Cómo citar este artículo / Howto cite thisarticle: De la llave Muñoz, S. y Escobar Requena, A. (2020): "Late Antiquity in the city of Caesarobriga-Elbora (, Toledo): A review", Diacronía, 2, 95-118.

LATE ANTIQUITY IN THE CITY OF CAESAROBRIGA-ELBORA (TALAVERA DE LA REINA, TOLEDO): A REVIEW

ANTIGÜEDAD TARDÍA EN LA URBE DE CAESAROBRIGA-ELBORA (TALAVERA DE LA REINA, TOLEDO): ESTADO DE LA CUESTIÓN

SERGIO DE LA LLAVE MUÑOZ C.A. UNED Talavera de la Reina [email protected]

ANA ESCOBAR REQUENA Fundación [email protected]

Recepción: 05-10-2020 Aceptación: 10-11-2020

Resumen: El conocimiento de la antigua urbe de Caesarobriga ha experimentado grandes progresos en las últimas décadas. Diversas intervenciones arqueológicas han permitido reconocer que la urbe, a partir del siglo III d.C., experimentó procesos de transformación de los espacios que alteraron la topografía urbana altoimperial. Sin embargo, aún es escasa la información disponible para realizar un análisis exhaustivo de las transformaciones urbanas y sucesos acaecidos durante la Antigüedad Tardía. De igual modo, se tendrá en cuenta la presencia y desarrollo del cristianismo, la cultura visigoda y la presunta identificación con la Elbora de la tardoantiguedad. Así pues, se intentará dar respuesta a una serie de interrogantes que ayuden obtener una mejor lectura histórico-arqueológica del presente sector oriental de la durante la Antigüedad Tardía.

Palabras-clave: Lusitania, Cristianismo, Pérdida de las , Conventus Emeritensis, Valle del Tajo.

Abstract: The knowledge of the ancient town of Caesarobriga has experienced great progress in the last decades. Thanks to several archaeological campaigns, we know that the town, since the beginning of the 3rd century, underwent transformation and reconfiguration processes that altered the Early Empire urban topography. However, there is still very few information available to make an exhaustive analysis of the urban transformations and events that happened in Caesarobriga-Elbora during Late Antiquity. On the same way, we must bear in mind the existence and development of , Visigoth culture and the presumed identification with Late Antiquity Elbora. So, we will try to answer a series of questions that can help get a better historical-archaeological interpretation of this eastern sector in Lusitania during Late Antiquity.

Key Words: Lusitania, Christianity, The loss of Hispanias, conventus Emeritensis, Tagus valley.

Diacronía, I, 2019, 95-118. http://www.ucm.es/innoarchaeology.es SERGIO DE LA LLAVE y ANA ESCOBAR, Late Antiquity in the city of Caesarobriga-Elbora

I. Introducción Other issues are added to those we Caesarobriga, known today as Talavera intend to address in the present paper, de la Reina (Toledo), was the most like the Visigoth cultural presence in the eastern urban settlement city proved by archaeological evidence. located in the Tagus valley (Sánchez, On the same way, we must bear in 2007: 107-164). In the same way, it mind the existence of Christianity and its was in the eastern limits of the Lusitania development in Late Antiquity Elbora. and Cataginensis provinces, that So, we will try to give a coherent answer matched approximately the limit to a series of questions about an urban between the Vettones and Carpetani settlement with a large territory in order (González, 1986, 87-93). The deve- to get a better historical-archaeological lopment of the city, allegedly founded ex interpretation of this eastern sector of novo, would revolve around a ford in the Lusitania during Late Antiquity. the Tagus River (Mangas y Carrobles, Researchers have speculated about 1992, 95-114), overcomed by a bridge the possible existence of a Vettone pre- built between the 1st and 2nd centuries Roman settlement on the site that was AD (Moraleda y Pacheco, 1991) that later occupied by the Roman city, the consolidated its geostrategic situation as alleged Libora or Aebura quoted by Tito nodal axis in a vast territory Livio (García, 2007: 85-86). However, communication (Carrasco, 1995: 299- archaeological evidence has not 313; Carrasco, 2002: 75-85; Carrasco, provided enough elements to confirm 2003: 339-354; Pacheco, 2002: 53- this hypothesis. 74). One route would be route 25, The particle -briga can refer to a which connected Emerita Augusta and previous indigenous substrate (Albertos, Caesaraugusta, called Alioitinere ab 1990: 131-146). The denomination Emerita Caesaraugusta (Fernández et Talábriga appears in ancient sources al., 1990: 155-164). Another would be identified with some cities of Lusitania, the route that connected Caesarobriga Portuguese territory and the province of with Toletum (Álvarez, 1992: 159-175) Huelva. But no historical or epigraphic and, finally, a north-south direction source identifies the alleged Talábriga route to cross the river Tagus and with the current Talavera de la Reina communicate both plateaus (Muñoz y (Villar, 1995: 153-188; García, 2006: Ruiz, 1993: 79-88). 689-714). The knowledge of the ancient Several archaeological campaigns settlement of Caesarobriga’s evolution carried out in the city prove that during and transformation has experienced Late Antiquity, the urban area goes great progress in the last decades through a series of significant changes. thanks to archaeology. The different In this sense, we must refer to the SW archaeological campaigns have showed sector of the city1, where a thermal us that the city, from the 3rd century AD complex (Pacheco y Moraleda, 1997: on, underwent transformation and 427-436) has been documented, a reconfiguration processes of spaces that domus decorated with paintings (De la altered the urban topography of Early Llave, 2020, 87-107) and possible Empire layout. Despite research and worship spaces, among which we find findings up to now in Caesarobriga, Hercules (Moraleda y Pacheco, 1998: information available is still not enough to make an exhaustive analysis of the urban transformations and events that happened in Caesarobriga-Elbora du- ring Late Antiquity (Fig. 1). 1 It is ME-34 polygon, a space which currently

corresponds to San Clemente, Entretorres and 96 Avenida Fábrica de Sedas streets.

