Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies
Volume 18 Article 8
January 2005
Gender and Priesthood in the Hindu Traditions
Vasudha Narayanan
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Recommended Citation Narayanan, Vasudha (2005) "Gender and Priesthood in the Hindu Traditions," Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies: Vol. 18, Article 8. Available at: https://doi.org/10.7825/2164-6279.1341
The Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies is a publication of the Society for Hindu-Christian Studies. The digital version is made available by Digital Commons @ Butler University. For questions about the Journal or the Society, please contact [email protected]. For more information about Digital Commons @ Butler University, please contact [email protected]. Narayanan: Gender and Priesthood in the Hindu Traditions
Gender and Priesthood in the Hindu Traditions
Vasudha Narayanan University of Florida
"The English language is not neutral. It meditation were explained in the Chinese comes ready loaded with a cargo of language with words connected with Taoist Christian concepts and assumptions. " literature, the Chan (and eventually Zen) Normal Solomon (2001:1) forms of meditation evolved. As all of us know, issues such as monotheism or sacred IN writing about Judaism, Norman books that have been traditionally thought of Solomon has observed that the English as central to the study of religion in the language, which evolved in a very Christian Judaeo-Christian traditions in the western atmosphere, is not value-neutral. Most modem world, or for that matter, the scholars would agree that words are construction of "religion" itself, have proved embedded in worldviews. To use a problematic when projected on to other colloquial expression, they carry the religious cultures. "baggage"of social prejudices and articulate This paper has a much more modest perceptions on gender, race, religion, and aim of trying to understand some age that have been part of popular culture at connotations of "priesthood," especially in various time periods. It is not just that we connection with gender issues, in the context project stereotypes on what we study, but we of the Hindu traditions. Within the Christian also use categories from our natal traditions churches and denominations, the priest or to understand other cultures. At least pastor has had a central role; in many of initially we observe phenomena that our them, the priest is a role model "of' and culture thinks of as important; later our "for" piety as well as a symbol of spiritual observations and insights are processed and earthly power. Officiating in worship through our language which almost always services, involved in pastoral care, convey approximations at best. Concepts ministering to the needy, participating in the refracted through the lenses of other governance .of the community, presiding languages and cultures may take a life of over the vast or modest fortunes of a their own;· thus when systems of Buddhist congregation or even an empire, the many
Vasudha Narayanan is a Professor of Religion and has been teaching at the University of Florida since 1982. She is a past President of the American Academy of Religion (2001-2002) and the Society for Hindu-Christian Studies. Her fields of interest are the Sri Vaishnava tradition; Hindu traditions in India, Cambodia, America; Hinduism and the environment; and gender issues. She is currently working on Angkor Wat and other Hindu temples in Cambodia. Her latest book is Understanding Hinduism (Oxford University Press, 2004). Recent articles include: "Vaisnava Traditions in Cambodia: 5th-12th centuries," Festschrift for Professor Dennis Hudson, Journal of Vaisnava Studies, Fall 2002; "Religious Biography and Regional Identity;: in India's Islamic Traditions: 711-1750, edited by Richard Eatori (New Delhi:Oxford University Press, 2003); "Gender in a Devotional Universe," The Blackwell Companion to Hinduism, edited by Gavin Flood (London: Blackwell, 2003); and "Embodied Cosmologies: Sights of Piety, Sites of Power," Presidential Address, Journal of the American Academy of Religion 7113 (Fall 2003),
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kinds of priests have embodied the many culture that have been undertaken by other kinds of power often reserved tantalizingly personnel within the Hindu traditions? Are for the chosen male members of the church. there people who are called "priests" within When I first came as a student to the Hinduism -- like the Brahmins -- who are Harvard Divinity School in 1975 several not really priests? students asked me if women could become There are, of course, many priests in Hinduism. Feminist thinking and meanings and many functions associated gender issues were beginning to be very with the notion of priesthood. Hindus can important m many academic forums understand the term "priest" to mean any including the American Academy of one of a number of things. It has been the Religion and the issue of what was simplest translation for the word "Brahmin." perceived as female leadership concerned Second, it could refer to the priest, known as many scholars. -The question of women the purohita, who comes home to conduct priests, however, was puzzling to me; the