sign in sign up
<<
Home , European Green Party, Greens of Andorra, Greens of Montenegro, Green League, Green left, Green Left (Catalonia)

JULYIDECEMBER 2011 15 Parties in : Potential Routes of Future Development

Vedran Horvat, Tomislav Tomesevic *

Scientific review UDC 329:504:061.1 EU Received in December 2011

Abstract

This article provides a descriptive analysis of the performances of Green parties in Europe, aiming to explore factors that are crucial for understanding the differences of their success. Concentrating on two areas of interest, namely the parliamentary representation of Green parties across Europe and the complex interaction between the Europeanization process and on one side and the development of Green parties in Europe on the other, the authors aim to detect potential routes offuture development of green in Europe and question to which extent party evolution will be linked to adjustment strategies in different cultural and political environments. Special attention is paid to the assessment of the importance of the EU membership and on the dynamic relationship between transnational political structures that are a new form of in Europe.

Key words: Green parties, , , Europeanization

1. Introduction in the and . However, it took a decade or two for the green political - Green parties in Europe have passed a long way ment to make a breakthrough to the core of po- in the past 40 years from protest parties to main- litical life in some of the European countries. We stream political parties. At the beginning of the waited until the 1990s for Green parties to lead na- 1970s first national Green parties were founded tional politics. This happened in 1995 in when the became the first Green * Vedran Horvat is head of the Croatian office of the Heinrich party in Europe to participate in the national gov- B611Foundation. He has a M.A. degree from the University of ernment. I Most successful, although of short dura- Sarajevo/University of Bologna gained at the European Regional tion, was the Latvian which in 2004 Master in and Democratization in Southeastern Europe. His B.A. degree in Sociology was obtained at the even had the Prime Minister of . He was the University of Zagreb and he is currently PhD candidate at the first Green Prime Minister of a state in history.' In Facuity of Political Science of the same University the case of , the unforgettable example Tomislav Tornasevic is president of Zelena akcija / Friends of , who served as Foreign Min- of the Earth , an environmental NGO based in Zagreb. ister and Vice Chancellor of Germany in the cabi- He has a B.A. degree in political science from the Faculty of Political Science - University of Zagreb and is currently M.A. net of Gerhard Schroder is certainly notable, as he student of political science at the same Faculty was not only one of the leading figures of West 16 CROATIAN iNTERNATIONAL RELATIONSREVIEW

German but also one of the most popular as examples)", Greens have been traditionally un- German politicians.' Today the majority of the EU able to consolidate themselves as a relevant politi- countries have a Green party in the national and cal force. In Central and Eastern Europe, Greens regional parliaments, while faction is appeared already in the first period of transition playing a significant role as one of the relevant po- as one of the 'political choices' in the newly dis- litical forces in the European Parliament. Greens covered party pluralism (for instance in ), are currently participating in of two but have quickly disappeared.'? Only recently, in EU countries - namely and Finland, the last few years some successes of Green par- while Baden- Wurttemberg is the first German fed- ties emerged in Central Eastern Europe (, eral state in history that has a Prime Minister from or the Czech )," but their break- a Green party. 4 through seems an extremely difficult endeavour that becomes less with the potential slide On the other hand, in Central and Eastern down to nationalistic agendas in Europe (see the Europe societies are still undergoing a process last example of Hungary). of struggle for political identities trying to find equivalents of the political movements that have Green parties in Europe are now well es- emerged in the old . In many cases tablished in party systems of various countries and Green parties, as a relatively new element in the they have outlived many scholars who marked political landscape of these countries, fail to posi- them as an anomaly that would soon vanish from tion themselves and gain the trust of voters and are the political scene. Their electoral success and thus playing a marginal role. However, sporadic party consolidation are the strongest in the most successes (like in the , Hungary developed European countries such as Germany, or Latvia) show that this breakthrough is possible, , or . However, there is an although still not sufficiently stable. evident discrepancy between the well established Green parties and their quite effective perform- After more than a three-decade long tra- ances in the 'West' on one side, and, on the other, jectory composed of continuous efforts and long unstable, sporadic, if not rare breakthroughs of the marching through institutions', Greens today are Greens in the Mediterranean countries or the East an inevitable political subject in many European where they face severe difficulties to find their countries, experiencing visible upturn in support. way to national parliamentary representation. This In some of these countries Greens have success- is not only due to unfavourable electoral systems, fully transcended the boundaries of environmen- but also due to diverse economic and social pre- talism, showing a variety of competences in the conditions. This article aims to describe the cur- fields of foreign affairs, education or development. rent representation of Green parties in Europe and Most recent electoral results also clearly indicate show in which European countries they are suc- that Greens are clearing their way to the centre of cessful and in which they are not. With an over- the "; both through adaptation to view of specific country situations regarding the the 'mainstream' language but also through the in- EU membership, the article discusses whether the crease of competences in economy? and success- EU membership is a factor important for success of ful discourse on multiple crises." A long trajectory Green parties in the European countries measured of the idea of deep ecological crisis (and its eco- through parliamentary representation. Addition- nomic and social impacts) announced by Greens ally, there seem to be some macro socio-economic as early as the 1980s, brought Greens from the factors influencing the success of Green parties for periphery to the centre of political debate and in which this article provides only preliminary evi- most cases has shown their consistency and abil- dence and analysis. For example, the emergence ity to make their point in the long run. However, it of different types of Green parties throughout Eu- has also shown risks of the adjustment, resulting rope has initially been followed by thought about in internal struggles like the one during the deci- a certain model of structure, while only afterwards sion-making on military intervention in Kosovo in understanding of the national context and respec- 1999. In some other European countries, mainly tive pressure exerted upon them was taken into in the Mediterranean, with the exception of spo- account as a new variable. As Green parties ma- radic electoral successes that occur in some of the tured, they recognised that their actions needed regions or provinces ( or can serve to be calibrated in a way to suit both the national JULYIDECEMBER 2011 17 political context and the sort of party activism that pan-European federation of Green parties called - organically developed within the party itself. 12 the (EGP).14 Greens were in the 1980s among the first political families in The second aspect in the focus of this arti- Europe that started to organise on the EU level and cle is a multi-fold relationship between the proc- unlike other party families such as the Socialists ess of European integration and development of or , they decided to form a pan-European Green parties. This relationship seems more im- federation of national Green parties, accepting as portant for Green parties than for other European full members parties from any European country political families due to inherently transnational and not just the EU. 15Currently the EGP has 38 political objectives of Green parties 13.It seems Green parties as full members and 9 Green parties that over a few decades there has been a signifi- as observers, covering almost all European coun- cant influence of the European integration process tries. 16 on political behaviour of Green parties in Europe. However, we can also track the impact in the op- Although the EGP works outside of the posite direction, recognising the disproportional EU borders, its biggest impact is within the frame- impact of very focused green political agendas on work of the European Union. Although the EGP large scale policy making on the European level. functions as a separate transnational political par- For the Greens, two processes, i.e. formation of ty having Green parties from almost all European the European Green Party (EGP), and consoli- countries as its members, it also functions as a dation of The Greens/EFA political group in the parallel structure that is indirectly using the po- European Parliament have become dominant but litical potential of its members in multifold ways; intertwined trajectories of the European level po- through the European Parliament or national par- litical development through which they were able liaments. Green parties that are members of the to formulate their political positions and design EGP currently have 46 Members of the European their relevance at the EU level. Parliament out of a total of 736, which makes it only 6.25 %. However, Green MEPs decided to Here the authors highlight the question join forces with 12 MEPs of regionalist, autono- to which extent and in which mutual interrela- mist parties united in the tionship these two processes design the future of and they formed "The Greens/European Free Al- Green parties' performances. Accordingly, the ar- liance" which is the fourth group in size in the ticle aims to explore if the European Green Party European Parliament, following Christian-Demo- as a transnational form of political organisation crats, Socialists and Liberals. The Greens/EFA are driven by the Europeanization process proved to the only group in the European Parliament which be a decisive factor for more efficient and effective has more female (30) than male (28) MEPs, while political actions or whether this influence is still overall statistics of the European Parliament show predominantly generated through cooperation of that there are in total only 34.8 % of female MEPs. different national Green parties that communicate 17The GreenslEFA is also the only group in the mainly with their constituencies without directly European Parliament that has a gender-balanced addressing the European demos. Though the in- Co-Presidency (currently from tention of this article is not to deliver undisputable Germany and Daniel Cohn-Bendit from France). conclusions; by posing these questions we aim to underline the importance of this relationship. The To describe and compare the success of authors of the article assume that there is a strong Green parties in Europe it is easiest to start by and not yet fully discovered linkage between the comparing the successes of Green parties in elec- consolidation of the Green tions for the European Parliament because elec- and the idea of European integration that needs to toral rules are similar for all EU states, i.e. based be explored further. on a proportional system. Table 1 shows the rep- resentation of Green parties in the European Par- 2. Current parliamentary representation liament since 2009. It displays the names of the of green parties in Europe Green parties, the number of the seats they have in the European Parliament and the ratio of these When speaking about Green parties in Europe one seats compared to the total number of seats of the usually refers only to Green parties that joined the respective country. 18 CROATIAN iNTERNATIONAL RELATIONS REVIEW