Diacronía, I, 2019, 95-118. http://www.ucm.es/innoarchaeology.es SERGIO DE LA LLAVE y ANA ESCOBAR, Late Antiquity in the city of Caesarobriga-Elbora

Figure 1. Location of Talavera de la Reina (Image: Autors).

58-61; Pacheco et al., 2001: 167-182). walls. While there are authors, like D. In this referred sector, we have been Urbina (2001), that do not hesitate to able to identify a reorganization of point out a rebuilding of the Roman wall domestic spaces as transformation around the 3rd and 4th century AD, S. areas built with masonry walls of an Martínez, in his research on the fortified inferior quality respect to those of the enclosure, demonstrates a foundation Early Empire period, as well as with from the Emiral and Caliphal period spolia materials. This fact has also been (Lillo, 1998). Different archaeological documented in other places in the city campaigns give evidence that rule out as in Ronda del Cañillo, Plaza del Pan, an Early Imperial wall. However, it among others. points towards a possible origin in the Another question is if the urban area early 5th century AD. In this sense, the had any kind of fortified enclosure, a city may have witnessed the fact that local historiography has not arrival and the instability in Lusitania at clarified yet. Archaeological work the beginning of that century. The fact carried out in areas like Entretorres–El that the city indeed had a defensive wall Charcón, have proved that the defensive is still unknown, although its wall cuts or abuts levels associated to geostrategic location, next to the Antiquity. However, this fact does not administrative eastern border of confirm the possible existence of Lusitania, must have been vital from a defensive features in some strategic geopolitical perspective. areas, among which we can highlight This may have made extremely turris, pits, palisades, among others necessary to build a defensive wall as (Fig. 2). fast as possible. In order to do so, the There is an extensive debate about city's buildings and necropolis the possible Roman origin of the city's

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Figure 2. Defensive walls in El Charcón area (Photo: Authors). have been a source of constructive Puerta de Cuartos neighborhood, material (spolia). The city swallowed located in the western sector of the city, itself in order to be able to build these meets all these considerations, where we defensive structures, which were done in have proof of the existence of pottery a great hurry, as we gather from its production spaces (Moraleda y De la materials and constructive technique. Llave, 2015: 501-508). Similarly, it is These defensive walls did not respect very likely, that there were other the configuration and boundaries of the suburbia around the northern and previous city, but it fits perfectly to its eastern sectors out of the urbs, where, in topography, which was very useful. It addition, worship centers could have turned out as a straight line following also existed linked to the phenomena of the river Tagus and a great arch that Christian conversion near the encloses the entire city. As for the wall necropolis, as it happens in other places itself, there were straight sections with in , related to the new Christian semi-circular towers separated by the urban topography that is generated same distance. Nevertheless, future since the 4th century AD (García, 1977- research should cover these issues to 1978: 311-322; García, 1986: 97-114; demonstrate the hypothesis. Barral, 1993: 51-55; Gurt, 1995: 73- Archaeological data indicate the 96; Gurt y Ribera, 2005: Gurt y existence of suburbia or peripheral Sánchez, 2010: 321-345; Sánchez, neighborhoods that must have already 2014; Fuentes, 2006: 257-289). existed during the Early Empire and We have evidence of necropolis continued in Late Antiquity. In this sense, areas in the main accesses to the city. On the Southwest, around the mouth of