domestic rituals and sacraments knowing the family priests we had over the (samskaras). Third, it could mean the years, I had never really thought that any person who does. the arati and conducts woman I knew could or would want to be rituals in the temples and other public places one. Most of the priests I knew -- or at least of worship. Fourth, some of the functions what I understood by the word "priests"- attributed to the western sense of priesthood . were ritual specialists who came by our -- as in the ordained priest in some Christian house regularly, to help conduct various traditions who can transmit power or grace sacraments and rituals done for the welfare through certain rituals -- is sometimes seen of one's ancestors. They were not from in the figure of an acarya who comes in a wealthy families, they did not seem to be specific line of succession instituted at some moral or spiritual exemplars, and some did point in the last 1200 years or so. We will not seem very learned either; in short, this explore some of these functions and discuss was not what I would have thought of as a the traditional (male but frequently leadership role. Most of these ritual internalized by women also) objections to specialists were quite anxious to have their these issues. children move into other fields such as accounting or medicine. Clearly, I thought, Priesthood and Brahmins this was one of the areas where western templates were being imposed on the Hindu Almost every introduction to the Hindu tradition. religion translates "Brahmin" as the Over the years, however, in thinking "priestly" caste. So the first question we through some of the functions of may ask is this: can anyone become a "priesthood," I have had to nuance this issue Brahmin? Obviously" there are women in conriection with caste, gender, and what Brahmins, but they are not considered we perceive to be "sacerdotal" authority. priests even though the English translation Some, though not all,. of the ritual specialists kindly puts them as belonging to that group. one encounters in India do their work in The knee jerk answer is to say no, one haste, sometimes in a sloppy manner, and cannot become a Brahmin, unless one is are not particularly great role models. The born into a Brahmin family. Some people situation could, however, be very different - may add that Brahmin-hood can only come what if we had caring, knowledgeable when one gets a sacred thread and thus gets "priests" or ritual specialists who took their the authority to study the Vedas. The jobs seriously in officiating over a function? question of whether one is a Brahmin by And if women wanted to train to be these birth or by one's character and behavior has, specialists, who or what can forbid them at least theoretically, been contentious. from doing so? What were the other While one cannot control birth, the functions of priesthood in the western other points are negotiable. Men from
https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/jhcs/vol18/iss1/8 DOI: 10.7825/2164-6279.1341 2 Narayanan: Gender and Priesthood in the Hindu Traditions 24 Vasudha Narayanan
several castes (certainly kshatriyas and ISKCON members also initiate vaisyas) can technically be called as being some male devotees and give them a sacred born into the "twice born" communities and thread. But even within ISKCON, the even get a sacred thread, but that did/does initiation of women into "Brahmin-hood" is not make them Brahmins, even if they not common. There are, however, groups in wanted it. Men from some communities Pune which initiate women into wearing the which do not belong to the "twice born" sacred thread. In April 2002, ten young i I. groups do, however, occasionally practice Brahmin girls received the thread with the I the wearing of the sacred thread. The traditional upanayana ceremony. The girls wearing of a sacred thread is assumed to were already born into Brahmin families; give them the authority to do certain but just as young Brahmin boys get a sacred "priestly" functions that Brahmins do -- for thread and thus the authority to study the instance, recite the Vedas and even teach Vedas, these young girls also received the them. It is in these spaces that over the sacred thread (Hinduism Today 2002). In centuries we see many innovations. conducting these ceremonies, groups like the Let us consider two examples where Shankar Seva Samiti (which organized this people who ordinarily do not get a sacred particular ritual in Pune) valorize Sanskrit thread and/or study the Vedas have done so. texts which speak of women wearing the The first example is a Scheduled Caste in sacred thread and argue that it is perfectly Bangalore and the second focuses on within the bounds of traditional orthodoxy to women's groups in Pune, India. retrieve and make such texts and rituals Members of the Sri Vaishnava relevant. sampradaya or tradition who belong to a Other progressive groups within the Scheduled Caste (the bureaucratic name for Hindu tradition are' also working to make those who were considered to be "outcaste") these. changes acceptable. One such gr0l.!