Table 1- List of Green parties in the European Parliament 2009 - 2011 Number of Number of Ratio of Country country Green Name of the Green Party Green MEPs (A) MEPs (B) MEPs (B I A) Austria 17 2 Die Grunen 11.76 % Belgium 22 3 - 2 I ! - 1 13.63 % 17 0 - 0 6 0 - 0 Czech Republic 22 0 - 0 Denmark 13 2 Socialistisk Folkeparti 15.38 % Estonia 6 0 - 0 Finland 13 2 Vihreat 15.38 % France 72 13 Europe Ecologie - Les Verts 18.05 % Germany 99 14 Bundnis/Die Grunen 14.14 % Greece 22 1 Ecologoi Prasinoi 4.54% Hungary 22 0 - 0 12 0 - 0 72 0 - 0 Latvia 8 0 - 0 Lithuania 12 0 - 0 6 1 Dei Greng 16.66 % 5 0 - 0 25 3 GroenLinks 12.00 % 50 0 - 0 22 0 - 0 33 0 - 0 Slovakia 13 0 - 0 Slovenia 7 0 - 0 Spain 50 1 Iniciativa per Catalunya- Verds 2.00% Sweden 18 2 Miljopartiet De Grona 11.11% United Kingdom 72 2 The Green Party 2.77% TOTAL 736 46 European Green Party 6.25 %

Sourcefordata:www.europeangreens.euandwww.nsd.uib.noleuropean_election_databasel

First of all, it is important to note that less parties from Germany (14) and France (13) which than half of the EU member states (12 out of 27) is expectedly reflected in the German- French Co- have currently a Green party represented in the Chairmanship of the group Greens/EF A. European Parliament. It seems that representation according to countries is pretty stable because all It is important to note that currently none countries that now have Green MEPs, also had them of the 12 "new EU member states" has a Green in the previous (6th) term of the European Parlia- party represented in the European Parliament. ment with the exception of Greece. 18 If we look at With the exception of Malta and Cyprus the rest the number ofMEPs, the most influential are Green of the countries from that group are from Central JULY/DECEMBER 2011 19

and Eastern Europe." The reasons for the failure facing the choice between staying 'pure' and ac- of Green parties from Central and Eastern Eu- cepting compromises, like external funding that rope to enter the European Parliament can range fundamentalists see as corrupting." Over the last from democratic consolidation and other political 30 years, German Greens became a representative factors, socio-economic and cultural factors de- example of an institutionalised and professional scribed in a comprehensive book on development party through various processes of political devel- of Green parties in Europe called Green Chal- opment and change." lenge, edited by Richardson and Rootes in 1995. They stated that no single theory can explain the The fourth thing to point out from Table diverse development and success of European 1 is that Green parties from "old" but peripheral Green parties but it seems from electoral results EU member states are poorly represented in the of Green parties in EU and non-EU countries that European Parliament. These include Greece (4.S4 there are some common socio-economic factors %) and Spain (2.00 %), while Portugal and Ire- that determine such success. land don't have a Green party represented in the European Parliament. To this group of countries The third point to note is that with the we can add Italy, another "old member state" with exception of the UK, which has a specific party no Green MEPs in the European Parliament. If we system, all of the most developed Western Euro- look at possible economical reasons for this situa- pean countries or to use Wallerstein's terminol- tion it is interesting to see that all heavy-indebted ogy" "Western European states from the core", "old EU member states", also known as PIGS (Por- have successful Green parties at European elec- tugal, Ireland, Italy, Greece and Spain), are in the tions with a double digits percentage that shows group of countries that have Green parties poorly their ratio in total number of seats reserved for the or not represented at all in the European Parlia- respective country. These include France (18.0S ment. A potential simplistic economic explanation %), Luxembourg (16.66 %), Denmark (1S.38 %), might be that only the richest countries in the EU Finland (1S.38 %), Germany (14.40 %), Belgium can "afford" to have successful Green parties that (13.63 %), Austria (11.76 %) and Sweden (11.11 root their programs in post-materialistic values, %). To sum it up in a more simple way: Benelux, while less rich Western European countries and Scandinavia, France, Germany and Austria. less developed countries from Central and Eastern Europe have them poorly represented in the Euro- For example, one of the most profound pil- pean Parliament or not represented at all. lars of the European green political scene is the ex- ample of the German Greens (Die Grunen/Bund- Table 1 shows comparative data on the nis 90) who were founded in 1980 to give political success of Green parties at the last European elec- and parliamentary representation to the movement tions but the success of Green parties might be of , and feminist activists. different at national . In order to analyse They opposed NATO military actions, nuclear en- to what extent Green parties from the EU states ergy and pollution in general, but also authoritari- are successful in elections for their respective na- anism and some aspects of . Thus, tional parliaments and whether they are more or they represented a classic 'patchwork' party. Their less successful in European elections comparing members originated from protest movements, to national elections, Table 2 provides compara- civil initiatives and student movements, but to tive data on the electoral results of Green parties at some extent also from the conservative spectrum. the last parliamentary elections that took place in They gained first parliamentary representation at each of the countries. To simplify the comparison, the federal level in the 1980s and became known the numbers do not reflect the distinction between as an unconventional party that has shaken up the bicameral and unicameral parliaments, showing a usual patterns of political behaviour. From the late summed up number of seats won in both cham- 1990s to 200S they have been part of the ruling bers. . Their voters mainly originate from large urban areas or smaller cities with long uni- versity traditions or environmental problems." For some time, Greens needed to balance their dual role as a and , 20 CROATIAN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS REVIEW

