Masquerade Politics in Contem- Porary Southeastern Nigeria

Masquerade Politics in Contem- porary Southeastern Nigeria

Eli Bentor he period following the Nigerian Civil War (1967– 70) was marked by a deliberate revival of masquer- all photos by the author ade festivals and elaborate burial ceremonies by the Igbo of Southeastern Nigeria. From an Igbo perspec- tive, the Civil War was devastating proof that their earlier attempt to become Nigerians at the expense of their ethnic identity had failed. The prevailing slogan of early Tindependence days, “From Tribe to Nation,” gave way to a new one: “Unity in Diversity.” The belief of early independent days that a modern Nigerian identity would supplant local or “tribal” identities was seen as naïve. In its place emerged a recognition that to become part of Nigeria, each ethnic element would have to operate from within its localized sense of identity. Thus, many aspects of Igbo culture that had been in decline in the late colonial and early independence days were intentionally revived (Afigbo 1979, Ejiofor 1984). Fueled by the prosperity derived from rising oil revenues, during the 1970s and ‘80s masquerade performances flourished, from rural festivals and burial ceremonies to the state-sponsored Mmánwu festival in Enugu. Some of this renewed interest in masking was a continuation of earlier patterns, while much of it could be classified under “invented tradition,” as new elements were constantly introduced to the iconography and manner of performance. This revival is now a thing of the past. Masked performances have largely disappeared from public view. Eastern Nigerian tele- vision stations that routinely broadcasted burial ceremonies and festivals have ceased to do so. Most burials do not feature masks, and even traditional festivals where masking was a prominent aspect, drawing in large crowds, are now more subdued. Specific religious, political, and economic factors influence the current state of masked performances. In this paper, I will focus on the reasons behind the current challenges to masquerade performances in the region:

• Growing competition between mainstream Chris- tian denominations and Evangelical churches led to an increased hostility toward manifestations of “tradi- 1 Èkpè masqueraders during Nkwo Ekpe Ibom tional culture” in the public sphere. While charismatic of the Aro Ikeji festival, Ibom Village, Arochukwu, and independent churches have flourished in south- September 22, 2005. Èkpè is a masking genre associated with age grades in the southeastern part eastern Nigeria for decades, often rejecting aspects of of Igboland. The growing popularity of the Annang traditional culture such as masquerade as “heathen” Ibibio derived Ekpo has largely replaced it in Ihe- practices (Hackett 1987), their influence was mainly chiowa.

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2 ekpo masquerader en route to Iriji Oha, Ihe- chiowa, Abia State, September 10, 2005. Formerly a central part of New Yam festivities, the participation of Ekpo masqueraders is shunned today because their subversive nature threatens the political control of the festival.

limited to their followers. However, mainstream • Until recently, lavish masquerade performances were a denominations (including Anglican, Methodist, and marked feature of male second-burial ceremonies. In Presbyterian), facing the increasing loss of members the past, upon death, the body was interred in private. to these charismatic churches in recent times, began to A period of months or even years then ensued while compete more directly with them by holding massive the affairs of the deceased were settled and resources revivals and adopting a hard line toward what they see gathered toward an elaborate second-burial ceremony. as un-Christian practices. As more people in southeast- In those ceremonies, family members and friends ern Nigeria, especially among the young and the elite, brought masquerade troupes to a grand celebration define themselves as “born again,” they are taught to often lasting a number of days. Economic constraints reject non-Christian practices such as masquerade.1 and religious objections have led to changes in burial practices. Second burials are very rare today. The cur- • With the return to democratic rule in Nigeria in 1999, rent norm requires the presence of the body at the the continuous fragmentation of administrative units ceremony, which is held within weeks after death. has reached the level of the village-group. Until recently, Thus, the body is kept in a morgue and brought to the festivals often expressed a spirit of unity bringing funeral. The shorter period precludes the accumulation together disparate elements of the community. Today, of resources and efforts needed for a large spectacle they are often the arena of strife as newly appointed (Smith 2004:573–74). As a result, masquerade is rarely “Traditional Rulers” of government-approved splinter featured in burial ceremonies today. “Autonomous Communities” vie for political influence.

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10837 • 20808222 page:33 CMYK 3 hrh Eze Livinus Okwara Okoro, Eze Ukwu I, Ukanyigi/Edegiri Autonomous Commu- nity, Ihechiowa, Abia State, August 27, 2005. Seated on his throne, the traditional ruler presides over the celebration of his special New Yam festival. The throne is topped by the Nigerian coat of arms.