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SERGIO DE LA LLAVE y ANA ESCOBAR, Late Antiquity in the city of Caesarobriga-Elbora the Portiña stream and Olivares street (Fernández, 2007: 427-458). However, (Pacheco, 2003: 285-292; Moraleda y we will address the arguments available Pacheco, 2011: 745-755); in the in Caesarobriga-Elbora during Late Northwest area, around Fernando de Antiquity. Rojas street (Barrio, 2011, 725-734); The fact that the Council of Elvira East-Southeast sector, around Cabeza (Ramos-Lissón, 2005, 65-88) was held del Moro and Alameda square and the between the years 300-306 AD Northeast sector towards Plaza del Reloj (Sotomayor, 2005: 137-155), imme- and San Francisco street (Moraleda, diately before the persecution 2011: 735-744; Caballero y Sánchez, orchestrated by Diocletian in 324 AD, 2011: 705-724). It is therefore possible with Conciliar proceedings that reflect a that some of these funerary spaces degree of organization sufficiently continued and were reused later, as it developed in which several bishops and happens in San Francisco Street. With ecclesiastical representatives addressed the Muslim invasion, the funerary area social, doctrinal and coexistence issues was moved eastwards, where we between Christianity and Paganism currently find the Jardines del Prado (Sotomayor, 2000: 189-199). However, (Pacheco y Moraleda, 2007: 67-94). thanks to the testimonies of Saint Ireneo Despite the still existing historical and (Adversus Haereses, 1,3) or Tertullian archaeological gaps, we can confirm (Adversus Judaeus, VII, 4-5), we know of Caesarobriga was endowed with the existence of Christian communities sufficient infrastructure to exercise an in Hispania around 182-188 AD. important political and economic role However, we usually use Saint over a vast territory which, in turn, had Cipriano's 67 epistle (Blázquez, 1991: an extensive network of different rural 361-372) as a model to approach these establishments, controlled, according to potential Hispanic- Christian commu- C. Pacheco, by fortified elements nities from the middle of the 3rd century intended for their security (Pacheco, and which gives news of the conflict 2002: 53-74). between the Christians in Merida and León-Astorga with their respective II. Introduction of Christianity bishops because of the persecutions We should refer to the numerous carried out in times of Decius, around gaps that exist regarding the process of 250 AD. Christianization of the eastern sector of As it has been said, the location of Lusitania, despite the progress made in Caesarobriga in the route Emerita- the province on this issue (Mateos, Caesaraugusta, placed it in a privileged 1995: 239-264; Jorge, 2002; González position to receive all kinds of cultural and Velázquez, 2008). It seems that one and religious trends, which included could speak of certain signs of Christianity. In a progressive way, Christianity, as it might have happened Christological ideas started to leave a in the Ager Caesarobrigensis, prior to mark on a society with an alleged high the acknowledgement by Constantine percentage of indigenous tradition, as and the celebration of the Nicea we can infer by epigraphic testimonies Council. Despite this, in the last decade, found in the city and its territory interesting interpretations and (Abascal y Alföldy, 2015). In addition, hypotheses for this case have appeared the relative closeness of Emerita and (Pacheco, 2007: 139-171; Pacheco, Toletum would strengthen this 2010). Leaving it aside, because it goes phenomenon, because from the 3rd beyond the goals of the present paper, century on, Christian communities that we will not address a state of the art on already existed in times of Decius, led to the primitive Christianity in Hispania consider that Caesarobriga kept some 99

SERGIO DE LA LLAVE y ANA ESCOBAR, Late Antiquity in the city of Caesarobriga-Elbora kind of Christian contacts at those times. martyr or saint. Some became important This should be added to other elements pilgrimage centers or were even part of implied in the transmission of the new an episcopal see and were used to creed, as its dissemination among make profit from the religious fervor, the sectors of local aristocracy and the tomb or relics it contained, aroused. possible presence of the military This is a phenomenon attached to the (Fernández, 2000). introduction of the worship to saints and But its idiosyncrasy was fueled by the relics (Castellanos, 1999: 747-757; own internal inputs from a pre-Roman Castellanos, 1996: 5-21), very common substrate that lasted through time and where Christianity had been established that fed from a myriad of indigenous in an effective way. cults associated with nature, like water, In the case of Caesarobriga-Elbora, forests, mountains, etc., and among up to date, archaeology has not been which are included: Ataegina, Urilouco able to prove the existence of any space (Urbina, 1994: 29-52), Aricona, Togoti directly consecrated to Christian (Seguido, 1989: 141-150) or Iscallis worship. Historiography has tried to (Canto, 2001: 107-134) that would end relate the space where the Basilica of up being acquired by Roman culture the Virgen del Prado is, as a place of (Bonnaud, 2004: 385-419). In this worship to Ceres as we see in the sense, some rituals and sacred spaces survival of the local party of Mondas2, were able to survive in collective during which offerings are made to the imaginary throughout Late Antiquity and Virgin, like fruits, wax, flowers, among the until modern times others, and that shows the ancient ritual under Christian rites (Pacheco, 2007: of the mundus cereris held during spring 146). in the cerialia (Spaeth, 1996; Marcos, Regarding the city's Christianization, 2000: 137-170; López, 2003: 75-85). there are still many questions about According to the Chronicles and which were the adaptation processes of Falsaria from the 16th and 17th ancient temples or basilicas into new centuries local historiographic tradition, religious local spaces. However, authors in 602, Visigoth king Liuva II gives the such as C. Pacheco have tried to delve city a Marian image for its support in the into the matter by applying similar Arian fight3. Despite historiographic criteria already known in other places in speculations and falsifications and Hispania or Lusitania. In this situation, inventions through history (Caro, 1992; there would be a proliferation of spaces Hobsbawn and Ranger, 2002), it is true dedicated to Christian worship that we do not know the process of associated to some martyria where Christianization and transformation that people would worship some alleged this ritual could have been through, in saint or holy relics associated with it. the case it existed. As for archaeology, it This phenomenon was reinforced and has not been able either to verify the made profitable when the place was existence of a temple, nymphaeum or also at the heart of an episcopal seat. It seems that it was already relatively widespread around the 4th century AD, 2 In the , it was mostly known when Prudencio confirms the Christian as the Party of the Marriage of the Virgin and pilgrimage to the aforementioned loca Bullfighting Party. About the party there is an sacra. many bibliography. Throughout the Roman Empire, new 3 It is worth mentioning the case of the Jesuit Christian spaces have been Roman de la Higuera, who spread false chronicles, becoming an invention of tradition documented, the so called martyria, that sought to justify the antiquity of Catholic places associated to the worship of a tradition under the reformist Trent spirit. 100