-P is community and residing in the "virtual" cyber network, Navya Shastra Gowthamapurarh, Bangalore, recite the ("new Shastra" or "renewed tradition"). In Tiruvaymoli which they consider to be the one of their web page articles, Brahma Dev, Tamil Veda. The Sri Vaishnava community an author, quotes the Mahabharata: has held the Tiruvaymoli of the ninth "Neither. birth, ceremonies, learning, nor century poet, Nammalvar, to be equivalent progeny are qualifications for brahminical to the Sanskrit Vedas. The Sri Vaishnava status. Only brahminical conduct isthe community has members of all castes and all basis for brahminical status." hold the Tiruvaymoli to be very sacred. The (Mahabharata, Anusasana Parva 143; men who live near the Nammalvar sannidhi quoted in "Foreign . Born Brahmins: ("Nammalvar shrine") in Gowthamapuram, Substance over Formality; Bangalore believe that if they can say the http://www.shastras.org/). A young member Tamil Veda, they have the authority to say of this group, Ramya Gopal, who resides in the Sanskrit Veda. To do this, they need a Michigan, publicly and persuasively argues sacred thread, and many of the men in this .that young girls should have this ritual if community had received it (Narayanan they so wish (http://www.shastras.org/). 1984). Men and women of this community Members of this group petition Matha not only recite but teach the Tamil and short (monastery) acaryas to permit the men and sections of the Sanskrit Vedas though they women of all castes to have the upanayana if do not recite the Gayatri mantra regularly. they choose to do so. And so, one may say Do they call themselves Brahmins or that there are communities where men and priests? No. But they do believe that in women have undergone "Brahminical" reciting the Vedas, they have assumed at rituals which may enable them to participate least one of the functions associated with in what we call "priestly" functions. male Brahminhood.
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Priests (purohita) in Domestic Rituals Temple Priests and Melmaruvathur
Hindus frequently use the word "priest" for While women may officiate over domestic those ritual specialists who either officiate at rituals ina few small pockets of India:, they home or in public spaces for domestic are almost never seen in the conducting of samskaras and rituals -- birth, sacred thread, rituals in public spaces like temples. One is weddings, griha pravesha, Sathyanarayana ordinarily used to seeing male Brahmins puja, etc. -- and for those who have specific perform the worship rituals in temples in functions in temples. While admittedly it is India. Some of them apprentice with senior rare to have women priests conduct these priests, learning _from them; others go to ceremonies, in recent years there are women specific seminary type schools run by being trained by Brahmin men to conduct various mathas. The students learn and are these domestic rites. Some women in trained in the Veda pathasalas and the Kerala are recently being trained to do the classes include Sanskrit, sectarian texts, one ritual for which most people insist on courses on sad darshana, pancaratra or saiva male Brahmin priests -- death rites. agama, decorating (alankara) the temple Since the late nineteenth century, murti. Ordinarily only young male however, initially through the work of the Brahmins attend these schools though there Arya Samaj leader Lala Devraj, and later are a few exceptions. A private school, for through _ many groups in Maharashtra, example, in Bangalore admits men from women are trained to function as "priests." other "higher" castes. Some of these young They recite the Vedas and conduct Vedic men prevail upon family connections to sacrifices. The Kanya Kumari Sthan come and work in American temples. founded by Upasani Baba in 1932 in Sakori However, there are times in American (Ahmednagar district) trains women not temples when the priest is called away on an just to be priests but encourages them to emergency or quits suddenly. In these live an ascetic life. cases, a lay male Brahmin takes over the The Shanker Seva Samiti (which worship on a temporary basis, but there is no had organized the upanayana ceremony for question of a woman conducting the the young girls) apparently began training worship. Questions of non-Brahmins taking women as priests about 25 years ago, in the over such, functions have, risen in these Ahmednagar district. About 10,000 women contexts but on the whole everyone seems to are now said to be qualified priests, and relinquish these duties to male Brahmins - according to -at least one report, many "are as they did in Cambodia more than a even more popular in the community than thousand years ago. their male - counterparts because of their So are women totally out of the enthusiasm, concentration a:nd devotion in picture in conducting te~ple rituals? If one doing worship." (Manjul 2000) looks for those who have undergone diksha, Inspired by this group, Shankar the initiation ceremony which authorizes Rao Thatte, a (male) Sanskrit scholar, one to conduct rituals in temples, we would started a new organization called Udyan probably not find any women. However, Mangal Karyalaya in 1975 in the city of one can and must look elsewhere to see Pune, Maharahstra. The school teaches changes. In many. Hindu temples around the women of all castes and in all stations of world, it is not just Brahmin men with life (unmarried or married), both to recite diksha or formal initiation into a particular the Vedas and to perform Vedic rituals. From women composers of Vedic hymns, agamic culture who do temple rituals.' In it has taken a full 3500 years to arrive at fact such Brahmin men are more in the women reciters of Vedic hymns. minority; the personnel in most temple services are lay Brahmin men who are said to maintain a higher level of ritual purity. Many of them are also trained in seminary·
