DOCSLIB.ORG

The Limits of Neorealism: Understanding Security in Central Asia*

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Limits of Neorealism: Understanding Security in Central Asia* Review of International Studies (1999), 25, 87–105 Copyright © British International Studies Association The limits of neorealism: understanding security in Central Asia* RAJAN MENON AND HENDRIK SPRUYT Abstract. This paper specifies the conditions for conflict in Central Asia. Given Russian preponderance this should be an easy case for neorealism. But we demonstrate that the consequences of Russia’s superior power will depend on the nature of its regime and domestic stability in Central Asia. The type of nationalism, the robustness of political institutions, and the success or failure of economic reform will be critical conditions for Central Asian stability. The paper also evaluates the prospects for conflict resolution and prevention. I. Introduction This article examines the likelihood for conflict in Central Asia. We take Russian preponderance as a given. Indeed, because of the vast difference in relative power between Russia and the Central Asian states, their relations should present an ‘easy case’ for neorealism.1 We argue, however, that the imbalance of power among states tells us little. Power imbalances do not, ipso facto, generate conflict (they seldom precipitate war among democracies, for example).2 An asymmetric balance of power is a systemic precondition for conflict but domestic variables are key in explaining whether and how conflict will occur.3 We argue that the consequences of prepon- derance depend on the nature of the regime in the stronger power and the level of domestic stability in the weaker state. We substantiate our claim through an analysis of the relationship between Russia and Central Asia. The likelihood of conflict depends on the nature of the Russian regime (democratic or authoritarian) and the level of domestic stability in Central Asia. The domestic stability of the Central Asian states in turn hinges on the type of nationalism, the robustness of political institutions, and the effects of economic reform. A democratic Russia and a stable Central Asia is the combination most conducive to peace. An authoritarian Russia will be more likely to engage in neo-imperialism, even if the Central Asian states remain stable. Instability in Central Asia will draw in * We would like to thank Alexander Motyl, Barnett Rubin, and Jack Snyder for comments. 1 For the rationale behind this testing procedure, see, for example, H. Eckstein, ‘Case Study and Theory in Political Science,’ in F. Greenstein and N. Polsby (eds.), Handbook of Political Science,7 (Reading, MA, 1975), p. 119. 2 B. Russett, Grasping the Democratic Peace (Princeton, 1993); M. Doyle, ‘Liberalism and World Politics’, American Political Science Review, 80 (December 1986), pp. 1151–69. 3 Even those partial to neorealism are forced to invoke domestic level variables to explain when and how conflict occurs. See, for example, S. David, ‘Explaining Third World Realignment’, World Politics 43 (January 1991), pp. 233–56; S. Walt, The Origins of Alliances (Ithaca, 1987). 87 88 Rajan Menon and Hendrik Spruyt Russia, even if it remains democratic. An authoritarian Russia and an unstable periphery will be the most dangerous situation of all. We begin by showing how late state formation influences the internal stability of the Central Asian states. The article then clarifies the interaction between Russian regime type and Central Asian instability. We conclude by suggesting mechanisms for ameliorating conflict. II. The nature of state formation in Central Asia and its consequences The particularities of state formation in the Central Asian states create problems not dissimilar from the problems faced by other developing countries (as, for example, those of sub-Saharan Africa).4 First, sovereign territoriality was imposed by an external power. The Central Asian states were formed from 1924–36 by adminis- trative diktat in the Stalinist era.5 Moscow supported elites that were favourably disposed to the Communist Party, assigned largely arbitrary borders to the republics and autonomous territories, and allotted such territories to a specific (titular) nationality. This was a deliberate strategy to weaken peripheral resistance by institutionalizing ethnic differences. Consequently, in Central Asia, as elsewhere in the former Soviet Union, state boundaries and ethnic composition lack correspondence. Second, the Central Asian states are late developers. Late developing states have traditionally opted for interventionist economic policies and authoritarian govern- ment to catch up to and compete with earlier developers.6. Third, because sovereign, territorial rule was imposed, rival identities, such as clan membership, Islam, ethnic, and regional affinities have not been displaced by cen- tralizing, high-capacity states. When statehood is imposed on less developed societies, governments will constantly be challenged by alternative logics of political organization.7 In Central Asia one can see how such alternative networks—kinship structures, clans, organized crime rings—permeate the state, particularly in Tajikistan.8 Fourth, Tilly’s observation that ‘war made the state, and the state made war’, does not apply to Central Asia. The absence of protracted interstate conflict means that the 4 D. Anglin, ‘Southern African Responses to Eastern European Developments’, Journal of Modern African Studies 28 (1990), pp. 431–55; S. Decalo, ‘The Process, Prospects, and Constraints of Democratization in Africa’, African Affairs 91 (1992), pp. 7–36; S. Makinda, ‘Democracy and Multi- Party Politics in Africa,’ The Journal of Modern African Studies 34 (1996), pp. 555–73. 5 See R. Pipes, The Formation of the Soviet Union (Cambridge, MA, 1954); G. Wheeler, The Modern History of Soviet Central Asia (Westport, CT, 1975); H. D’Encausse, The Great Challenge (New York, 1992); J. Anderson, The International Politics of Central Asia (Manchester, 1997); B. Koppiters (ed.) Spornye granitsy na Kavkaze (Disputed Borders in the Caucasus) (Moscow, 1996), for the same process in the Caucasus. 6 The East Asian states are prime examples. For a discussion of the ‘developmental state’, see F. Deyo, The Political Economy of the New Asian Industrialism (Ithaca, 1987). On the broader phenomenon, see A. Gerschenkron, Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective (Cambridge, 1962). 