SERGIO DE LA LLAVE y ANA ESCOBAR, Late Antiquity in the city of Caesarobriga-Elbora any other kind of sacred space from spirit of the Counter-Reformation and ancient times around the place now that will have its impact in local occupied by the Basilica. To this, we add scholars. In this sense, the description of the lack of epigraphic testimonies to the piece made by the chronicler F. Ceres, which we have documented for Garcia is as follows (Garcia, 1560: fols. other deities in the city and its territory 15-17): (De la Vega, 1992: 335-348). However, “En el año de mill y quinientos y doze the assumption that there was a locum cavando un hombre en una tierra suya sacrum in the surroundings is not que es de frente del Monasterio de la entirely far-fetched when we consider Santísima Trinidad un tiro de piedra de the presence of elements that today go la Puerta de Toledo, donde quería hazer unnoticed as the existence of wild un pozo descubrió un cuerpo sepultado, vegetation around Papacochinos stream el qualestava en una caxa de mármol that made the environment suitable to blanco a mas que medio estadio worship nature deities, as C. Pacheco debaxo de la tierra, la caxa es del largo suggested (Pacheco, 2007: 151) de un ataut dentro de la qual se following the approaches of other hallaron unos guesos que paresçían de authors like A.M. Canto in the case of El mejor dispusiçión que la naturaleza al Saucedo. This idea of sacred space is presente ordinariamente cría; estava reinforced by the existence in the cubierta con una piedra negra del immediate environment of a Muslim grueso de una tabla de portada en esta necropolis (Pacheco y Moraleda, 2007: piedra dençima en lo baxodella que 67-94) that in turn can be associated estava (…) Este sepulchro fue with a musallá or place of collective trasladado a la hermita de Nuestra prayer and the Musara or an area for Señora del Prado extramuros de leisure and equestrian games (Pacheco, Talavera. Esta como entran en la dicha 2001: 13-38). ermita por la puerta principal a la mano They are still many questions yzquierda junto a la escalera que sube a regarding the origin of Mondas. la tribuna y por que por las señales Comparative speculation applied by dichas paresçió ser christiano católico local historians from the 16th and 17th los cabildos de la cleresçía y el centuries led to a reinvention of the ayuntamiento congregrado el pueblo lo ritual that should be quarantined, using pasaron a la hermita dicha donde esta terms that referred to the ancient y se vee manifiestamente”. worship to Ceres-Démeter, the Munda- The tombstone will also serve some Monda (Pacheco, 2007: 152). In either historians purpose to justify the case, what seems more convincing, as homeland of the Holy Martyrs Vicente, suggested by F.J. Flores (2001) and Sabina and Cristeta (Fábrega, 1953; shared by C. Pacheco, is the regulation García, 1966; Riesco, 1995; Pacheco, of the party since the 15th and 16th 2010)4, when the dispute between century with the articulation of the Talavera and the Portuguese city of ordinances. Évora on identifying Elbora still Among the few early Christianity remained in the seventeenth century. So evidences in the city we must mention a the cleric and scholar Gaspar de Lozano tombstone dedicated to Litorius, found in an olive grove near the old monastery of the Holy Trinity around 1512 and that was used by local authorities as inventio 4 His passio, work from the second half of the 7th for the identity and Christian antiquity of century AD, indicates that they were natives of a town called Elbora. The identification has already the city (Pacheco, 2007: 153). It is a fact been object of bitter disputes amongst applied elsewhere closely linked with the hagiographers and historians. 101

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(Rojas, 2004: 141-161; Pacheco y piedra y las señales de la Cruz, Alpha y Rojas, 2006: 87-104), who maintained Omega, con se distinguían los contact with Talavera between 1676 catholicos de los arrianos, and 1696, wrote a laudatory about the manifestaban, se puso con veneración martyrs in one of his works where he por orden del señor don Francisco made use of the Lauda Litorius, among Ximénez de Cisneros, arzobispo de other arguments, identifying him as a Toledo, en la iglesia de Nuestra Señora member of the Roman Catholic army: del Prado, donde está cerca de la “The second testimony will give us the puerta principal que mira a poniente, a unique signs of this Ebora. It is from la mano derecha, junto a la pila de Marco Maximus, bishop of Zaragoza, agua bendita, debaxó del coro, sobre who continued the Chronicon of Dextro, un pedestral de piedra bien labrado, y in the year 1509: Ebora in debajo de un arzo, como lo he visto. En Littorius Littorii ducis, quiago this captus Ebora de la Carpetania donde nacieron est filius, famulus dei, vir catholicus in los martyres está sepultado Litorio, Domino quiescit. según Flavio Dextro y Marco Máximo, En Ebora de la Carpetania, Litorio porque en la Carpetania no ay más de hijo del Capitán Litorio, a quien una Ebora; la Ebora de la Carpetania cautivaron los godos, siervo de Dios, y donde está sepultado litorio es varón cathólico, descansa en el Señor. Talavera, como lo dice su sepulcro: De fuerte, que en Ebora de la luego la Ebora, patria de los martyres, Carpetania nacieron los Martyres, y en es Talavera” (Lozano, 1726). Ebora de la Carpetania está sepultado The tombstone has been referenced Litorio. Luego en aquella parte donde by other 18th century authors like F. de pareciere el sepulcro de Litorio, será la Soto (1722) or P.A. Bores and García Ebora de los Martyres. Pues este de la Guerra (1768), who notifies it to sepulcro, que dixo Marco Máximo, se the Royal Academy of History. Years halló en el año pasado de mil later, J.M. de la Paz (1891) also quotes quinientos y doce en Talavera, cabando it in his research and F. Fita within the acaso cerca del Convento de la Corpus of Inscriptions from Santisima Trinidad para hacer un pozo. Talavera that was published in the Este sepulcro es todo de mármol blanco Bulletin of the Royal Academy (Fita, muy fino, y fuerte, a modo de arca, 1891, 43-49). Already in the second cubierta con una piedra negra. half of the 20th century, J. Vives will Levantándola assí que se encontró, se include it in his work on Christian Latin hallaron unos huesos, y en la piedra, inscriptions (Vives, 1969, 24). From the cortadas por la parte inferior unas letras morphological point of view, the lauda con una cruz y a los lados Alpha y is similar to others known in the Omega en la forma siguiente: Lusitanian area in the 6th century AD, with important workshops in the nearest LITTORIUS FAMULUS/DEI VIXIT from Mérida (Ramírez y Mateos, 2000) ANNOS, PLUS / MINUS LXXV. (Fig. 3). REQUIEVIT / IN PACE DIE VIII/KAL. In any case, the discovery of the IULIAS. AERA/DXXXXVIII/A+O aforementioned lauda in the northeast Litorio, siervo de Dios, vivió setenta y part of the city, could have been done cinco años, poco más o menos, around a possible locum sacrum descansó en paz a veinte y tres de junio. associated with a necropolis or martyria Era quinientos y quarenta y ocho. Este nearby, a fact quite laudable according sepulcro asi que se halló to C. Pacheco's approach (Pacheco, reconociéndose ser de algún noble, y 2007, 156). In this case, it would be a catholico, como la grandeza de la suburban space related to the road axis 102