Table 2 - Results of EU Green parties at the last elections for the National Parliament (NP) and the European Parliament (EP) Name of the Green Party Seats Last NP Last EP Seats Country (members of European in the election in the Green Party) NP results results EP Austria Die Griinen 23 10.43% 9.93 % 2 Belgium Ecolo + Groen! 16(10+6) 12.3%+6.9 % 8.65% + 4.91 % 3 (2+ 1) Bulgaria Zelenite 0 - 0.72% 0 Cyprus Cyprus Green Party 1 2.21 % 1.50 % 0 Czech Republic Strana Zelenych 0 2.44% 2.06% 0 Denmark Socialistisk Folkeparti 16 9.20% 15.90 % 2 Estonia Eestimaa Rohelised 0 3.80% 2.73 % 0 Finland Vihreat 10 7.30% 12.40 % 2 France Europe Ecologie - Les Verts 9 3.25 % 16.20 % 13 Germany Bundnis/Die Griinen 68 10.70 % 12.10 % 14 Greece Ecologoi Prasinoi 0 2.53 % 3.49 % 1 Hungary Lehet Mas a Politika (LMP) 16 7.48 % 2.61 % 0 Ireland Comhaontas Glas 0 1.80 % 1.89 % 0 Italy Federazione dei Verdi 0 (.) 3.08 % (coal.) 3.12 % 0 Latvia Latvijas Zala Partija 4 3.75 % (coal.) 3.79 % 0 Lithuania - - - - 0 Luxembourg Dei Greng 7 11.71 % 16.82 % 1 Malta Alternattiva Demokratika 0 1.31 % 2.14% 0 Netherlands GroenLinks 14 6.70% 8.87% 3 Poland Zieloni 2004 0 (coal.) 8.0 % (coal.) 2.43 % 0 Portugal as Verdes 2 0.99% (coal.) 10.66 % 0 Romania Partidul Verde 0 - - 0 Slovakia Strana Zelenych 0 0.70% 2.11 % 0 Slovenia Stranka Mladih - Zeleni Evrope 0 2.09% 1.96 % 0 Spain (Catalunya) Iniciativa per Catalunya - Verds 3 (coal.) 8.09 % 6.09% 1 Sweden Miljopartiet De Grona 25 7.34% 11.02 % 2 United Kingdom GP + Scotish GP 3 (1+2) 1.0%+0.7% 8.6%+0.5 % 2 (2+0)

Source for data: www.europeangreens.eu and www.nsd.uib.no/european_election_database/

Onecanseethatinaimostall12EU countries represented in the European Parliament and not having a Green party represented in the European having it in the national parliament although the Parliament the Green party is also represented in Greek Green party was not far from passing a the national parliament. This seems logical since threshold of3 % at national elections which would Green parties should first of all be well established result in parliamentary representation. in their domestic before they can win a seat in the European Parliament. Nevertheless, We can also see that the vast majority of Greece is an exception to that rule and it is the 15 EU member states that do not have a Green only country which currently has a Green party party represented in the European Parliament also JULYIDECEMBER 2011 21 do not have it represented in their national parlia- (+1.40 %) and Greece (+0.96 %). Austria has ap- ment. There are however few exceptions to that proximately the same results while, for some rea- rule - Hungary, Cyprus and Latvia. These three sons, significantly worse results in the European countries coming from the group of "new EU elections have both Green parties in Belgium. The member states" have Green parties represented in presumption for these better European results is the national parliaments but these Green parties that Green parties were often inclined towards have not succeeded to win a seat in the current deeper integration of the European Union (al- term of the European Parliament. This might lead though often critical towards the EU centralist and us to an even more convincing conclusion that it is technocratic governance model) so there is a big- more difficult for Green parties to enter the Euro- ger turnout of voters for a Green party on Europe- pean Parliament. It seems from this data that there an elections comparing to voters of other parties. is no shortcut for Greens to the European Parlia- The second reason might be the one suggested by ment by skipping the national parliament. This is Ferrara and Weishaupt" who claim that parties bad news for the European Green Party that aims which have clear positions towards European in- to be a pan- but it still de- tegration (positive or negative) have better results pends on the success of its member-parties on na- in elections for the European Parliament. In their tional elections. 2004 article they also conclude that Green parties get better results in European elections comparing It is also interesting to compare results to other parties and it is a fact that lately Green of the elections for a national parliament and for parties in most cases have clear positions towards the European Parliament but bearing in mind that European integrations and the EU. this comparison is quite limited because national elections were held at different times across Eu- We have so far presented and compared rope and because Green parties sometimes went the parliamentary representation of Green parties on elections in coalitions with other parties. From in the European Union. Table 3 shows the elec- the found data it seems that the majority of Green toral success of Green parties in European parlia- parties represented in the European Parliament mentary democracies that are not members of the have better results in the European than in national European Union. The Table provides the names of elections. Out of 12 countries in this group belong Green parties in these countries, their relationship France (+12.95 %), United Kingdom (+7.6 %), to the European Green Party, parliamentary rep- Denmark (+6.70 %), Luxembourg (+5.11 %), Fin- resentation as well as the results in the last parlia- land (+5.10 %), Netherlands (+2.12 %), Germany mentary elections. 22 CROATIAN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS REVIEW