In this paper I will focus my discussion on the effects of current ture itself. From the early 1990s to 2003, government allocations political conditions on the sense of community in southeastern to LGAs were no longer remitted through the state government Nigeria and their impact on masking in festivals. My basic argu- but sent directly from the federal government to all LGA chair- ment is that intense political struggles for control of resources and men. This made chairmanship of an LGA a much more lucrative positions of power lead to an increased politicization of all aspects position and intensified competition for control of LGA affairs of public life, including control of the celebration of annual festi- (Smith 2007:119, 122–23). Thus, local elites use whatever politi- vals. I will use as my example the celebration of a New Yam festival cal influence they can muster to secure their state government’s in Ihechiowa, a rural community in Abia State. approval for the breakup of LGAs into smaller units, where they Oil revenues provide 95% of foreign exchange earnings and feel that they could control those resources.2 about 80% of budgetary revenues in Nigeria (Central Intelli- Each rural LGA consists of a number of autonomous com- gence Agency 2008). The multinational oil companies remit munities. While the term “autonomous community” came into these revenues directly to the federal government. The over- use following the reform of local government in 1976, it reflects whelming contribution of these revenues has led to a decline in a well-established perception of the basic unit of ascription. As all other sectors of the economy. Thus, since the 1970s, the main such, autonomous communities are much more than imposed political game in Nigeria has been to position oneself so as to administrative units; they are central to their members’ sense of tap into one of the different channels that disburse government belonging. In the Igbo areas of Southeastern Nigeria, these are resources (Smith 2007:63–68, Apter 2005:226–36, Shaxson 2007: òbòdò, or village-groups3 consisting of anywhere from three to 9–26, 189–208). twenty-five villages. The history of each òbòdò is often complex, Since the early days of independence, the administrative but an actual or fictive claim of common descent or a tradition structure of the Federation of Nigeria has continuously frag- of migration usually provides a historical argument for the commented. Starting with three Regions, the Federation of Nigeria mon heritage of each village-group (Uzoigwe 2004). In spite of today consists of thirty-six states and a Federal Capital Terri- of the volatility of the larger administrative units, autonomous tory. Local Government Areas (LGAs), initially based on the old communities have remained largely stable since precolonial days. colonial districts, have multiplied, doubling in number between They were first identified by the intelligence reports compiled by 1976 and 1996 (Oyediran 1997). Since the return to democratic colonial district officers in the 1930s and were later recognized rule in 1999, this process has accelerated considerably. Axel Har- in state governments’ gazettes. A government-recognized tradi- neit-Sievers characterized it as “federalism to the bitter end” tional ruler (Eze or Igwe in Igbo) heads each autonomous com- (2002; see also Harneit-Sievers 2006). Establishing new states munity (Emezi 1985). While the authority of some traditional and LGAs is done in the name of “bringing democracy closer rulers is derived from a long-standing tradition, most are the to the people,” a euphemism reflecting the distrust of local elites result of the early colonial policy of imposing “warrant chiefs” on in elected officials and administrators to disburse government otherwise noncentralized and consensus-based societies (Afigbo resources honestly and equitably. Critics claim that this pro- 1972) and/or the early independence revival of “chieftaincy” cess of decentralization weakens the power of local representa- for political purposes (Harneit-Sievers 2006:171–92). Although tion against state and federal authorities. It also diverts much of today traditional rulers are often called “kings” and addressed as their resources to the maintenance of the administrative struc- “His Royal Highness,” the reality is that a traditional ruler is only

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10837 • 20808222 page:34 CMYK one among many players in community affairs. Autonomous a new farming season provide opportunities to bring the entire communities and their traditional rulers do not play a direct role community together and validate the often-delicate bonds that in the administration of local governments where representa- hold the community together. My study of the Aro Ikeji festi- tion is based on political wards. Nevertheless, as the basic unit of val at Arochukwu and Arondizuogu has shown that the festival ascription, they are the focal point of social and political machi- requires a delicate balancing of the interests of different constitu- nation in the larger political game. Traditional rulers are entitled encies—the traditional ruler, community leaders, village heads, to a modest stipend from the LGA budget and most LGAs and development associations, town unions, women’s organizations, states have councils of traditional rulers that act in an advisory secret societies, social clubs, and youth. As each constituency capacity to the chairman and governor. has recourse to a different reservoir of historical memories and Since the return to democratic rule in May 1999, autonomous lived experiences, the result is a marvelous competitive demon- communities have been subjected to the same breakup process stration of various styles and genres of masquerade and women’s that the larger units have faced for decades. There is a common dances (Bentor 1995). The recent and accelerated fragmentation perception that creating new autonomous communities is done of village-groups poses a serious challenge to the foundations of “for development purposes,” yet the breakup process is never such festivals (Bentor 2005). entirely peaceful, as there are many claimants to the positions of Ihechiowa (Ihe) is one of the five village-groups òbòdò( ) that new traditional rulers. By law, members of the community select together make Arochukwu Local Government Area. It is a land- a new traditional ruler and present him to the state governor for rich community of farmers renowned as yam cultivators. In approval (Ezikeojiaku 2000). The public debates focus on his- 1934, W.E. Aston-Smith, the district officer who compiled the torical arguments that legitimize one faction or another’s claim intelligence report on Ihechiowa, reported on a series of meet- for an autonomous status. However, the reality is that this is a ing he held with all villages of Ihechiowa. Although Ihechiowa power struggle between different affluent and influential peo- is divided into two sections, Ikwun and Eloha, “They were all ple who either compete for a position as a traditional ruler of a emphatic as to their unity [and] their recognition of one head- new autonomous community or back their candidate with their chief.… [They] all admit that the parent town is Abor (present financial support and political influence. Government recogni- Atan-Ihe),” and that “from this village came Ihe head chief.” tion of a new traditional ruler has the automatic consequence of (Aston-Smith 1934:sections 4, 12, 37). This basic structure was splitting an existing community into two or more new autono- still in effect in 2000, when Ihechiowa had one recognized tradi- mous communities. Since both the state government and state tional ruler (Eze Ihechiowa) titled the Ochioha of Ihechiowa. He legislature are required to approve the creation of a new auton- was acknowledged by all as a direct descendent of the eponymous omous community, the conflict surrounding this process leads Chiowa who migrated from the Umuahia area and established to the politicization of all aspects of community life, including the community. Ihechiowa consists of seventeen villages, each masquerade festivals. with its village head (the Eze Ogo).4 The village heads formed In my earlier research I demonstrated that rural festivals are the nucleus of the cabinet of Eze Ihechiowa, known locally as often a major mechanism for the expression, and when neces- Nde Ozurebia (Ota 2000). In recent times, however, there was sary renegotiation, of group identity at the òbòdò level. Festivals little benefit in being a village head, so most of them are elderly marking the harvest of a new crop of yam or the beginning of men of limited economic means or political shrewdness.