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Figure 3. A: Litorio´s tombstone (Photo: Autors); B: Shaft with engraved anchor; C: Detail of the engraved anchor (Photo: C. Pacheco). that went, more or less, from San beginning of another heart. According Francisco Street to the current Trinidad to D. Portela, this piece belongs square, where during the Late Middle approximately to the 7th century AD. Ages, Puerta de Toledo was located Another one was found in the site (Pacheco, 2001: 125-136), the later, an located in the Plaza del Pan, nº 11 and element of great consideration 12 during 2004. It is also carved on a concerning the importance that the gray marble block and only keeps it aforementioned road axis acquired. upper part, partially. The edge presents Other elements found in the city linear motifs, in one of its corners there associated to a possible worshiping use is a cup mark and in another a concave are the fonts, one of them was found in heart (Portela, 2013, 183-185). 2006 during the campaign carried out Finally, we should mention the by D. Portela in the old Hospital de la discovery in Lechuga street in Talavera Misericordia, located in the current (Pacheco, 2010: 632-659) of a shaft Plaza del Pan. It is carved in a reused fragment with an engraved anchor in it. greyish marble shaft and it is partially Christian symbolism of the anchor preserved. Its top part seemed to be during early Christianity was associated square and had a rectangular edge, the concept of hope or as an equivalent with several motifs carved in it: a of the cross (Bisconti, 2000: 105-106). spearhead shape that begins with a In this sense, the anchor is often circle. After it has a longitudinal line depicted in Christian gravestones in which ends in a heart-shaped form. Roman catacombs until the 2nd century Next to the heart there is an "x" cross AD. Its representation leads to think in a and beside it what appears to be the moment previous to the Council o

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Nicaea and the Constantinian period. specific archaeological context, despite From that time on, the monogram of of this, we believe that they are enough Christ will be the reflection of the to establish a historical, stylistic and Christological image. However, it can functional frame of these elements and also be a late representation of a lay out a series of issues that we will symbol that, for unknown reasons, was address now. able to continue in the alleged local Given the purpose of this study, we Christian community. In addition, we will only mention the following can see in one end of the shaft a elements: the pilaster from the Town necking, with a circular opening in the Hall, the Basilica del Prado pilaster, the central upper area with evidence of fire, ones in Santa María La Mayor (Portela, which leads to think of a possible 2013: 176-179), the pilaster from Ruiz worshiping function of the piece de Luna's collection (Zamorano, 1974: (Pacheco, 2007: 162). 100; Portela, 2013: 179-180), the helical shaft and the acanthus capital III. Decorative materials from Ruiz de Luna's collection, the Among the different archaeological impost from San Francisco, 3 alley materials found in the urban context of (Portela, 2013: 181-183), the cimacio Caesarobriga-Elbora, we can only from Huerto del Fraile (Urbina, 1997: ascertain its Visigoth claim through 279) or the impost from El Perdon decorative sculpture evidence. street, 1 (Pacheco et al., 2015-2017: It should be mentioned that not many 270-272) (Fig. 4). decorated elements have appeared in a

Figure 4. A: Pilaster from the Basilica del Prado (Photo: Autors); B: Pilaster from Santa María La Mayor (Photo: Autors); C: Pilaster from the Town hall (Photo: Autors); D: Impost from S. Francisco, 3 alley (Photo: D. Portela) y E: Impost from El Perdón street (Photo: C. Pacheco).