Table 3 - List of Green parties in non-EU countries and their performance in national elections Last Name of the Green Party Country Membership Seats in election (members of the European in the EGP theNP results Green Party) for the NP Partia el Gjelber Full 0 0 Verts d' Andorra Full 0 3.75 % Armenia Social- Ecological Green Party Non - member 0 - Azerbaijan Green Party Observer 0 - Biealruskaja Partija Zialonye Observer 0 - Bosnia & Herzegovina - - 0 - Croatia Zelena Lista Observer 0 0.24% Sakartvelo's Mtsvaneta Partia Full 0 - Iceland Left - Green Movement Non - member 14 21.68 % Liechtenstein - - 0 - Macedonia - - 0 - PEMAVE Full 0 0.41 % - - 0 - Miljepartiet De Grenne Full 0 0.35 % Zelenaya Alternativa Full 0 - San Marino - - 0 - Zeleni Observer 0 - Grone / Verts Full 21 9.6% Yesiller Observer 0 - Partija Zelnykh Ukrainy Full 0 0.4% Source for data: www.europeangreens.eu and www.nsd.uib.no/european_election_database/

First it could be noticed that neither of the either as a full-member or as an observer, it has a non- EU countries from Central and Eastern Europe full-member party in Norway called "Miljepartiet has a Green party represented in the national De Grenne'' which performs badly. That said, it parliament. This corresponds to the situation would be a mistake to say that Green parties in where the majority of the EU member states from Norway are not represented in the national par- Central and Eastern Europe have no Green party liament because, like in Iceland, there is another represented in their national parliament either "Green party" called "Sosialistisk Venstreparti (with the exceptions of Hungary and Latvia). (SV)" which is also not affiliated with the EGP but with the Nordic Alliance. From their Even more interesting is to have a closer policy and self-identification one can see that they look at the results of Green parties in Western Eu- are truly a Green party like the parties in Denmark ropean countries that are not members of the EU. and Iceland. SV from Norway had 6.20 % of votes Switzerland expectedly has a successful Green while -Green Movement from Iceland had party with 9.6 % of votes. Iceland has a quite suc- 21.68 % of votes at the last national elections. cessful "Green party" which is now even partici- pating in the government but it has to be stressed All in all, it seems that EU membership is that this party is not affiliated with the European not a significant factor for electoral success and Green Party but with the Nordic Green Left Alli- parliamentary representation of Green parties in ance. While the EGP has no Green party in Iceland Europe. It seems that EU membership did not help JULYIDECEMBER 2011 23

Green parties from Central and Eastern Europe to complex" or even controversial." From the very win representation in national parliaments neither beginning, both the EU integration and the EU in- did staying outside of the EU help Green parties stitutions represented something that the Greens in Central and Eastern Europe to develop and get ideologically opposed; namely technocracy, inter- representation in national parliaments. Obviously, governmental politics and the dominance of mar- some economic, social, cultural or political factors ket principles. Fit between the and the common for all countries of Central and Eastern EU, attempts of the Greens to adapt to these im- Europe determine their performances, preventing peratives sometimes got lost in internal clashes or political success of Green parties regardless of never ending negotiations within themselves. Tak- their membership in the EU. On the other hand, ing environmental , , Switzerland, Iceland and Norway, as rich Western global justice and both as European countries, have successful Green par- objectives and departure points of their political ties. The fact that they are not EU members seems activity, it was implied that these can be achieved irrelevant. only through international attention, global view, multilateralism and intense cooperation. There- Still, this relationship should not be mis- fore, European integration interpreted in the way leading and support the conclusion that the Eu- of trans boundary cooperation and increased coop- ropean Union as an institutional and political eration beyond the realms of -states was not landscape is not important for the development of disruptive for the Green idea, just the opposite, it Green parties, especially in the core Western Eu- contributed to core values of grassroots democra- ropean states. On the contrary, it can lead us to cy and efforts to build a European demos. Eventu- another avenue of thought that relates the impact ally, it seems that parties, as Burchell notes, found of the European integration process to the behav- balance between 'new politics?" and the iour and positioning of Green parties. For Greens of competitive party systems. Along the way, there it can mean professionalization and de-ideologi- were prices which needed to be paid - mainly due zation that has occurred in a number of parties, to accepting more pragmatic or realistic approach- which, disproportionally to their size, have be- es, thus loosing part of the value rooted electorate. come more successful and effective at the Euro- pean level, thus alienating themselves from their The transnational character of the issues initial and fundamental core idea. This process has addressed by Greens and their endeavour to build irreversibly worn out the sharp language of the an- up a European demos, make them advocates of ti-party discourse that has been the trademark of deeper integration of the European Union." Yet, the Greens' appearance in the political spectrum this statement can still be challenged as the for- and demonstrated that Greens have successfully mation of the European Green Party had different developed their strategy of adaptation. phases in which true European values were heav- ily tested." 3. Green parties and European integration However, as carriers of the idea of political In the last two decades Greens have increasingly constitutionalization of the EU, Greens caught a advocated more cooperation and solidarity in Eu- good wind and steered into the political successes rope. Most of the Green parties, apart from a few in the last two decades, becoming more and more examples (Germany, France), remain small but effective in advocating certain common European often play a pivotal role in party systems across policies. Although most of their political actions Europe." Like other political families, they face were shaped in direction to create a more inte- many challenges of Europeanization", but some grated Europe", to ensure participatory democ- are unique only for the Greens. The Greens are racy and the highest environmental standards, and still perceived as new, as young, as those who are therefore focused their criticism toward EU in- more flexible and can more easily adapt - and this stitutions, Greens have actually largely benefited adaptation refers also to the processes triggered by from the process of Europeanization and further the European integration. integration of the EU, thus becoming one of the frontrunners of integration." As Bomberg states, The relationship between the Greens and although European integration did not deliver sig- the idea of European integration was always very nificant benefits to the integration of Green parties 24 CROATIAN INTERNATIONALRELATIONS REVIEW