4 hrh Eze Livinus Okwara Okoro, Eze Ukwu I, Ukanyigi/Edegiri Autonomous Community, Ihechiowa, Abia State, August 27, 2005. Newly appointed traditional rulers adopt impressive regalia. This one is clearly inspired by the regalia of the Oba of Benin.

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10837 • 20808222 page:35 CMYK New Yam festivals are celebrated in different parts of West in a council of elder priests called Ozu na Abia. The celebration Africa to mark the end of a season of food scarcity and the of Iriji lasts twenty days, with specific events marking the end of beginning of the harvest of this prominent crop (Coursey and the year, the beginning of the new yam season, renewal of fam- Coursey 1971). In the Igbo area, it is customary to refrain from ily ties, celebration of war heroes, a day of sacrifice, and a day for eating yams of the new season prior to a thanksgiving sacrifice marking land for farming in the next season. These celebrations, (Arua 1981). At Ihechiowa, there is a complex cycle of ritual with their sacrifices and elaborate rituals, still take place on a vil- events associated with yam cultivation that begins in January lage level, especially in the Eloha section, but attract little public when fields are broken, culminates in the Iriji festival in August, attention. Devout Christians often shun sacrifices and libations and is followed in September and October by ceremonies mark- directed toward a yam deity and ancestors, so they refrain from ing the tying of yams in the barns and a celebration of champion involvement. Younger members of the community who mostly cultivators known as Eze Ji. Until recently, Iriji was done on a vil- reside in the larger urban areas do not come home for these low- lage level according to a set order. Minor details of procedure dif- key events. ferentiate the celebration in each village. Those are cherished by One of the last days, which must fall on an Órìè day of the elders as markers of local independence. Control of the cycle was Igbo four-day week, is Igba Ajo, a day set aside for games, wres- never in the hands of either Ochioha I or the Eze Ogo but vested tling, dances, and masquerade performances. Several competi-

(l–r, top–bottom) 5 Invitation for the celebration of a special New Yam (Iri Ji) 2005 hosted by the newly appointed traditional ruler of Ukanyigi/Edegiri Autonomous Commu- nity, Ihechiowa. The invitation lists the different patrons of the event and clarify what political faction is behind the event.

6 Invitation for the celebration of a special New Yam event hosted by the newly appointed traditional ruler of Ata Igbo-Ukwu Autonomous Community, Ihechiowa, 2005. With yams on the left, a crown on the right, and the name of the chairman of Arochukwu Local Govern- ment featured prominently, it encap- sulates the complexity of the multiple messages of the event.

7 Cover of a sixteen-page full-color program for the special New Yam festival of Ukanyigi/Edegiri Autonomous Commu- nity with a large portrait of the traditional ruler

8 Cover of an eighteen-page Program of Events for the special New Yam festival of Ata Igbo-Ukwu Autonomous Commu- nity.

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10837 • 20808222 page:36 CMYK tive games were only played during Iriji, although today football inspired by that of the Benin kingdom and has little to do with (soccer) has largely replaced them. There was no central location symbols of authority in the southeastern part of Igboland (Fig. for performances. Instead, masqueraders would roam the village 4). At another village, Umuzomgbo, an elderly and frail man, and congregate at “hot spots” such as road junctions, markets, acts as the Eze Ogo while a younger businessman, Eze Linus Nto and village squares. There are several genres of masks at Ihe- Mbah, is the ruler of the newly named Ata Igbo-Ukwu Autono- chiowa. Èkpè is a masking genre associated with age grades and mous Community. in the past was prominent during the festival.5 However, because Following the 1999 and 2003 electoral successes of the of objections from devout Christians, it was largely abandoned Obasanjo-led People Democratic Party (PDP) at the national at Ihechiowa (it is still found in neighboring Arochukwu). Èkpè level and most states, all other political parties lost their vital- masqueraders wear a tight, knitted body suit and carry a head- ity. Thus, national politics is largely played among the many fac- dress shaped like a human head (Fig. 1). Today the favored mask- tions within the PDP. At the local level, players align themselves ing genre is Ekpo, adopted from the neighboring Ibibio (Fig. 2). with one faction or another and constantly form alliances and Following the example of other communities and out of a desire counter-alliances as they plan for the future. Although the next to demonstrate the unity of Ihechiowa, in 1995 the town union6 national elections were still two years away at the time Ihechiowa (Ihechiowa Development Union) established Iriji Oha (‘public celebrated its 2005 Iriji, the air was filled with intrigues and coali- Iriji’), held at a schoolyard near the palace of Eze Ihechiowa, who tion-building as an army of politicians and aspiring politicians acts as the official host. This event is scheduled after all local- cel laid the groundwork for the upcoming elections. ebrations are over, but unlike those, it is highly organized. Because it does not involve any serious ritual activities, it does not have to 9 Calabar women’s dance troupe performing at be done on any specific day of the Igbo week and is always sched- the burial ceremony of Mazi Julius Nwafor Okpaleke, uled on a Saturday to enable community members and their guests Ndiokonkwo, Arondizuogu, Imo State, November 26, 1998. A similar troupe performed at the special to attend. I will return to this event later. Iriji Ukanyigi/Edegiri Autonomous Community, Ihe- In spite of this symbolic gesture of unity, the fragmentation chiowa, in 2005. While eliciting some negative com- process has had a major impact on Ihechiowa. Today, there are ments, the relatively skimpy dress of these dancers is clearly part of their attraction in Igboland, where seven government-recognized autonomous communities in Ihe- standards are more prudish. chiowa, each headed by a newly appointed traditional ruler. The new autonomous communities do not always correspond to the division into villages. In some cases, a new autonomous community overlaps one of the villages while in others it consists of two or three villages. The new traditional rulers are mostly successful businessmen who made their career in one of the main commer- cial centers of Nigeria. Upon their appointment as traditional rulers, they are expected to move home permanently, but this is not always the case. Their position is seen as a product of the current political system and is supposedly not hereditary. How- ever, I suspect that before long, historical arguments will rise and the positions will become hereditary. The new traditional rulers are often called either “autonomousezes ” (‘kings’) or even “political ezes” to distinguish them from a hereditary ruler who may be referred to as the “real Eze,” a position that, as I mentioned earlier, was itself largely a product of colonial policy. To emphasize their newly achieved “traditional” position, each new ruler quickly adopts elaborate regalia and acquires an impressive throne (Fig. 3). In the throne room of every “political eze” that I visited in Abia State there is a framed certificate signed by the governor and a large framed photograph of a ceremony at the state capital, Umuahia, when the new ruler received his staff of office from the governor. These are the new traditional rulers’ main emblems of authority—an authority that is derived from the government and not from the people. Since the old village heads (Eze Ogo) are still in place, there are thus two parallel systems. At Ihechiowa, the Ochioha II is no longer a government-recognized traditional ruler; a 45-year-old successful businessman, Eze Livinus Okwara Okoro, successfully acquired the position of the “autonomous Eze of Ukanyigi/Edegiri Autono- mous Community,” which consists of three villages including that of the former Eze Ihechiowa. The new Eze’s regalia is clearly

