in the virtues of free markets renders them somewhat blind to economic inequalities; their strict construction of property rights and profound distrust of state institutions leave them unable to recommend public policies that could alleviate such problems. The doctrine advanced by “left-libertarians” and market socialists address these substantive weaknesses in ways that are examined in detail in this paper. But I argue that these “third way” movements do not stand any better chance than libertari- + TAXIS COSMOS anism tout court to become a viable and powerful political force. The deeply paradoxical character of their ideas would make it very difficult for any party or leader to gain political traction by building an election platform on them. -
Why the SPD Exiles in Scandinavia Failed to Persuade the Post-1945 SPD to Adopt the Ideas and Ideals of the Scandinavian Social Democrats
Why the SPD exiles in Scandinavia failed to persuade the post-1945 SPD to adopt the ideas and ideals of the Scandinavian Social Democrats. The SPD exiles and the Scandinavian Social Democrats in the period 1933-1956. Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of “DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY” by AMI VATURY Submitted to the Senate of Ben-Gurion University of the Negev 30 of August 2004 Beer-Sheva Why the SPD exiles in Scandinavia failed to persuade the post-1945 SPD to adopt the ideas and ideals of the Scandinavian Social Democrats. The SPD exiles and the Scandinavian Social Democrats in the period 1933-1956. Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of “DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY” by AMI VATURY Submitted to the Senate of Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Approved by the advisor Approved by the Dean of the Kreitman School of Advanced Graduate Studies 30 of August 2004 Beer-Sheva This work was carried out under the Supervision of Professor Frank Stern In the Department of History Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Table of Content Introduction Chapter A: The aims of the research, the existing scholarship in this area, 1 the nature of the sources and the structure of the dissertation. Chapter B: The development of SPD ‘pragmatism’ and Swedish Social 7 Democratic ‘reformism’ up to 1914. Chapter C: The development of the Swedish Social Democrats ‘Functional 19 Socialism’ from 1914 to 1956, and main similarities with the Danish and Norwegian Social Democratic parties. Part 1- Good Cooperation but only Limited Influence (The SPD Exiles and the Scandinavian Social Democrats up to 1940) Chapter 1.1: SPD ‘party ideology’ from 1920 to 1933 compared to the ‘party 40 Ideology’ of the Scandinavian Social Democrats; the role played by the most senior SPD exiles in Scandinavia (Fritz Tarnow and Kurt Heinig) during this period and their views regarding the ‘Weimar SPD party ideology’. -
Uncorrected Proof F.-X
German Social Policy 5 Edited and introduced by Lutz Leisering PROOF UNCORRECTED German Social Policy Edited and introduced by Lutz Leisering The 5-volume series “German Social Policy” presents a unique multidisciplinary approach to the history of German social policy and is written by the doyens of their respective disciplines. The volumes expound the contribution of the German tradition to the rise of social policy in the Western world in the 19th and 20th centuries. Germany pioneered modern social policy in the 19th century when Bismarck introduced social insurance. After the Second World War, Germany’s Social Market Economy became a model of social integration. The volumes cover the history of ideas (volume 1), the legal and political history before and after 1945 (volumes 2 and 3), the German Democratic Republic (1949-1990) and the impact of German reunification (1990) (volume 4). Volume 5 embeds the German case in a major comparative study of European welfare states, complemented by a study of the USA and the Soviet Union. The volumes also yield insights into general theoretical issues of social policy beyond the empirical case of Germany. Each volume has an introduction by the editor who summarizes the contribution made by the volumes and looks into the future of German social policy. Volume 1: F.-X. Kaufmann: Thinking About Social Policy – The German Tradition 2013. ISBN 978-3-642-19500-6 Volume 2: M. Stolleis: Origins of the German Welfare State – Social Policy in Germany to 1945 2013. ISBN 978-3-642-22521-5 Volume 3: H.F. Zacher: Social Policy in the Federal Republic of Germany – The Constitution of the Social 2013. -
The Third Way and Beyond
HALE MAKE-UP 23/10/03 8:21 am Page 186 10 Will Leggett Criticism and the future of the Third Way Introduction It is ironic that the surest indication of the durability of the Third Way is the con- tinuing attention paid to it by its critics. This collection has provided a flavour of the range of such criticism from different disciplinary, analytical and political perspectives. But what general conclusions can be drawn from contributions such as these as to the prospects for a successful critique of the Third Way and a reconstructed project for the (Centre) Left? This concluding chapter reviews existing critical strategies towards the Third Way, as illustrated by contributions to this volume. It divides the various criticisms from what are broadly the neo- Marxist and the social democratic Left into those which dismiss the Third Way as a ‘smokescreen’, with no substance in itself, and those which recognise that if it is to be critically engaged with the Third Way has to be taken seriously. This overview reveals that, at present, the various critical approaches expose significant weaknesses, tensions and dangers in the Third Way project. However, critics representing both these perspectives are often too quick to dismiss outright some of the claims made by the Third Way as to the changing social and politi- cal terrain on which the ‘actually existing’ Centre-Left finds itself. It is suggested here that a productive critique of the Third Way should do three related things. First, it needs to take the Third Way seriously. To dismiss the Third Way as ‘mere’ spin, or simply a smokescreen for a more traditional agenda, is to misconceive it: the Third Way is a distinctive political project that draws on different political heritages in novel ways. -