https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/jhcs/vol18/iss1/8 DOI: 10.7825/2164-6279.1341 4 pi!!.... ------
Narayanan: Gender and Priesthood in the Hindu Traditions 26 Vasudha Narayanan
type schools. However, in some places in temple is about 50 miles south of Chennai; it south India, the region with which I am was not built until the 1970s and became more familiar, there are not just women who popular only a decade later. Thousands of function as "priests," but women who pilgrims can be seen on National Highway # belong to various castes of society. 47 going south from the city of Madras/ My first example is anecdotal Chennai to visit this temple. Some walk, evidence. Between 1993 and 1999, when some come here in special chartered buses, visiting my parents in Injambakkam, a others come in the back of trucks. suburb of Madras, they would take me to a Worship, like the deity here, is new Pillaiyar (Ganesha) temple located in a local and innovative. Male Brahmin priests do school -- the ALM Matriculation Higher not do the ritual worship in this temple. Secondary School. The temple was more Rather, we have dozens of women, all of like a glorified shrine, the kind one sees on whom belong to spiritual fellowships or many school campuses. But it did have a associations (Tamil: manrams) who rotate in murti, an icon, which was worshiped as an and out approximately every three months icon in temple. The pujari there was always and serve as "priests." The temple websites a woman who was well past the menopausal ask devotees to form an association age (menstruation has been cited as one of (mandram) if they get a small group together the main reasons as to why women cannot in any part of the world. With increasing become priests). Her duties were simple - numbers they can form a "sacred site" or a simple aratis or sometimes small prayers and "peetam" (Sanskrit: pitha) directly affiliated blessings in Tamil and Sanskrit. No one had with the temple. These associations are trained her -- she just happened to take this from all over the state, and they take turns role on. Similar activities take place in volunteering and conducting the rituals in roadside Shrines which expand, become the. temple. Many of them are from the larger, and go "upscale." When temples get lower economic classes, many of them have larger they frequently become barely pas~ed high school. They are strong, "Brahminized" and take on male brahmin determined women, who serve the Goddess priests; but in some cases, they retain a Adi Para Shakti in a strong, determined distinct vernacular flavor, as we see in manner, Menstruating women are not Melmaruvathur. It is in these kinds of grass barred from serving the Goddess. This . i. roots movements which eventually get system was not initiated by the women but institutionalized that we see the strength and by Bangaru Adigalar, a male (non-Brahmin) resilience of Hinduism. devotee, who is also seen as a vehicle for The . second example is more "amma" or the Goddess .. He is sometimes substantial and speaks about identified with the Goddess and is crediteq. institutionalized commitment to having with institutionalizing the ,system of having women involved in major ritual functions in the women priests. Hundreds of thousands the worship of the deity. There have been of pilgrims pass here every month to have women ritual specialists in Hindu temples in darshan of the Goddess. As they line up for pre-modem India and Cambodia, but they the darshan, the women volunteers also keep have been dancers, devadasis, or people the pilgrims moving and address them -- the connected with such families We do not pilgrims -- as "shakti." All pilgrims, men have records of women who regularly went and women are addressed as "shakti," the into the inner shrines of temples and cosmic, primordial power of the universe, conducted worship on behalf of members of the appellation of the Goddess herself. the community. However, this is what we All the pilgrims who visit here wear do see now in Melmaruvathur. Women red clothing, to show their equality with priests, again belonging to all castes, are each other. The red clothes that devotees seen in the large Melmaruvathur temple wear is said to signify that despite dedicated to the Goddess Para Shakti. This differences in skin color, the color of blood