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10837 • 20808222 page:37 CMYK 10 ojojo dance troupe from Ohafia performing at the special Iriji of Ukanyigi/Edegiri Autonomous Community, Ihechiowa, August 27, 2005. Ojojo is a popular local dance in many southeastern Igbo communities. Although it is performed by several village- based groups at Ihechiowa, this semiprofes- sional group is from nearby Ohafia. It was hired by one of the recipients of a chieftaincy title to accompany his grand entrance into the arena.

11 ohafia War Dancers performing at the special Iriji of Ukanyigi/Edegiri Autonomous Community, Ihechiowa, August 27, 2005. Ohafia community lies immediately to the north of Ihechiowa. Ohafia War Dancers express the headhunter heritage of Ohafia. In the remote past, their services were often sought in securing human heads required for the burial of notable men. This is still reflected in the popularity of the dancers at burial ceremonies and other celebrations.

12 ohafia War Dancer carrying a head- dress, burial ceremony of Eze Kanu Oji, Eze Aro, Arochukwu, January 5, 1988. The three carved heads on the plank represent the heads supplied by Ohafia men for burial ceremonies.

The two newly appointed traditional rulers mentioned above decided to cel- ebrate their special Iriji at a same week- end between the conclusion of the local celebrations and the Iriji Oha of the entire Ihechiowa community. These were well- planned events announced by large banners and radio and newspaper advertisements. Lavish invitations from the traditional rulers were printed, listing the main patrons of the event and promising illustrious guests of honor, including in both cases the state governor, although nobody expected him to come (Figs. 5–6). Thick programs printed in full color included full-page images of the governor, chairman of the LGA, and hosting traditional rulers and vitas of the recipients of chieftaincy titles, but little mention of the celebration of a new harvest of yams (Figs. 7–8). Both events were held at schoolyards, with canopies on three sides, clearly marked VIP areas, and special canopies set aside for chieftaincy title recipients. Although ostensibly this was a New Yam festival, it quickly became clear that the events were in fact opportunities for the two “political ezes” to boost their new position and play politics by bringing together their network of supporters and awarding chieftaincy titles. The celebrations of the New Yam festival became political rallies

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10837 • 20808222 page:38 CMYK 13 a local leader “purchases” a newly harvested yam in exchange for a donation for community development at the special Iriji of Ukanyigi/Edegiri Autonomous Commu- nity, Ihechiowa, August 27, 2005. This symbolic act connects the original significance of the festival as a harvest celebration with the contemporary concern with the conversion of wealth for prestige and political influence.