institutionally, European integration did provide bership in the EGP that is not reduced to the ED. significant transnational resources and opportuni- Paradoxically, although not within the political ties lacking at national level. The European Parlia- framework of the EU, the EGP is the pioneering ment became the main sphere for Green political political force consistently reflecting aspirations and policy activity, while Green representation in of European enlargement and neighbourhood pol- other EU bodies has provided them with policy- icies working actively on the support for Mediter- making exposure and influence hardly imaginable ranean, Balkan or Black Sea green networks. Tak- a decade ago. Although sometimes with reluc- ing this as an example, we can state that the EGP tance, Green parties have increasingly exploited both follows the line of the EU policies in their these resources and became more sophisticated own program, but also preserves their own zone political actors at the EU level. In these terms, di- of autonomy and emancipation with continuity of rect impact of Europeanization can be easily de- activity in this field, during the overall fatigue in tected as it prepared Greens for power in ways that the EU. were not seen in other parties." After all, political consolidation and ma- At this point it is quite important to high- jor successes of Green parties are closely linked light this process in the interrelationship between in their march through national institutions Eu- the two avenues of action - firstly, the EGP as a rope-wide, due to solid achievements in their re- transnational political context which formally re- spective national and regional parliaments. These sides outside of the EU institutions and secondly, successes need to be assessed not only from the Green group in the EP that acts as the green player nation state perspectives, but from the overall in the transnational political arena. Though it is European perspective, referring to the Greens as recognised as an undoubtedly strategic outcome a widely present political subject. There are even of activities within the EGP, ownership and credit some evidences that European Parliament's Rules for political successes still go to the individual of Procedure produced imperatives for increased Green parties in the member states and MEPs ac- cooperation that helped to reduce factionalism tive in the Green group in the European Parlia- and promote professionalism within European ment. This institutional gap is beneficial when it Greens. These facilitated their 'Europeanization' ensures the diversity of forms of political organi- and allowed them to affect the course of European sation, and distributes control over political proc- integration." As Bomberg notes, the Europeaniza- esses. On the other hand, it creates a certain con- tion of parties resulted in the enhancement of cur- fusion as structurally the European Green family rent trends, rather than of new works in the 'mirror': EGP's strategies cannot be practices. It provided certain issues (like clean directly transpositioned to the political arena but government, better governance etc.) which they they need to be delegated to Green MPs and MEPs can exploit for electoral gain and "plugging in" active there; then they reversibly shape the EGP mainstream discourse without necessary aliena- agenda. Therefore it seems that the transnational tion from their core values." However, participa- level of politics to which EGP aspires is still not tion in these processes eventually did mellow the reached in the EU at institutional and regulatory ideology and increased professionalism and effec- level, and Greens themselves are not yet able to tiveness", thus loosing somewhat of the beginners take the risk and be the lonely example of subordi- charm. 38 nating national agendas to a transnational political organisation that in this case could take over the In spite of that, or just due to that, some of power which currently resides in the national par- their demands were gradually incorporated in di- liaments. This illustrates clear limitations of the verse EU policy settings making their efforts visi- current state-of-art in the sphere of European inte- ble and effective. Greens have successfully adapt- gration; if the next step toward deeper integration ed and learned the language of EU policy-making would be achievable, that could have positive im- thus loosening the ties with their fundamental core plications for transnational political families, and electorate, approaching closer to the mainstream." particularly for the EGP which is waiting for its Most recent developments in energy or climate moment. Another aspect which is extremely im- policy that pushed the EU to the forefront of the portant and demonstrates that EGP is again in the global climate protection or energy efficiency ob- forefront of other political families is the mem- jectives (at least before the financial crisis) can JULYIDECEMBER 2011 25 actually be linked to the growing environmental 4. Conclusion consciousness in Europe that is heavily supported by advanced and precise regulation. It is still to The intention of this article was to pose some of be explored to which extent these strategic moves the most challenging questions for the future tra- and policy making processes have been influenced jectory of Green parties in Europe. With this ob- by Green parties, but they certainly did play an jective we highlighted only two aspects that seem important role in attracting and gaining public relevant for further development and change. support for policies that generate a positive envi- Firstly, we addressed the role of EU membership ronmental impact." The most recent decision in when assessing the success of Green parties in Eu- Germany to phase out plants, trig- rope and very sharp differences between the well gered by the Fukushima disaster, although limited established Western European countries from the to the boundaries of the German Republic, has core, Western European Mediterranean countries evidently been a result of a long struggle led by at the periphery and the countries of Central and Greens Europe-wide," Moreover, great impetus Eastern Europe. Secondly, we concentrated our for greening the European economy was actually attention on the multifold relationship between initiated by some of the Greens policy proposals the Europeanization process and EU integration (A for Europe) that aimed to de- itself and the impacts it has on the development of sign solutions for the economic crisis coupling ec- Green parties in Europe. ological modernisation with economic benefits." Therefore, the green footprint in the EU decisions In this exercise we have found out that EU is more traceable and more visible leading us to membership does not playa significant role in de- the conclusion that Greens play an active role in fining the success and performances of Green par- ensuring the highest democratic and environmen- ties in terms of their parliamentary representation. tal standards, pushing hardly the EU to become In addition to that, we have tracked some evidenc- and stay a global frontrunner in this field. Hav- es that bottom up development of the parties and ing these values at high stake at this moment due successes at the regional and national level usually to multiple crises, these developments appear to precedes their appearance in EU politics. Howev- bring new challenges for the Greens and their fu- er, the article also brings findings which show that ture. some common socio-economic factors determine the performances and potential success of Green However, at this very moment, core com- parties across Europe. These factors still need to petences of both the EGP and leading national be explored in their complexity and in reference to party structures reside deeply in the sphere of respective interests (electoral law, constituencies, European integration and common future of the maturity of democracy ...). It seems that these dif- European Union. Interpreted as inherently Euro- ferences originate not only from diverse cultural, pean and transnational, they directly opt for the religious or economic backgrounds, they also re- creation of a much more democratised United fer to the duration and the changes that occurred States of Europe. Accordingly, any major crisis in the political developments in the respective in the sphere of European integration can produce European regions. At first glance, although we detrimental impacts on the trajectory of Green recognise more complex relationships, when as- political parties; as their programs are evidently sessing performances of Green parties in Europe pro-European, even appearing as such in national we can easily divide Europe in three parts - core parliaments' campaigns with a 'more Europe' nar- Western European states that demonstrate visible rative. It is yet to be explored if a crisis that would success and increase in the last decade, then a very regressively push the EU back to and unstable and fragile picture with Green parties in protectionism, and ignore the cosmopolitan, tran- the Mediterranean countries at the periphery, and snational future of the EU that is intertwined with last, Central and Eastern Europe where Greens the concept of transnational citizenship, would af- still do not succeed to assure a permanent pres- fect the majority of green national political agen- ence in political life and develop their distinctive das Europe-wide leaving less space for their per- style of new politics. Yet, divergences that emerge formances at the EU level. between European West, South and East prove to be an extremely rich ground for further explora- tion of the future of Greens in Europe. 26 CROATIAN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS REVIEW