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IV. Elbora's mint 2007, 166) who claim that it had a wide Another interesting aspect is the circulation. Despite this, the interesting Hispanic-Visigoth mint from Elbora, thing is that their emissions were which has offered similar issues continued during several reigns. It is regarding its location. The last advisable to quote the findings of copies numismatic papers published in these coined in Elbora in nearby places like recent decades generally agree on Reccopolis (Olmo et al., 2006: 139), matching Elbora to Talavera de la Toledo (Caballero et al., 2010; Pliego, Reina. Thus, D. Metcalf confirms such 2012: 209-231) or even in Talavera identification (Metcalf, 1988: 15-34). itself (Moraleda, 1891: 529-531). (Fig. 5). Meanwhile, numismatic experts J. de V. Territory Francisco and J. Vico believe this matter It is convenient to refer to other settled (De Francisco y Vico, 2006: 181- manifestations on late Antiquity in what 196): “parece que ha quedado de- is considered the territorium of mostrado que hay que localizarla en la Caesarobriga-Elbora, which must have actual Talavera de la Reina…los tipos been heavily populated with different de sus monedas son similares a los models of rural settlements. However, usados en esta última provincia, es más, we will focus on the known evidence podemos afirmar que los bustos reales linked to the Christian practice. It's a de las cecas de Elvora y Toledo son phenomenon already found in other prácticamente idénticas, tanto es así places from Hispania and Lusitania que si la leyenda de ceca ha (Sotomayor, 1982: 639-670; Cerrillo, desaparecido podría confundirse”. 1995: 359-376). In this sense, we refer It seems that it is not one of the more to the Basilica and the Mausoleum. Both frequently used mints, although there elements are found in El Saucedo villa are authors like C. Pacheco (Pacheco, and in Las Vegas (La Pueblanueva).

Figura 5. Triens coined in Elvora. A: Recaredus; B: Sisebutus; C: Witericus; D. Egica and Witiza (Photos: Private collections). 105

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At present, El Saucedo is the best- approach more precisely (Pacheco, known example that shows the evolution 2007: 160). of a villa converted into a place of Paleo Other elements of Christianization of Christian worship (Castelo el al., 2000: the area are certain objects or pieces 87-101). Part of the ancient villa is with Christian symbology that have transformed into basilica during the last appeared in El Saucedo villa itself. In third of the 5th century or early 6th AD. this sense, it is worth mentioning the Regardless of certain problems that finding of an openwork bronze plaque have come up when correctly with the monogram of Christ -Chi Ro-, interpreting worship spaces of the which could be a possible breastplate or basilica building, which include a a metal stud from a horse brake or the baptismal font with double staircase Chi Ro engraving on a game counter (Ramos, 1992: 105-110; Arribas, 2000: (Aguado et al., 2003: 52-59). 104), the conversion of old residential Meanwhile, the octagonal rooms into a space of liturgical mausoleum in Las Vegas (La celebration, was documented in the 7th Pueblanueva) is another important century AD. According to the approach example of Christianity spread through taken from the research team, it is the territory (De la Llave y Escobar, possible that the basilica exists due to 2017: 26-45). Though the mausoleum's the Christianization of a previously crypt had been discovered in the 1870s, sacred place (Castelo et al., 2000: 93), with the recovery of a magnificent where worship to the nymphs may have example of early Christian sarcophagus been taking place5 (Fig. 6). with the apostles depicted. This The fact that at the end of the 5th exceptional sculptural copy with all the century AD a place of Christian worship apostolate finely carved on the front is built in a rural settlement, gives us a face, has been dated to the 4th century rough idea of the spread of Christianity at the time of Theodosius, and coming in the eastern sector of Lusitania and its from a Lusitanian workshop with marble connection with the rest of Hispania from Estremoz (Vidal, 2008: 247-281; (Ubric, 2004: 133 y ss.). C. Pacheco Vidal, 2016: 195-210; Vidal y García- relates this phenomenon with Entero, 2015: 414-415). However, it Caesarobriga presumed recovery was not until the last decades of the 60s process that began in the 4th century and 70s when the German AD. However, we understand that it is a Archaeological Institute in risky statement, waiting as we are for carries out several archaeological new data to help us contrast this campaigns to document new evidences (Hauschild, 1967: 332-352; Hauschild, 1969: 296-316; Hauschild, 1978: 307- 339). The results confirmed the 5 It is worth mentioning the CIL II 894 inscription consolidation of a villa in which his dedicated to the nymphs found by the Jeronymite monk Alonso de Ajofrín in 1649 near El Saucedo possesor had converted to Christianity and La Alcoba farm, in a site where two water and had prepared his monumental sources, known as El Piojo and Tejada, existed. It funerary space nearby. had already been described by the monk in his To these rural establishments we manuscript on the History of Talavera, extended must add other isolated findings in the version from brother Andrés de Torrejón's one. P. Garcia de Bores also presents this in Antiquities territory belonging to Late Antiquity as from Carpetani Elvora today Talavera de la Reyna cemeteries or isolated graves (López, (1762), locating it 200 steps away from the 2011: 127-145). house of La Alcoba, owned by the Jeronymite Another phenomenon that took place monastery of Santa Catalina. Also studied by Hübner for CIL; (Fita, 1893: 253-256; Canto, in our rural area from the 5th century 2001:107-134). on, is monasticism. In this area of study 106