to demonstrate the attachment of prominent community mem- However, guests of honor and title recipients interrupted the bers to one or another of the PDP factions. Since they were held planned event by performing “grand entrances” timed to maxi- at the same time, supporters had to choose which faction they mize dramatic effect. Dressed in ornate and expensive regalia, wanted to signal their alliance with by attending their event. At accompanied by family members, supporters, and hired dance the time of the New Yam festival of 2005, the traditional ruler troupes and musicians, they attempted to outdo each other as of Ukanyigi/Edegiri was aligned with the Abia State Chairman they marched into the center of the event expecting the adula- of the PDP, who in turn opposed the governor of Abia State and tion of the crowd. None of the dance troupes were from Ihe- supported President Obasanjo. In contrast, the traditional ruler chiowa. One was a women’s dance troupe from Calabar (Fig. of Ata Igbo-Ukwu was aligned with the chairman of the Aro- 9). This exotic dance is popular in Igboland in part because chukwu LGA, who supported the governor, who was a presi- the young dancers are scantily dressed by Igbo standards. They dential aspirant and a fierce opponent of President Olusegun elicit comments of disapproval while at the same time satisfy- Obasanjo and (sometimes) aligned with the camp of Obasanjo ing voyeuristic inclinations. Another troupe performed a wom- arch rival, Vice President Alhaji Atiku Abubakar. National, state, en’s dance called Ojojo. Although Ojojo is popular at Ihechiowa and local politics all converged on the celebrations of the local and there are a number of local village-based groups that play it, New Yam festival. Thus, the festival was transformed or even this troupe was hired from nearby Ohafia (Fig. 10). The crowd invented to facilitate its use for political machination. Members favorites were several groups of the famous Ohafia war dancers. of the community became a backdrop for invited guests. A spe- These are professional troupes of agile male dancers accompa- cial effort was made to ensure the attendance of traditional rul- nied by a horn player and a singer (Fig. 11). In the remote past, ers of neighboring communities and other prominent members they were responsible for the supply of human heads required for who would add to the legitimacy, not just of the event, but of the the burial of notable men. Today they are still popular at burial hosting traditional ruler. In the eyes of the organizers, the promi- ceremonies and other events. The chief dancer balances a plank nence of those guests was the true measure of the event’s success. of wood with three carved heads on it (Fig. 12), recalling their Yet significant public attendance was also needed to demonstrate earlier function (McCall 2000:66–77). For chieftaincy installa- the new ruler’s ability to mobilize his people not only to the event tions, the singer adapts traditional eulogies to sing the praises of but also at the ballot box. Large quantities of food and drink and the recipient (Azuonye 1990:36). Ohafia war dancers are crowd- the spectacle itself enticed the crowd. pleasers and as hired troupes, they can be trusted to do all that The proceedings followed a well-established routine for cel- they can to turn public attention to the patron who hired them. ebrations in Igboland, as spelled out in the printed programs.7 In his welcome address, printed in the official program of the The event opened with a prayer by a member of the clergy, fol- event (Fig. 7), the traditional ruler of Ukanyigi/Edegiri addressed lowed by presentation of kola nuts, pouring of libations, welcome only the distinguished guests, ignoring his own subjects. The addresses, greetings by notable guests, presentations by “cultural address was very explicit in his intentions and makes my argu- groups,” and concluded with the conferring of chieftaincy titles. ment in this paper clear. The ruler emphasized that the

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10837 • 20808222 page:39 CMYK 14 a.C. Okechukwu, a Lagos-based businessperson from Ihechiowa, receives a chieftaincy title from Eze Livinus Okwara Okoro, Eze Ukwu I, Ukanyigi/Edegiri Autonomous Community, Ihechiowa, Abia State, August 27, 2005. A chieftaincy title allows the recipient to precede his name with “Chief” and is a way for affluent Nigerians to add a traditional flair to their modern lives.

15 General view of the venue for the celebration of Iriji Oha, Obinto Primary School, Ihechiowa, Septem- ber 10, 2005. As political exercises, it is paramount to maintain order in these politically motivated events. An ordered look, canopies, sound system, and police presence are all expressions of this priority.

opment projects end up in the pockets of those responsible for their disbursement, this is clearly an appeal to direct the trickle of government money so that it would be shared between the “distinguished guests” and community leaders. Addressing the state governor directly in his final statement, the traditional ruler clarified what those in power can expect in return: “As you endeavor to occupy Aso Rock come 2007, we wish you the best and will continue to pray for you in this great aspiration.” Aso Rock is the president’s official residence in Abuja and 2007 was the year of the upcoming elections. At the celebration of Ata Igbo-Ukwu, a local dignitary gave the address, the text of which was distributed to those present as a mimeograph. Referring to the newly established autonomous community as “this ancient kingdom,” he gave a detailed description of the ten-day celebration of the festival. The choice of English as the language of the address and the use of ethnographic termi- nology suggested that his intended audience went beyond local attendees. Using the present tense, he referred to practices that died out years ago—such as “fattening rooms” where girls were prepared for their marriages, boys’ games, and the honoring of celebration of the New Yam festival has been and will continue to be headhunters—as if they were taking place today. While all the ear- the hallmark of the great culture and ingenuity of Ihechiowa people lier days were listed using their Igbo name, the final day was called in general and the Ukanyigi/Edegiri Autonomous Community in particular … [We] have always been at the forefront in the articula- The Grande Finale: “It is a day set aside to summarize the activi- tion and showcasing of the great Ihechiowa Cultural Heritage. There ties of the New Yam festival in a grand style. It is the brainchild of cannot be a better occasion to showcase the tenets of our cultural His Royal Highness, Eze L.N. Mbah, Eze Udo 1 of Ata Igbo Ukwu, heritage by way of various cultural dance displays … We are indeed Umuzomgbo. The first edition was on 30th August, 2003 … and champions in the revival of our cultural heritage. the third today 27th August, 2005.” Thus, the new “political” event is integrated into the well-established one. When we recall that none of the dances at this event were from The evocation of the “proper” festival of old in the two speeches Ihechiowa, we can begin to understand the disparity between makes it clear that, for those local dignitaries and politicians, the ostensible reason for the festival and the actual motivation “tradition” is a reservoir of legitimizing tropes that is invoked to for the event. The language of cultural revival, popular in the validate the current political event in terms of the older festival. 1970s and ‘80s, is employed here as a pretext for politicking. The This was made clear to me when a man who earlier that day told address continues: me how the festival is supposed to be celebrated, sought me out I would like to bring to your attention the numerous amenities still in the crowd to say: “I hope that you understand that none of lacking in our community … I wish to appeal to both the State and this is from Ihechiowa. This is a political something, not what I Local Governments to come to our aid so that our people can opti- told you before.” mally enjoy the dividends of democracy. It is true that you have Following the addresses, a group of children brought in newly remembered us by creating our Autonomous Community which has harvested yams and piled them in front of the VIP section. The brought Government nearer to the people. But we have to feel gov- emcee called on local and visiting dignitaries to purchase the ernment more realistically by partaking in the things that make life yams, with money going to local development projects. Each worth living. dignitary gave a short speech and marked a yam with chalk as his own (Fig. 13). A large quantity of food and drink was served Since it is known that most government allocations for devel- to all attendees.