In the second part, the article concludes The Greens trajectory will largely depend that the future of the Greens still depends more on upon the answers formulated to solve the current the future of the European Union than it is the op- crisis. In case that European integration is upgraded posite." In relation to their capacity and strength to to the next level it might be the opportunity for the adapt and to extend their voter base, Greens have next step of institutionalisation of Green parties at demonstrated flexibility, and learned how to com- the EU level, where transnational form of political municate to other, so far unusual audiences. In the organisation would explicitly and directly be next decades Greens could become a new sort of involved in the political battles in the EP or other mainstream party with a large voter base. They are EU institutions. now able to embrace in an easier way a significant portion of the population that was influenced by Briefly, although they are still not among their messages during last decades (protest voters the most important and powerful parties in most in the 1980s and 1990s are now a stable Green of the European countries, Greens relate to the electorate). That is also possible due to the fact European project as their own (including failures that many of the Greens' demands and proposals and mistakes that occurred along the way) - or at have been realised and incorporated at the Euro- least perceive a great amount oftheir own effort in pean policy level, thus bringing them closer to the ownership - even if they protested or confronted political mainstream." These achievements can it. The fall and collapse of this project that still be capitalised in a way that governance at the EU needs to be improved would also lead to the level proves to be more effective for the issues rel- defeat of the values that have been advocated and evant for Greens and their voters. In this regard, promoted by Green political parties Europe-wide. exposure to the implementation of EU policies Last but not least, the strong and important pivotal does not necessarily open new opportunities for role of Greens both in Germany (with longer Greens. It is rather about challenges. This implies tradition) and in France (with recent success of that Greens Europe-wide, and particularly those in Europe Ecologie), backed up by visible increase the EU, are most likely willing to defend this suc- in some of the EU countries (Austria, Finland, cess, even potentially confronting with new politi- Hungary) shows that in the near future Greens cal subjects that aim to challenge their positions might play a crucial role in defining Europe's - such as Leftists or soon even Pirates. Common future decisions and image. To that question there policy packages in the areas of concern (transport, is no unique answer. Answers also largely depend agriculture, energy etc.), more dense cooperation on their programmatic orientation", capacity for and solidarity between member countries, com- innovation and adaptation: Europe-wide Greens mon citizenship - these are all green objectives might hold the distinction of a unique party family which are closely linked with the survival of the with a focus on 'new politics' but at the same time EU and its deeper integration. a close relationship with their electorate." JULYIDECEMBER 2011 27

NOTES

1 Just to illustrate the continuity, Greens in Finland are still in 16 According to the website of the European Green Party (www. the government; among others they hold the position of Min- europeangreens.eu) ister for International Development and ownership steering is- 17 Women in the European Parliament. (2011). Equality and Di- sues through , who was the leader of the Finish versity Unit, : Directorate-General for Personnel. Green Party, MEP and a presidential candidate. See more:

http://www.heidihautala.fi/front-page/?Iang=en 18 Members of the 6th term of the European Parliament that are affiliated with the group "The Greens/European Free Alliance" 2 Website of http://www.zp.lv/ can be seen on the website of the European Parliament. www. 3 Paul Hockenos, Joschka Fischer and the Making of the Berlin europarl.europa.eu Republic, Oxford University Press, 2007. 19 These countries include: the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Es- 4 BBC. (2011). Greens celebrate Merkel Defeat, http:// tonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Hungary, Slovenia, Bulgaria www.bbc.co.uklnews/world-europe-12880732, and Lau, M. and Romania. (2011). Moses aus Sigmaringen, http://www.zeit.de/2011/13/ 20 Wallerstein, I. (2004). World-Systems Analysis. In: World Kretschmann/seite-2 System History: Encyclopaedia of Life Support Systems, edit- 5 Term that was coined by , one of the most ed by George Modelski. Oxford: UNESCO/EOLSS Publishers. prominent spokespersons of the German student movement 21 Raschke, J, (2001). Die Zukunft der Grimen, Frankfurt/New in the 1960's. York: Campus Verlag 6 Results of Europe Ecologie in France for European Parlia- 22 Brinkerhoff, D. (1999). Exploring State- Collabo- ment elections in 2009 or last election results of Die GrOnen/ ration, Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 28: 59-86. BOndnis 90 in Berlin or Baden WOrttemberg in 2011 demon-

strate that Greens have reached stable 15-20% of votes that 23 Doherty, B. (1992). The -Realo Controversy: An Analy- certainly separates them from the initial image of an anti-party sis of Four European Green Parties, party or so-called junior-partners. 1(1): 94-120. Also see: Lees, C. (2000). The -Green Coa- lition in Germany: Politics, Personalities and Power. New York: 7 See in Green New Deal at http://europeangreens.eu/green- Manchester University Press or Kitschelt, H. (1988). Left-lib- newdeal/ ertarian Parties: Explaining Innovation in the Competitive Party 8 For example some Green MEPs form the that System, World Politics 40: 194-234. strives for the federalisation of Europe and bringing in 'more 24 Ferrara, F. and Weishaupt J. M. (2004.). Get Your Act To- democracy'. See more in Euractiv.com. (2011). Federalists gether: Party Performance in European Parliament Elections, want "people agora" to decide EU future, http://www.euractiv. European Union Politics 5 (3): 283 - 306. com/future-eu/federalists-want-people-agora-decide-eu-fu-

ture-news-509583. 25 Mair, P. (2001). The Green Challenge and Political Competi- tion: How Typical is the German Experience? German Politics 9 Iniciativa per Catalunya Verds in governed Catalo- 10 (2): 99-116 and ROdig, W. (2001). The Electoral Effects of nia as part of a tripartite coalition in the period 2004-2010. In Green Government Participation: A Comparative Analysis, pa- the 2009 European Parliament elections, Michalis Tremopou- per presented at the Workshop on Greens in Power: Govern- los was elected as the first Greek Green MEP. ment Formation, Policy Impact, and the Future of Green Par- 10 In parliamentary elections in 1990 Greens in Slovenia gained ties, ECPR Joint Sessions of Workshops, , 6-11 April 9%. 2001.