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Figure 6. A: Overview of Las Vegas mausoleum, November 2016 (Tagus Foundation); B: Front view of the apostles sarcophagus (Á. Martínez). we do not have clear evidence during The historiographical review de- Late Antiquity. However, we know the monstrates the traditional association of case of San Antolin, around Valdelacruz Elbora with the Portuguese town of estate and which is mentioned in late Evora, either by toponymic similarity, medieval sources. According to archaeological evidence in ancient times testimony from the 18th century, it was and its status as episcopal see. not unusual to find antiquity or late However, in the last decades new antiquity materials in the area (De Soto, research has appeared that offer a 1722: fol. 137). In either case, it is in critical review of this case. In this sense, this place where tradition says there was the theories of Vallejo Girvés (1991: 25- a former Benedictine monastery and 32) have been gradually accepted by that at the beginning of the12th century most of the scientific community, where it was moved to Talavera (Pacheco, the Elbora mentioned at the Council of 2007: 168). Elvira is the city that appears associated with the passio of Santa Leocadia and VI. Caesarobriga idem Elbora the Holy Martyrs Vicente, Sabina and Identifying Caesarobriga with Late Cristeta, the latter associated with the Antiquity Elbora is a historiographical persecutions ordered by Diocletian and issue that has stretched over several Maximian in Hispania being Dacian the centuries. Among other reasons, it praeses that gives effect to it (Garrido, should be mentioned: the explanation of 1987: 68-70; Galán, 1992: 383-408; early Christianity in the city, the seat of Tovar, 1992: 433-462; Pérez, 2005: the Visigoth mint, knowing the extent of 167-182). Goth impact on the city, among others. In the proceedings written in the fourth century AD due to the 107

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Eliberritanum Concilium, there is a 2005:179) the correspondence of reference to Quincian who appear as Elbora with Talavera claiming that bishop Elbora on behalf of his Christian (García, 2005: 179): “La identificación community. Alongside Legio (Leon), de la Elbora bajo imperial y visigoda Toletum (Toledo), Emerita Augusta, con Talavera de la Reina y no con Evora Caesaraugusta and Ossobona (Faro), resulta un hecho difícil de discutir”. To also appear. this author we have to add the The name place Elbora is quoted for contributions and statements made so the second time as a place located far by C. Pacheco (2007 y 2010) that between Toletum and Emerita Augusta, from our point of view are quite from which we infer that the editor of convincing. Despite the general Santa Leocadia's passio (Riesco, 1995: acceptance there are still some authors 41-47) and the Holy Martyrs (Riesco, who choose the Portuguese city without 1995: 215-225) identifies this city as the any kind of reasoning, like C.M. Jorge martyred brothers birth place (Pacheco, (2002: 99 y ss.). 2007: 164). However, historiography shows a Conclusions different interpretation about it. The The information addressed so far controversy seems to have originated in shows us a number of considerations the sixteenth century, when Bartolome and answers that allow us to approach de Quevedo, prebendary and the city of Caesarobriga-Elbora during choirmaster at Toledo Cathedral, Late Antiquity. published an apology of the Holy As we have seen, the testimonies Martyrs in which he mentions their from the Concilium Iliberritanum lead us "Talaveran" origin. In return, the to accept the presumed existence of a Portuguese scholar, Andrés de Resende, Christian community, at least since the sends a letter to Quevedo justifying that final years of the third and early fourth the holy brothers came from Évora century AD, a time when the city was (Soares, 1988). Not long after, Resende supposed to have an episcopal see or at would be answered by Dr. Bartolome least was considered that way. To this, Frias de Albornoz defending the merits we must add all the references to Elbora of Talavera. Since then, the debate has within the journeys made by Decius been open to all kinds of speculation. during his persecutions. Other events In this sense, Father Flórez identifies that must have had some impact on the Elbora with the Portuguese city, without territory are Avila becoming an any doubt (Flórez, 1758). On the other episcopal see and the development of hand, Van Hecke, responsible for the Priscillianism (Chadwick, 1978; passio in the Acta Sanctorum series, Blazquez, 1981: 68-121; Escribano, chooses Talavera6, among his reasons 2003: 399-480). In this sense, during the itinerary praesides Decius must have the First Council of Toledo, held in 400 done from Caesaraugusta-Toletum- AD, his doctrines and his followers were Elbora-Emerita. convicted, once Priscilian was executed Meanwhile, L.A. Garcia has affirmed in the year 385 in Trier. The fact that the for some time (García, 1993: 227-245; passio of Vicente, Sabina and Cristeta García, 2004: 24, nota 25; García, martyrs links Elbora, as their birthplace and place of departure of the Saints, and Avila as final destination and martyrdom; is quite significant 6 Acta (28 de octubre) Ss. Vicentii Sabinae et (Rodríguez, 1965: 781-797). Despite of Christetae Fratum Martyrum Abulensium in Hispania, Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina, being a work created between the 8620. seventh and eighth centuries AD, related 108