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10837 • 20808222 page:40 CMYK 16 Machete-wielding Ekpo Inum masquerader during the Ikeji festival of Ututu, September 5, 2005. Ekpo performing style is often threatening as an embodiment of Ekpo’s subversive nature.

17 Nkita Oku (Fire Dog) Ekpo masquerader during the Ikeji festival of Ututu, September 5, 2005. Nkita Oku carries a long sword and smoldering wood and performs menacing gestures.

The last phase of the events was the conferral of chieftaincy munity. As mentioned above, he was a stalwart of the compet- titles, clearly the most significant aspect as far as the dignitaries ing political faction to that represented at the Ukanyigi/Edegiri and guests were concerned. Ostensibly, chieftaincy titles indicate festival. It may seem odd that he would receive a title from his recognition by the community for individuals’ contributions to rival faction. However, as a person who controls considerable its development. They permit the recipient to precede his or her government resources, he cannot be ignored. I was privately told name with the title “Chief.” Over the last several decades, many that the fluidity of the political scene is such that it is smart strat- Nigerian communities began to bestow such recognitions as egy to honor him regardless of the current political alliance. He a way of gaining favors with government official and business appeared in the midst of the title conferment segment perform- people who are expected to bring development to the commu- ing a grand entrance of his own. A long convoy of new sport nity. Titles are often given in exchange for payment, as a reward utility vehicles drove into the center of the arena at full speed, for political support, or as part of the political game of alliance violently interrupting the proceedings. Armed police jumped building (Smith 2007:148–49). Some aspirants for political posi- from the cars and accompanied the chairman to the VIP section are known as collectors of such titles. The late Chief Mos- tion. He received his title, gave a speech listing his great achieve- hood Abiola amassed more than 150 titles from all over Nigeria ments as chairman of the LGA, and drove off. Nobody seemed (Africa Research Bulletin 1998). Community members often surprised that most items on his list were clearly fictitious. claim that remuneration for chieftaincy titles is one way for Two weeks after the two competitive special Iriji, Ihechiowa newly appointed traditional rulers to recoup the expenses of celebrated its Iriji Oha—the event that was created in 1995 as an gaining their own appointment. expression of unity of the entire community. However, in the Each recipient performed another grand entrance, accom- already heated climate gearing up to the 2007 national elections, panied by family and supporters who showered him with bank Iriji Oha fell prey to the political forces at play. A very large school notes. Those who had hired a dance troupe had them perform yard was set up as the venue, with canopies, sound system, and and sing their praises as they approached the traditional ruler’s banners (Fig. 15). Although the Ochioha II served as the chief host throne. Recipients received the emblems of their chieftaincy and was given the honor of presenting kola nuts, a symbolic act of from the ruler, gave a short speech, and withdrew with as much hospitality, he was sidelined during the rest of the event. Instead, fanfare as they came in (Fig. 14). this was the venue for another PDP faction to demonstrate its One of the title awardees at Ukanyigi/Edegiri was the chair- readiness. The local head of this faction was Chief Alfredo K.O. man of Arochukwu Local Government Area, Honorable Chief/ Awa. Popularly known as the “Lord Mayor,” Alfredo is a wealthy Elder Kalu Eke Kalu. The LGA chairman is from Umozombo businessman who held the post of president-general of Ihechiowa and served as the distinguished chairman of the competitive Development Union and served in the powerful position of the event in his village, now Ata Igbo-Ukwu Autonomous Com- Abia State chairman of the PDP. Although from the same family as

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10837 • 20808222 page:41 CMYK 18 a troupe of Ohafia War Dancers leading a chieftaincy title recipient into the arena. Special Iriji Ukanyigi/Edegiri Autonomous Community, Ihe- chiowa, August 27, 2005.