11 For example: Salzmann, M. and Henning, D. (2006). Czech 26 Beyond the long history of disputes over the term of Europe- Greens enter right-wing government, http://www.wsws.org/ anization which will not be part of this article, Europeanization articles/2006/j un2006/czec-j 19.shtml http://www. wsws .org/arti- is used 'as a shorthand term for a complex process whereby cles/2006/jun2006/czec-j19.shtml. Also, the success of Esto- national actors (in this case, parties) adapt to, but also seek to nian Greens in 2007 and Hungarian LMP in 2010 can be found shape the trajectory of European integration in general, and in the election reports. the EU policies and processes in particular' (Bomberg, 2002: 32). Europeanization is thus an interactive phenomenon that 12 Bomberg, E. (2002). The Europeanisation of Green Parties: captures the dynamics of the relationship between Greens and Exploring the EU's Impact, West European Politics, 25 (3): 29 European integration. - 50. 27 Bomberg, E. (2002). The Europeanization of Green Parties: 13 Needless to note, environmental issues (like pollution, cli- Exploring the EU's Impact, West European Politics, 25 (3): 29 mate change, etc.) are transboundary issues, but in the same - 50. category of 'high attention' for Greens are also issues like mi- gration or citizenship, or those that relate to values like gender 28 Bomberg, E. (2002). The Europeanization of Green Parties: equity, etc. Exploring the EU's Impact, West European Politics, 25 (3): 29 - 50. 14 The establishment of the European Green Party in February 2004 marked an important milestone for the green movement. 29 In our point of view, the emergence of the new political par- With their common European Parliament election campaign ties that claim the label of 'new politics' like LMP from Hungary in 2004, they entered new political territory. See more "Green (2008) or Palikot Movement from Poland (2011) in Eastern Eu- Identity in a Changing Europe", Heinrich Btill Stiftung, 2008. rope provides food for thought and calls for further comparative research of these two historically separated processes. 15 Dietz, T. M. (2000). Similar But Different?: The European Greens Compared to Other Transnational Party Federations in 30 Charter of European Greens "From these origins, European Europe. Party Politics 6 (2): 199 - 210 Greens have come to form our own political family. 28 CROATIAN iNTERNATIONAL RELATIONS REVIEW

We stand for a free, democratic and social Europe in a peace- and Bremen. It was not that the Greens won over CDU voters ful, equitable and environmentally sustainable world. We de- but rather that they created their own voter base in these social fend values like justice, human and citizen's rights, solidarity, circles. There were many groups in this social milieu, for ex- sustainability and the right of each individual to lead their own ample women between 18 and 44 years of age, who had had lives, free from fear." only minimum contact with the traditional middle class parties of CDU and FDP. Although it relates to national parliamentary 31 Dietz, T. M. (2000). Similar but Different?: The European elections this illustration reflects the structural change in the Greens Compared to Other Transnational Party Federations party that was closely interrelated with European agenda. in Europe, Party Politics 6 (2): 199 - 210. "By the end of 1998 transnational party cooperation among the greens had not re- 37 Bomberg, E. (2002). The Europeanization of Green Parties: ally shown the true characteristics of a European party, since Exploring the EU's Impact, West European Politics, 25 (3): 29 there had been no real transfer of national sovereignty to the - 50. European level. Nevertheless, during the previous 18 years, the Greens were able to establish transnational cooperative 38 Again see the case of German Greens. BOndnis 90IDie structures similar to those of other transnational party federa- GrOnen (2002): Die Zukunft ist grOn. Grundsatzprogramm von tions, although they remain different as far as some organi- BOndnis 90IDie GrOnen, Berlin. By the 2002 manifesto, how- zational features (lack of an EU party federation and a party ever, the party was clearly reconciled with the (environmen- leaders' meeting) are concerned. It is worth stressing, however, tal) and social market economy in a fashion some observ- that the Greens have managed to do this without the help of ers viewed as way beyond what was required and appeared other transnational structures of party cooperation, such as a neoliberal in economic, financial and social policy. Their new parliamentary group in the European Parliament (at least at manifesto documented not only the Greens' experience of gov- the beginning) or a green International, and despite facing ad- ernment but also their development since the beginning of the ditional financial and ideological constraints compared to other 1990s and their total adaptation to the needs of parliamentary party families in Europe." democracy. Also see more: ROdig, W. (2002). Germany, in: MOlier-Romme, F. and Poguntke, T. (ed.). Green Parties in Na- 32 Although they share most of the common values related to tional Governments. the EU, there are some differences in projections of the future of the EU. See: Bomberg, E. (2002). The German Greens thus 39 Surveys show that the Green electorate is not reduced any proclaim 'a resounding yes to Europe' and call for an 'intensi- more to the classical audience but it already fication and expansion of European integration' in their most embraces the conservative and liberal spectrum. recent national . The Finns, whilst less enthusi- 40 European Directives on environment also helped astic, nonetheless concede a role for EU action because 'the to increase the influence of Greens. See page 139 Robertson, global market needs a counterbalancing framework of regula- D. and Rootes, C. (1995). The Green Challenge, London: tion and minimum standards larger than the nation-state'. And Routledge. British and Swedish Greens, whilst wary of an 'EU superstate', insist that co-operation across borders is both 'desirable and 41 One of the strongest factions of the Green party established necessary, particularly on environmental issues, human rights, in Germany was composed of the numerous action groups of cultural developments, disarmament and peace'. the anti-nuclear movement.