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is common to all human beings, and that in rituals, and there are vocational trammg front of her, all devotees are equal. The institutions for them. The Goddess seems to Goddess is reported to have said: have explicitly insisted on equality. According to one devotee, the Amma's devotees wear red clothes Goddess is said / to have incarnated as which signify the red colour of the Adigalar, for the "upliftment of women" blood that flows within the body of all (Natarajan: 72). All devotees who visit the human beings of whatever ethnicity: temple are addressed as "Shakti," implying white, black or brown thereby that all human beings have divinity within emphasizing that the world at large them. The Goddess is said to have also belongs to one community (Natarajan: instituted new pilgrimage and worship 73). rituals specifically for women, and these take place three times a year. The devotees frequently say that the rule of In recent years, the movement has the temple is "One Mother, One family," gone upscale and there are frequent visits of ("Ore Thai and Ore Kulam") implying that the leaders to various European, Australian; all of humanity is of one class (Moorthy and American cities. (Pictures of these 1986: 19). visits can be seen on web sites if one logs The temple is overtly "feminist" in on to http://www.omsakthi.org/news/2004/ that it insists on equality between men and 04072 7 .html) women. Contrary to the practice of many ISKCON temples, too, have women Hindu temples, by the apparent decree of the participating in some priestly functions. Goddess, it seems to be pro-active in not They regularly show the arati in front of the discriminating on the basis of gender or main altar -- which women cannot do in caste: many temples in India. Nor are women absent in sacerdotal rituals· in other parts of A total variance of the Agama [a set India. While women in many sampradaya-s of Sanskrit sacred texts] doctrine do not ordinarily take the primary role in fire marks the shrine that has neither the sacrifice-rituals in the south Indian temples lanky Rajagopurams [towers] nor either. in India or in the diaspora, thousands archaic Sastram [texts]. ... And do in the contexts of Arya Samaj, assuming Surprise! Surprise! -- instead of pigtail priestly functions again. priests fleecing gullible visitors, one finds volunteers in red garb belonging Acharya-s: Spiritual Teachers in a to templ~-affiliates called Manrams Formal Lineage strewn around the world to take care of worship, service, sanctity and Traditional hagiographies which deal with decorum of a squeaky clean shrine. stories of lineages of gurus (guruparampara) Ladies, who for eons were forbidden have been filled with names of male by sacraments, are now allowed to Brahmins. This is still the case in many enter the sanctom (sic) sanctorum, sampradayas. It is these teachers who haye touch the Goddess and even perform the charismatic power that is seen to be Archanai [worship] (Magnificent present in some Christian denominations Miracles: 13). and groups -- it is they who spiritually get the power invested in the lineage of leaders. Contrary to the practice of There are several paramparas with non traditional Hindu temples, menstruating Brahmin leaders in India. But women women also visit the temple and pray here acharyas? while there are many regularly. Widows, who were traditionally "independent" women gurus, that is those discriminated against in Brahmanical teachers who are charismatic leaders, there societies, are encouraged to participate in
https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/jhcs/vol18/iss1/8 DOI: 10.7825/2164-6279.1341 6 Narayanan: Gender and Priesthood in the Hindu Traditions 28 Vasudha Narayanan
are hardly any women who are part of Jangama [ascetic] initiation." ( Gunjal, traditioriallineages of preceptors. "Authoress.") When she was installed as the One example is Mate Mahadevi in monastic leader (jagadguru) the Samyukta the Virasaiva sampradaya of Kamataka, who Karnatak, a daily newspaper, wrote in its is considered to be a teacher in a hallowed editorial: "Today has started a new era in the lineage of preceptors. fields of religion and society, with the Akka Mahadevi, (circa 12 century), installation of Her Holiness Mata Mahadevi a well known woman poet, serves as the as the first woman Jagadguru to a pontifical Ii . model for Mate Mahadevi ("The Great seat, which up till now was reserved for Mother Goddess") who was born in the state men." (Samyukta Karnatak, 21 April, 1980.) of Kamataka on March 13th, 1946. Named For some people in the community, it was Ratnamma when she was born, she almost like having the first woman pope. graduated from college with a degree in Akka Mahadevi, the twelfth century science. At this time she decided to become poet, has served as a role model for and has an ascetic. A devotee writes: been reappropriated by a twentieth century seeker and reformer. But Mate Mahadevi She is perhaps the first woman in history has also proved to be a scholar and an who has ascended the pontifical seat of a institutional leader. As of 1973, Mate Jagadguru ["world-teacher;" a title given Mahadevi had already published twenty to abbots of some traditional books on her own and had started an monasteries and lines of ascetics] so far educational and religious institution called reserved for men. .... Undaunted by Jaganmata Akka Mahadevi Ashrama ("The criticism from several quarters .... is her Hermitage of the World-Mother Akka ascent of a Jagadguru Pitha [seat of a Mahadevi") at Dharwar, Kamataka, for monastic leader], founded by her training and guidance of "spiritual seekers, revered Guru, Sri Lingananda Swamiji, especially girls and women, dedicated to the as a challenge to show that a woman is cause of women's upliftment and as well qualified to become a Guru and propagation of religious' ideals."