the chairman of Arochukwu LGA, they were considered political ple of Ihechiowa culture, but a highjacking of culture for the sake arch rivals. Since the LGA chairman served as the “distinguished of politics.” chairman” of the earlier Ata Igbo-Ukwu New Yam festival, the Iriji Masquerade, which in the past would have been the core of Oha was Alfredo’s opportunity to fight back by staging an even such public celebrations, was relegated to the margins. A small grander event. The main regional figure in his faction was Chris number of Ekpo masqueraders roamed around but were pre- Uba, the most powerful “king-maker” in southeastern Nigeria, vented from entering the arena by hired policemen. Masquer- who is related by marriage to then President Obasanjo. His pres- ades in Igboland are regarded as spirits and their behavior is ence at the event was much anticipated and included in the official uncontrollable and unpredictable. They often perform in ways program. It was a great disappointment for the organizers when that defy authority and demonstrate a violent spirit of subver- he failed to appear. sion. The style of Ekpo performance is threatening, as masquer- Although ostensibly it was a ceremony uniting all of Ihe- aders often carry machetes, run at the audience, and gesture chiowa, only a few elements of the community were present. violently (Fig. 16). The anonymity of masqueraders gives them Each of the seventeen villages of Ihechiowa was expected to per- protection from personal culpability. Ekpo in this region is form one of their dances or masquerades at the event, but none known as the favorite genre of disaffected youth. It attracts either showed up. Only villagers from nearby attended and none of young men who live in the village because they could not adapt the newly established traditional rulers who are players in the to the discipline required for productive life in the city, or “area political game were at Ihechiowa that day. Most of the audience boys”—members of the community eking a living as gang mem- consisted of those receiving chieftaincy titles and their entou- bers, petty criminals, and hired guns in one of the urban areas. rages. As the proceedings unfolded, much like at the earlier Ekpo is often blamed for violent acts.8 It is simply too dangerous occasions, it quickly became an overt political event. A local leg- to allow masqueraders to enter the arena and challenge authority islator brought a number of prominent PDP members from far- when the purpose of the gathering is to demonstrate the patrons’ away Lagos and Kaduna States who gave political speeches. The ability to deliver votes on election day. One politician told me PDP Women Wing chanted “PDP—Power for the People, Power later that Ekpo could be hired by one of his enemies to “spoil the for the Women, Power for the Youth.” A chairman of a neigh- event.” In contrast, Ohafia War Dancers, although embodying boring LGA was greeted by his now-recognized title: “13/13,” to an ancestral force (McCall 2000:59), are clearly identifiable as hail his success in winning all thirteen electoral wards in the last individuals and, at any rate, not likely to cause trouble to their elections. Since it was clear to all that such a decisive victory is paying patrons. impossible in the fractured political landscape of southeastern Although the event resembled a political rally, the organizers Nigeria, addressing him this way suggested an appreciation for were careful to maintain the semblance of a celebration of a New his ability to “work the system.” Most of the event was devoted to Yam festival. New yams were brought to the VIP stand and were regal entrances, recognition of VIPs, and a lengthy conferment “purchased” with donations by prominent community members of chieftaincy titles accompanied by troupes of hired Ohafia War and guests, who each gave a speech promising support for their Dancers. A local friend commented to me, “This is not an exam- faction. The importance of maintaining tradition òménàlà( ) was

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10837 • 20808222 page:42 CMYK a constant theme of the speakers and it is in this context that chiowa, I always got a version of this “proper” system. On the dances and masquerade were featured as a celebration of tradi- other hand, there is an ever-shifting scene of the public celebra- tional culture. Walking a tightrope between being an event that tion as it responds to the vagaries of what is known locally as marks the New Yam festival and being a political rally is the key “these political times.” for the success of the event. Although the event is attractive to The current state of masquerade festivals in southeastern Nige- the faction leaders and guests as test of political support, it must ria, as exemplified by the celebration of the New Yam festival retain at least an appearance of a “traditional” event to maintain at Ihechiowa, cannot be understood simply in terms of the old its legitimacy. trope of “Vanishing Africa” or the current trope of globalization’s Recent political pressures resulted in the creation of two par- homogenizing effects. Instead, a close reading of ever-specific allel realities for thinking about and celebrating the festival. local circumstances reveals a complex web where the interplay One, which can be called ideal or “traditional,” is celebrated at between the normative festival and its manipulation by political the village level. It is part of a complex yam culture at Ihechiowa forces results in creative new formulations. and entails ritual aspects such as visits to shrines, ancestral sacrifices, and masquerade performances. Most people are aware of it, only few know about it in detail, and even fewer practice Eli Bentor teaches African art history at Appalachian State University in the United States. He has been studying masquerade performances in it. Yet it is regarded as the normative system. Whenever I asked southeastern Nigeria since 1987. [email protected] to learn about the celebration of the New Yam festival at Ihe-