SERGIO DE LA LLAVE y ANA ESCOBAR, Late Antiquity in the city of Caesarobriga-Elbora to an earlier tradition, it could have to give a satisfactory solution to these been employed by the church to problems: the possible omission of reaffirm Catholic orthodoxy against some mansions like Lebura (Fernández antitrinitarian in the studied et al., 1990: 157; Fernández et al., area (Lynch y Galindo, 1950; Díaz, 1990: 17; Mangas, 2012: 201 y ss.) or 1957: 453-465; Díaz, 1966: 515-528; Caesarobriga (Carrasco, 2012: 152; Díaz). Arias, 1987: 125-126, 367-368). Regarding urban topography in Meanwhile, in the Ravennatis relation to a possible episcopal see or Anonymi Cosmographia, references are areas of worship, we have no given in relation to the road network of archaeological data. It is true that the area in question. This source is significant progress has been made in dated in the 7th century (Roldán, 1975: recent decades, but we can only intuit 111 y ss.), but does not provide the the existence of forum area around the distances between a mansion and other, current Plaza del Pan. Therefore, with no recording only their names. Ne- data, it is risky to address issues about vertheless, the source includes an the occupation and reoccupation of interesting reference to the present case, sacred spaces related to Christian it is the reference to Lebura, located worship. Similarly, archaeological halfway between Toleton and materials have not provided enough Augustabria. data on the impact it must have had in Regarding to the identification of the city the construction of Emerita as Lebura there is still an open debate that the capital of the Diocesis Hispaniarum explores issues related to its (Mateos, 2000: 491-520). Meanwhile, identification and correspondence with archeology has certified changes in the the current Talavera (Mangas et al., urban planning during Late Antiquity, 1992: 246-247; Carrasco, 2003: 351- same as happens in other cities in 352; Mangas, 2012: 212). Hispania (Gurt, 2000-2001: 443-471). Meanwhile, some authors are However, the lack of information for the recently considering the possibility that city is partially made up in its Aebura can really be Augustobriga surroundings, so that the presumed (Talavera La Vieja, Cáceres) (Martínez, existence of an episcopal see justified 2012: 64). Authors such as A. Tovar the existence of a well-organized (1989: 323-233, 235), exclude its Christian community both in the city and identification with the Aebura quoted by its territorium, as you can see in some Livio (XL, 30, 3-4; XL, 32, 5; XL, 33, 1). nearby rural establishments mentioned However, A. Schulten would see it as a above, like El Saucedo and Las Vegas perfectly possible equivalence (1935: de San Antonio. 212). Meanwhile, J. Mangas and J. If these deductions that have been Carrobles say “…que los argumentos explained are confirmed, we must para identificar Libora=Aebura o bien assume that the above mentioned otro topónimo análogo no solo son Elvora mint was located in the area válidos por razones paleográficas, sino occupied now by Talavera. que responden mejor al contenido de The fact that the name Caesarobriga los textos antiguos” (Mangas y was omitted in the Antonine Itinerary Carrobles, 1998: 246). In relation to has been a topic discussed for decades, this, there are various interpretations as which is justified by some as an to its name (Holder, 1904: 1871; omission or mistake by medieval Hubschmid, 1960: 468; Menéndez, copyists. Moreover, the mismatch at 1968: 54, 58 , 173; Tovar, 1989: 229; distances provided by this itinerary has Villar, 1993: 292-294; Villar, 1995: raised several hypotheses in an attempt 217; Villar, 2000: 23, 135, 310, 358, 109

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393, 425; Jiménez, 1986: 69-71; References García, 2004: 82-83; García, 2007: Abascal, J. M. y Alföldy, G. (dir.) 2015: 318-319). In this sense, the arguments Inscripciones romanas de la Provincia exposed in this paper and the de Toledo (siglos I-III). Bibliotheca acceptance of some of the mentioned Archaeologica Hispana, 42, Madrid: approaches, lead us to assume that in Real Academia de la Historia. all probability the reference Lebura is Aguado, M., Castelo, R. y López, A. closely related to the referred Late 2003: “El Saucedo (Talavera la Antiquity Elbora. Nueva, Toledo). Un asentamiento Worth mentioning, given the rural romano en los límites de la characteristics of this paper, that it has Lusitania”, Revista de Arqueología, been decided not to address the status 266, 52-59. of the issue related to the possible Albertos, M. L. 1990: “Los topónimos en identification of the bishopric of Aquis –briga en Hispania”, Veleia, 7, 131- with Caesarobriga-Elbora or a nearby 146. rural settlement7. Álvarez, Y. 1992: “Aportación Consequently, the amount of documental para el estudio del information available nowadays, almost trazado de la vía romana entre certainly suggests that Caesarobriga Talavera de la Reina y Toledo”. En corresponds to Late Antiquity Elbora Actas de las Primeras Jornadas de and, once produced the Islamic Arqueología de Talavera de la Reina conquest, its name is changed to y sus tierras (pp. 159-175). Toledo: Talabira. This change in its name, along Diputación provincial de Toledo. with the similarity between Evora / Arias, G. (ed.) 1987: Repertorio de Elbora, will cause, during the Middle Caminos de la Hispania Romana. Ages, confusion regarding their Cádiz. identifiers in the Chronicon Mundi of Arribas, A. 2000: “Los modelos Lucas de Tuy (Martínez, 2012: 61-73). arquitectónicos de culto cristiano en However, despite the progress el ámbito rural lusitano. El ejemplo achieved in recent years, we only have de la Villa de El Saucedo (Talavera la very scarce references and some Nueva, Toledo)”. En V Reunión de archaeological materials that, although Arqueología Cristiana Hispánica (pp. they lead us to defend that 103-111). Barcelona: Universitat de Caesarobriga and Elbora were the same Barcelona. place, in no case allows us to draw Barral, X. 1993: “La cristianización de more conclusive theories until more las ciudades romanas en Hispania”, accurate testimonies come by. Extremadura Arqueológica, III, 51- 55. Acknowledgement Barrio, C. 2001: “Inhumaciones This research is linked to the R+D+I romanas en la calle Fernando de project carried out by Tagus Rojas esquina con C/ Luis Jiménez. Foundation: TAG/CULT/15004/CAEUeT: Una aportación al conocimiento de Caesarobriga Urbe et Territorium las zonas de enterramiento en (Comarca de Talavera de la Reina, Caesarobriga (Talavera de la Toledo). Reina)”. En C. Pacheco (coord.): Actas del Congreso La Muerte en el tiempo (pp. 725-734). Talavera de la Reina, Colectivo Arrabal. Bendala, M. 1999: “Notas sobre 7 It is planned to be addressed in future Caesarobriga (Talavera de la Reina) papers. y su problemática geopolítica en la 110

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