What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making. -
Democracy and Social Rights in the "Two Wests"
nova americana in english Some sixty years ago, the British social scientist, Thomas H. Marshall articulated what has since Ed. Kessler-Harris, Vaudagna become the paradigmatic conceptual framework for describing the relationship between social rights and citizenship. Until the twentieth century, Marshall thought, the expansion of citizenship rested on the achievement of political and civil rights. But in the twentieth century, the progress of citizenship began to depend on the diminution of inequality. This end, he believed, would be achieved by “incorporating social rights in the status of citizenship and thus creating a universal right to real income.” In the course of the century, Western industrial countries have struggled to expand the meaning of real income and to re-distribute it more equally. Education, health care, access to employment, pensions, food, shelter, child and elderly care are counted among the resources citizens expect as a matter of edited by Alice Kessler-Harris and entitlement. These goods have, as Marshall put it, modified “the whole pattern of social inequality.” The new social edifice, he thought, would accommodate far more voices and, ultimately, a more Maurizio Vaudagna inclusionary polity. Marshall’s expectations have been only partially fulfilled. Over the course of the century, social rights have been extended in ways that have equalized material resources among individuals. Yet they have Wests” “Two in the Democracy and Social Rights not necessarily led to enhanced social citizenship. In many places, the poor and minority groups have no greater voice in the polity than in the past. The relationship of social rights to democracy now appears to be far less certain than it did in Marshall’s day. -
Neoliberalism, the Third Way and Social Work Draft
Social Work & Society ▪▪▪ I. Ferguson: Neoliberalism, the Third Way and Social Work Neoliberalism, the Third Way and Social Work: the UK Experience. Iain Ferguson, University of Stirling Summary For most of the past two decades, the notion that there is no alternative to the market as a basis for organising society has constituted a kind of global ‘common sense’, accepted not only by the neo-liberal Right but also by social democratic thinkers and politicians, in the form of ‘the Third Way’. This paper will critically assess the central claims of neoliberalism in the light of experience in the UK and internationally, evaluate the ways in which Third Way policies are shaping social work in the UK, and in the final section, begin to explore some of the ways in which the anti-capitalist movement which has emerged in recent years might contribute to the development of a new, engaged social work, based on social justice. Keywords neoliberalism, market, Third Way, anti-capitalism, social justice. Introduction The Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci once defined ‘common sense’ as ‘the day to day ideology of the bourgeoisie’ (cited in Forgas 1990). By this Gramsci was referring to the process by which the ideas and assumptions of the dominant groups within society become part of the everyday, taken-for-granted consciousness of millions of people. For much of the 1990s, neo-liberal ideas, and in particular the assumption that there is ‘no alternative to the market’, have formed a core element of the common sense of many people throughout the world, including many of those who involved in social work and social care. -
The Politics of the 'Third Way'
PARTY POLITICS VOL 8. No.5 pp. 507–524 Copyright © 2002 SAGE Publications London Thousand Oaks New Delhi THE POLITICS OF THE ‘THIRD WAY’ The Transformation of Social Democracy in Denmark and The Netherlands Christoffer Green-Pedersen and Kees van Kersbergen ABSTRACT The development of European Social Democracy has once more attracted significant scholarly attention. This time, the debate is centred around the ‘third way’ as the catchphrase for the transformation of European Social Democracy. Based on the experience of the Danish and Dutch Social Democrats, two questions are raised in this article, namely what has caused the renewal of Social Democracy and what explains different sequences of change in different countries? The answer to the first question is that the transformation is driven by the search for a new formula for combining social justice and effective economic governance after the failure of the Keynesian formula in the 1970s and 1980s. This, and not so much changes in the preferences of the electorate in a liberal and libertarian direction, is driving the transformation. The answer to the second question is that differences in the strategic situation of the Social Democratic parties in terms of office-seeking and holding on to power explain different sequences. KEY WORDS Ⅲ Denmark party change Social Democracy The Netherlands Ⅲ ‘third way’ Introduction In 2000, Social Democratic parties were in office in most West European countries, which sparked off a new wave of academic study on Social Democracy (e.g. Glyn, 2001; see Powell (2001) for an overview). The debate has centred around the concept of the ‘third way’ as theoretically elabor- ated by Giddens (1998, 2000, 2001) and politically advanced, for instance, in the Blair–Schröder paper (1999).