Notes References cited I would like to thank the Office of International Pro- Afigbo, Adiele Eberechukwu. 1972.The Warrant Chiefs: 121–38. Enugu: Computer Edge Publishers. grams at Appalachian State University for their financial Indirect Rule in Southeastern Nigeria 1891–1929. London: Hackett, Rosalind I.J., ed. 1987. New Religious Move- support for research in Nigeria in 2005. In Nigeria, I am Longman. ments in Nigeria. African Studies no. 5. Lewiston NY: grateful to Drs. Sidney Emezue and E.N. Ota of Abia ______. 1979. “Towards Cultural Revival among the Edwin Mellen Press. State University. At Ihechiowa, I would like to thank Igbo Speaking Peoples.” Anu (Owerri) 1:1–13. HRH Eze Okereke O.O. Obasi Ngo III, The Ochioha II of Harneit-Sievers, Axel. 2002. “Federalism to the Bitter Ihechiowa, Elder Chief H.E. Otah, Eze Livinus Okwara Africa Research Bulletin. 1998. “Chief Moshood Abiola End: Politics and History in Southeastern Nigerian Okor, Eze Ukwu 1 of Uknyigi/Edegiri Autonomous Com- (1937–1998) (Obituary).” Africa Research Bulletin 35 Autonomous Communities.” Sociologus 52 (1):47–76. (7):13168. munity, Eze Ndu Okwun of Odum Chiakuma Autono- ______. 2006. Constructions of Belonging: Igbo mous Community, Eze Chinyere N. Okereke, Eze of Apter, Andrew H. 2005. The Pan-African Nation: Oil Communities and the Nigerian State in the Twentieth Obihie, Ogige Autonomous Community, Hon. S.A. Kalu, and the Spectacle of Culture in Nigeria. Chicago: Univer- Century. Rochester Studies in African History and the Okpo, and Chief O.I. Obasi (AKA Appalachia) Achara. sity of Chicago Press. Diaspora, vol. 23. Rochester NY: University of Rochester 1 For more on the effects of charismatic Christi- Press. anity on masquerade festivals in southeastern Nigeria, Arua, Emea O. 1981. “Yam Ceremonies and the Value of see Gore, this issue. Ohafia Culture.”Africa 51 (2):694–705. McCall, John C. 2000. Dancing Histories: Heuristic Eth- nography with the Ohafia Igbo. Ann Arbor: University 3 The federal government finances LGAs, but the Aston-Smith, W. E. 1934. Intelligence Report on the of Michigan Press. authority to create new ones rests with state govern- Ihe Clan, Arochuku District, Calabar Province. Enugu: ments. Thus, the federal government is trying to restrict National Archive. Ota, Ejitu Nnechi. 2000. “The Impact of the Aro Slave the creation of new LGAs while state executive and Trade on the Immediate Neighbours of Arochukwu.” Azuonye, Chukwuma. 1990. “The Performance of Kaalu legislative bodies try to circumvent that. Paper presented at the conference, “Repercussions of Igirigiri, an Ohafia Igbo Singer of Tales.”Research in 4 In Nigerian English, the word “town” is usually the Atlantic Slave Trade: The Interior of the Bight of African Literature 21 (3):17–50. used for òbòdò, although they are mostly rural commu- Biafra and the African Diaspora.” Nike Lake Hotel, nities. Bentor, Eli. 1995. Aro Ikeji Festival: Toward a Historical Enugu, July 10–14. 5 Interview, HRM Eze Okereke O.O. Obasi Ngo Interpretation of a Masquerade Festival. PhD disserta- Oyediran, Oyeleye. 1997. “The Reorganization of Local III, the Ochioha II of Ihechiowa Kingdom, in the pres- tion, Art History, Indiana University, Bloomington. ence of Elder Chief H.E. Otah, the Prime Minister, Government.” In Transition without End: Nigerian August 25, 2005. ______. 2005. “Challenges to Rural Festivals with the Politics and Civil Society under Babangida, ed. L.J. 6 It is distinct from the secret or leopard society Return to Democratic Rule in Southeastern Nigeria.” Diamond, A.H.M. Kirk-Greene, and O. Oyediran, pp. called Èkpé. African Arts 38 (4):38–45, 93. 193–211. Boulder: Lynne Rienner. 7 Town Unions are amongst the most important Central Intelligence Agency. 2008. The World Factbook Pratten, David. 2007. “The ‘Rugged Life’: Youth and institution in the leadership of most òbòdò. For a recent 2008: Nigeria. Central Intelligence Agency, May 1, 2008. Violence in Southern Nigeria.” In Violence and Non-Vio- review of their historical roles and recent decline see https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world- lence in Africa, ed. P. Ahluwalia, L. Bethlehem, and R. Harneit-Sievers 2006:151–70. factbook/geos/ni.html. Accessed May 14, 2008. Ginio, pp. 84–104. London: Routledge. 8 I was only present at the celebration of Ukany- igi/Edegiri Autonomous Community, so my description Coursey, D.G., and Cecilia K. Coursey. 1971. “The New Shaxson, Nicholas. 2007. Poisoned Wells: The Dirty Poli- is largely of that event, although I gathered information Yam Festival of West Africa.” Anthropos 66 (3–4):444–84. tics of African Oil. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. on both. Ejiofor, Pita N.O. 1984. Cultural Revival in Igboland. Smith, Daniel Jordan. 2004. “Burials and Belonging in 9 In nearby Ututu, the 2005 public celebration Onitsha: University Publishing. Nigeria: Rural-Urban Relations and Social Inequality in of the New Yam festival was cancelled because Ekpo a Contemporary African Ritual.” American Anthropolo- Emezi, C.E. 1985. “Institutional Transformations: Chief- members were accused of an accidental killing. At gist 106 (3):569–79. Arochukwu, Ekpo was banned for three years following taincy in Imo State of Nigeria.” Ikenga 7 (1–2):94–105. ______. 2007. A Culture of Corruption: Everyday a fight that led to a person’s death in 1995. Pratten dis- Ezikeojiaku, P. A. 2000. “The Eze Title in Igbo Society: Deception and Popular Discontent in Nigeria. Princeton cusses the recent emergence of Agaba, a violent youth A Micro-study of the Orsu Sub-culture of Imo State, NJ: Princeton University Press. militia group based on Ekpo societies in the Annang Nigeria.” In Glimpses of Igbo Culture and Civilization: area (Pratten 2007, and this issue). Proceedings from a Pan-Igbo National Seminar and Uzoigwe, Godfrey N. 2004. “Evolution and Relevance Workshop Organised by Renaissance Cultural Heritage of Autonomous Communities in Precolonial Igboland.” Centre ... Uwani, Enugu, Nigeria, ed. O. Animba, pp. Journal of Third World Studies 21 (1):139–51.

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