(Gunjal, entitled to sit on the pontifical seat of a "Authoress. ") Her books include Basava Jagadguru as her right. (S.R. Gunjal, Tatva Darshana in which she discusses the "Authoress: A Brief Sketch." Pamphlet life and philosophy of the philosopher dated 17 December 1973. There is no reformer Basava in 860 pages. ,Mystic, publication information, but is written writer, scholar; institutional leader, and by S~R. Gunjal, Deputy Librarian of the reformer, she has been hailed as a Kamatak University, Dharwar, "revolutionary religious leader, revitalising Kamataka.) religion" by Prajavani Daily, a local newspaper. . . (Publicity pamphlet called Mate Mahadevi met her (male) teacher "Here is what news media .reports on Lingananda Swamiji and received her first Mataji," distributed in Pittsburgh in the mid initiation ("ishta linga initiation") in 1965. 1970s.). Following this initiation she started Wearing a sacred thread, reciting the composing and writing va canas ("sayings") Vedas and conducting Vedic rituals, like those of Basava, the twelfth century supervising domestic and temple rituals, founder of the Lingayat community and officiating as acaryas of traditional lineages contemporary of Akka Mahadevi, the ,,-- these are some of the ways in which woman poet. It was soon after this that women have participated in priestly "having a divine revelation of Akka functions within the many Hindu traditions. Mahadevi's presence, her spiritual model, However, while many Hindus have [that] she was transported with joy and welcomed these grass roots innovations and charged with an irresistible energy and changes, some groups still voice very power. On 5th April 1966' she got her traditional objections.
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Objections to Women's Priesthopd menstruation cannot be construed as discriminatory because all excretions Magazines such as Hinduism Today of the body (blood, mucous, tears, occasionally report in glowing terms about etc.) are considered as ritually impure, women being'initiated as priests. Thus, the and all males and females in such a rituals by which Indrani Rampersad in condition are excluded from any Trindad and the 74 year old "Pandita" contact with the Deity or with yajnas. Nanackchand in South Africa were initiated In the case of a temple priestess, into priesthood were reported with the daily rituals would be interrupted approval, in 1994 and 1998. Both women for one week every month. In a large had been initiated by the Arya Samaj and the temple with many staff this problem events had been attend~d by several political can be resolved, but in a temple with and social dignitaries. The articles also only one priestess what will be the carried nostalgic and r,ationalizing result? If women were ordained as descriptions of women composing some domestic priests (purohita), similar Vedic hymns or engaging in philosophical problems would arise, debates with men in the distant past. While A secondary, albeit minor, reason many may think of it as politically incorrect for rejecting the idea of female priests to publicly object to women becoming is the social intimacy which occurs priests, at least one reader raised the between the yajamana, patron, and the traditional objections to this story. The purohita. For example, the tying of letter to the editor written by a Hindu in the sacred protection thread, Australia, -following the February 1994 kankanam, as a prelude to most rituals article reporting the initiation of Indrani is never done by a male to a female or Rampersad in Trinidad, captures the visa-versa, unless they are a married objections seen in many sectors ofthe Hindu couple! It is customary for yajamana society, and is reproduced here: ( to give charity, danam, to the purohita. The accepting of gifts by a married I find that your article on women priestess would constitute an act of priests [February, 1994] was basically samgrahana, or adultery (see Manu sentimental in tone and .missed the 8.357). fundamental issues of this contentious Due to the problems we have topic. discussed, there are only two possible There have been many female solutions: that female priests be ascetics, spiritual teachers, female unmarried or post menopausal. The rishis and female theologians, not to former proposition is tricky to say the mention the supreme Goddess least. The second opt,ion is difficult Herself! Qualified men and women because of the. long and arduous can be initiated and taught to conduct training required. So, if a post the worship for the sake of oneself and menopausal woman who is free from the family, svarta, but temple and family obligations is inclined to study public worship was, is and will always and devote herself to the priesthood remain the domain of males. there can be no technical objections, The principle orthodox objection except in the case of accepting danam. to females' serving in a sacerdotal (http://www.hinduismtoday.comlarchi capacity is biological-menstruation. vesI1994/7/1994-7-06.shtml) Although in modem Hindu society the rules regarding this subject have been The writer states three reasons objecting to relaxed and indeed it seems to be women becoming priests. The first is the politically correct not to mention it, traditional reason given in many societies - ritual restrictions imposed during menstruation. Here, the Brahmanical, male