33 www.europeangreens.eu - "Our attitude towards the EU has 42 See in http://europeangreens.eu/fileadmin/logos/pdf/mani- changed also perhaps as we have changed the EU through festo_EUROPEAN_GREENS.pdf our participation in its institutions. While we remain critical of 43 Bomberg, E. (2002). This study has illustrated how ideologi- various policies fundamental to the EU, we have been drivers cal adaptation - in the form of programmatic change - has of change punching far above our weight and bringing about been more fluid and less controversial than institutional change change in the daily lives of Europeans everywhere as well as which, in the case of the Greens, has involved more dramatic a change in the positions taken by the EU on an international shifts in the locus of decision making power away from the level. We have always been a political force clearly identifiable grassroots and towards central leadership .... Parties need not because of our commitment to environmental responsibility, in- simply lie back and 'let Europe happen to them': they can (and dividual freedom, , diversity, gender equal- often do) actively engage and exploit European structures for ity, global and non-violence. It is not their own party political gain. This engagement is not always a negligible achievement that other, larger and older political successful - in the case of the Greens it often backfired in the families now follow on the path we had chosen for ourselves form of increased internal tension and strife. But national par- long before." ties may hold far more potential than generally recognised to 34 Bomberg, E. (2002). The Europeanization of Green Parties: shape EU policies, structures and even integration. Exploring the EU's Impact, West European Politics, 25 (3): 29 44 Bomberg, E. (2002). First it is more obvious: as a relatively - 50. new party family, Greens are less embedded in routine and tra- 35 Hines, E. H. (2003). The European Parliament and the Eu- dition, more susceptible to change, including change brought ropeanization of the Green Parties, Cultural Dynamics, 15 (3): about by EU structures and policies. Secondly, the effect on 307 - 325. the Greens may be more profound: above all, Europeanization has accelerated both trends of 'professionalization' of Green 36 See the example of Germany: The enormous changes in strategy and the mellowing of their ideological edge. Green policy and party structure did, however, have conse- quences for their supporters: In the elections of 45 Ingolfur BIOhdorn's evaluation of the German Greens: Re- 2002 the former so-called "anti-party party" was able to garner inventing : On the Strategic Repositioning of support from parts of the electorate they had previously been the German Green Party. In: German Politics, Issue 1/2009. unable to reach. Their consumer and child policies had given Greens now need to deal with the situation that their post-ma- them the programme and profile of a dependable, reform orien- terialist and libertarian policies were not viewed favourably by tated party capable of government. In this manner the Greens the majority of an unsettled society. The Greens' role can there- began to pick up support from the traditional, conservative ur- fore be seen as both political and one in the avant-garde of ban middle class in the more affluent areas of Hamburg, Berlin , able to foresee future problems and tackle them more JULYIDECEMBER 2011 29 efficiently than other parties. If they succeed in meeting this 46 Burchell, J. (2002). The Evolution of Green politics: Devel- challenge in either a red-(red-) green or a black-(yellow- )green opment and Change within European Green Parties. London: governing coalition, as currently in Bremen and Hamburg, with- Earthscan publications. Green parties have been faced with out tying themselves up in policy contradictions, the Greens will the challenge of developing an effective political role through have justified their strategically important position in the Ger- which to represent Green politics, within the competitive Eu- man political system as the "party of reason" and "ideas fac- ropean party systems. In doing so, Green party evolution has tory for the future." In: The German Greens: Past, Present and centred upon a process of adaptation, based upon balancing Future, by Melanie Haas, Green Identity in a Changing Europe, the specific characteristics of what it means to be Green with Heinrich Boll Stiftung. the pressures faced by all small political parties who function within a competitive party-political environment.

REFERENCES

Books and articles Robertson, D. and Rootes, C. (1995). The Green Chal- Bomberg, E. (2002). The Europeanization of Green lenge: Development of Green Parties in Europe. Lon- Parties: Exploring the EU's Impact, West European don: Routledge. Politics. 25 (3): 29 - 50. ROdig, W. (2001). The Electoral Effects of Green Gov- Brinkerhoff, D. (1999). Exploring State-Civil Society ernment Participation: A Comparative Analysis, paper Collaboration. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quar- presented at the Workshop on Greens in Power: Gov- terly. 28: 59-86. ernment Formation, Policy Impact, and the Future of Green Parties, ECPR Joint Sessions of Workshops, BIOhdorn, I. (2009). Reinventing Green Politics: On the Grenoble, 6-11 April 2001. Strategic Repositioning of the German Green Party. German Politics. 18 (1): 36 - 54. ROdig, W. (2002). Germany, in: MOiler-Rommel, F. and Poguntke. F. (ed.). Green Parties in National Govern- BOndnis 90/Die GrOnen (2002). Die Zukunft ist grOn. ments. London: Frank Cass Publishers. Grundsatzprogramm von BOndnis 90lDie GrOnen, Ber- lin: BOndnis 90/Die GrOnen. Wallerstein, I. 2004. 2004a. World-Systems Analysis. In: World System History: Encyclopaedia of Life Sup- Burchell, J. (2002). The Evolution of Green politics: port Systems, edited by George Modelski. Oxford: Development and Change within European Green UNESCO/EOLSS Publishers. Parties, London: Earthscan publications. Women in the European Parliament (2011). Equality Doherty, B. (1992). The Fundi-Realo Controversy: An and Diversity Unit. Brussels: Directorate-General for Analysis of Four European Green Parties. Environ- Personnel. mental Politics. 1(1): 94-120. Web sources Dietz, T. M. (2000). Similar but Different?: The Euro- pean Greens Compared to Other Transnational Party BBC. (2011). Greens celebrate Merkel Defeat, http:// Federations in Europe. Party Politics 6 (2): 199 - 210. www.bbc.co.uklnews/world-europe-12880732. (23 November 2011). Ebertowski, M. (ed.) (2008). Green Identity in a Chang- ing Europe, Brussels: Heinrich B611Stiftung. Euractiv.com. (2011). Federalists want "people agora" to decide EU future, http://www.euractiv.com/future- Ferrara, F. and Weishaupt J. M. (2004). Get Your Act eu/federalists-want-people-agora-decide-eu-future- Together: Party Performance in European Parliament news-509583. (14 December 2011). Elections. European Union Politics 5 (3): 283 - 306. Lau, M. (2011). Moses aus Sigmaringen, http://www. Hines, E. H. (2003). The European Parliament and the zeit.de/2011/13/Kretschmann/seite-2. (11 November Europeanization of the Green Parties. Cultural Dynam- 2011 ). ics. 15 (3): 307 - 325. Salzmann, M. and Henning, D. (2006). Czech Greens Hockenos, P. (2007). Joschka Fischer and the Mak- enter right-wing government, http://www.wsws.org/arti- ing of the Berlin Republic. Oxford: Oxford University cles/2006/jun2006/czec-j19.shtml. (11 December 2011). Press. Website of Heide Hautala, http://www.heidihautala.fi/ Kitschelt, H. (1988). Left-Libertarian Parties: Explain- front-paqe/Planq-en. (15 December 2011). ing Innovation in the Competitive Party System. World Politics 40: 194-234. Website of Latvian Greens, http://www.zp.lv/. (12 De- cember 2011). Lees, C. (2000). The Red-Green Coalition in Germa- ny: Politics, Personalities and Power. New York: Man- Website of EGP, www.europeangreens.eu. (21 chester University Press. December 2011). Mair, P. (2001). The Green Challenge and Political Website of European Election Database, http://www. Competition: How Typical is the German Experience? nsd.uib.no/european_election_database/index.html. German Politics 10 (2): 99-116. (20 December 2011). Raschke, J,(2001). Die Zukunft der GrOnen. Frankfurt! Website of Greens/EFA, http://www.greens-efa. New York: Campus Verlag. eul?id=34. (18 December 2011).