https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/jhcs/vol18/iss1/8 DOI: 10.7825/2164-6279.1341 8 Narayanan: Gender and Priesthood in the Hindu Traditions 30 Vasudha Narayanan
viewpoints on purity and pollution are and so on. The history of the Hindu quoted. By these definitions, menstruation traditions in the last two millennia shows is polluting, and therefore women are more drastic innovations than these. polluting during those periods; if they were Hindu women must also decide if to serve as ritual specialists, there will be they want to undertake these functions. periods of interruption. The Melmaruvathur From the viewpoint of some feminist temple explicitly protests these Brahmanical movements it may seem to be a good idea norms by employing people from all castes . for women to have this choice of becoming of society. From their viewpoint, by priests. Many reformers have also thought engaging women as ritual specialists for this would be a good way of leveling the worship, they are accepted as fully human field between genders and castes. However, and not just as people who are acceptable for in many Hindu communities, the status of a three months of the year. However, norms priest is not necessarily high. It is certainly of purity and pollution have been entrenched not very well paying in most cases, and in many of the large temples for more than some Brahmin male priests are trying to get ,i two thousand years and internalized by other qualifications to have what they Hindu men and women in many parts of the perceive to be a better job. One may ask if world. Perhaps what may emerge out of the women are being trained and "allowed" to Melmaruvathur and the Maharashtra become priests just because there is a dearth examples is that both forms of institutions - of male Brahmin priests. The answers are those that preserve traditional norms of not easy. Many women priests reportedly
purity and pollution and those that ignore are doing I an excellent job bringing them -- will thrive not just in India, but in satisfaction to themselves as well as to the other parts of the world. family who employ them. Others think of it The second and third objections as an issue of choice, which they can take or raised in the letter relate explicitly to a reject; it is not a dictate from an authority or woman's connection' with a man. The authorities which prevent them from doing relationship between the patron of a ritual something just because they are women. (yajamana) and the priest (purohita) is considered to be one of familiarity. Thus in . Concluding Remarks many rituals, the priest ties a protective amulet (Tamil: kaapu) around the patron's How are we to explain the changes or speak wrist and the patron wears it until he about the authorities on which the new completes the ritual. If a woman is also changes can happen? In the case of the doing the ritual, the husband ties the thread Melmaruvatur temple, there is the traditional on her wrist. Since the tying of the amulet is category of "revelation;" this time, by the an act of binding two people ritually, it is Goddess herself to a male 4evotee. In other argued that a woman priest cannot tie it on cases, it is male or female leaders who the hand of anyone but her husband, and wanted to see reform. ' The reform itself is certainly not on the wrist of any strange not understood as anything new or man. The third argument is also a similar . innovative; there are ample narratives in the one-that a woman cannot receive payment more than three millennia of texts which for services from a man. provide precedents. These stories are There are, of course, several ways retrieved, valorized and used as precedents around these situations -- the woman priest for current changes. may, for instance, tie the amulet on· the One can also see the very diversity, woman patron first and ask her to tie it on plurality, and lack of centralized authority in her husband's wrist; similarly she may get Hindu traditions as a' way in which changes the payment ("dakshina") from a woman or happen. The many traditions -- Sanskrit, the payment may go directly to the vernacular, Brahmanical etc, interact institution which trained the woman priest constantly. While the Sanskritization
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Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies, Vol. 18 [2005], Art. 8 Gender and Priesthood in the Hindu Traditions 31
elements are well known, the Natarajan, Sakthi Dr. V.S. Amma. vemacularizing of the many traditions have Melmaruvathur: Adiparasakthi Charitable allowed for a lot of innovative practices. Medical Educational and Cultural Trust, 1997. These spaces have allowed women to take "Foreign Born Brahmins: Substance over on various leadership roles including that of Formality
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( Narayanan, Vasudha. The Vernacular Veda: Revelation, Recitation, and Ritual. Columbia, SC: The University of South Carolina Press, 1984.
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