7 J. Migdal, Strong Societies and Weak States (Princeton, 1988). For the lack of state capacity of developing states also see R. Jackson, Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World (Cambridge, 1990). 8 B. Rubin, ‘The Fragmentation of Tajikistan’, Survival, 35 (1993), pp. 71–91. The limits of neorealism: security in Central Asia 89 Central Asian state institutions have not been strengthened by war.9 Instead, inter- state competition, as in World War II, largely favoured expanded central government in Moscow, and legitimated the USSR as the motherland. The administrative power of the imperial centre grew at the expense of the peripheral units during war. Fifth, these states lack any experience with democratic multi-party systems. Indeed, in the wake of the collapse of the USSR many of the communist elites have recast themselves in nationalist garb and have created authoritarian regimes.10 These five conditions create cross-cutting pressures on Central Asian governments. Economic modernization might require late developing states to adopt inter- ventionist strategies. But interventionist and authoritarian rule would run counter to the need for proportional representation and consensus politics that are often seen as prerequisites for reconciling the demands of minority groups in multi-ethnic societies.11 Economic centralization is likely to be seen as favouring those ethnic groups most closely aligned with the dominant government and opposed by ethnic minorities for this reason. Moreover, international financial institutions, such as the IMF, will also oppose interventionist economic policies. Central Asian governments might therefore use other means to justify the expansion and centralization of state power. Highlighting external threats may be one such means. As Jeffrey Herbst suggests ‘states may be tempted to use war as a means of resolving their otherwise intractable problems of state consolidation’.12 III. The external and internal causes of conflict (1) The external context The balance of power in the Russia-Central Asia subsystem still overwhelmingly favours Russia, despite its many problems, and this structural condition will not change in the foreseeable future. The power imbalance is illustrated in Table 1 using some standard measures of military power, and the picture of overwhelming Russian advantage remains the same if other measures—such as GNP, population, and industrial output—are used.13 The disarray in the Russian military has made intervention in the periphery problematic for Moscow. The war in Chechnya demonstrates that the danger of Russia becoming mired in peripheral quagmires is very real.14 Yet, as Russia’s role in shaping the conflicts in Tajikistan, Moldova, and Georgia show, in peripheral states 9 C. Tilly, ‘War Making and State Making as Organized Crime’, in P. Evans, D. Rueschemeyer and T. Skocpol (eds.), Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge, 1985). 10 For the continued presence of former Communist cadres in the post-breakup USSR, see R. Suny, Revenge of the Past (Stanford, CA, 1993). 11 See, for example, the various suggestions to manage ethnic cleavages in Africa. S. Makinda, ‘Democracy and Multi-Party Politics’; R. Southall, ‘Negotiations and Social Democracy in South Africa’,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban
    Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban A thesis submitted to the Miami University Honors Program in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for University Honors with Distinction by, Brandon Smith May 2005 Oxford, OH ABSTRACT AFGHANISTAN, 1989-1996: BETWEEN THE SOVIETS AND THE TALIBAN by, BRANDON SMITH This paper examines why the Afghan resistance fighters from the war against the Soviets, the mujahideen, were unable to establish a government in the time period between the withdrawal of the Soviet army from Afghanistan in 1989 and the consolidation of power by the Taliban in 1996. A number of conflicting explanations exist regarding Afghanistan’s instability during this time period. This paper argues that the developments in Afghanistan from 1989 to 1996 can be linked to the influence of actors outside Afghanistan, but not to the extent that the choices and actions of individual actors can be overlooked or ignored. Further, the choices and actions of individual actors need not be explained in terms of ancient animosities or historic tendencies, but rather were calculated moves to secure power. In support of this argument, international, national, and individual level factors are examined. ii Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban by, Brandon Smith Approved by: _________________________, Advisor Karen L. Dawisha _________________________, Reader John M. Rothgeb, Jr. _________________________, Reader Homayun Sidky Accepted by: ________________________, Director, University Honors Program iii Thanks to Karen Dawisha for her guidance and willingness to help on her year off, and to John Rothgeb and Homayun Sidky for taking the time to read the final draft and offer their feedback.
    [Show full text]
  • Reconfiguring a Region
    RECONFIGURING A REGION Opportunities and Challenges in the Middle East Hosted by the Council on Middle East Studies at the MacMillan Center at Yale University September 26‐27, 2008 Luce Hall Auditorium, 34 Hillhouse Avenue, New Haven, CT Friday, September 26 1:00 pm Opening Remarks and Overview Marcia Inhorn William K. Lanman Jr. Professor of Anthropology and International Affairs Chair of the Council of Middle East Studies (CMES) at the MacMillan Center 1:30 pm Peacemaking in the 21st Century: have the terms changed? Shibley Telhami Anwar Sadat Chair for Peace and Development, University of Maryland and Senior Fellow, Saban Center at the Brookings Institution Daoud Kuttab Award winning Palestinian journalist, former Ferris professor of journalism at Princeton University and Executive Director of the Community Media Network. Avi Shlaim Professor of International Relations, University of Oxford, and Fellow, St. Antony’s College Moderator: Asli Bali, Assistant Professor, University of California Los Angeles School of Law and Research Affiliate, Yale University Law School 3:30 pm Testing the Grounds for East‐West Relations: LeBanon and Syria in Flux Paul Salem Director, Middle East Center, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Murhaf Jouejati Professor of Middle East Studies, Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies, National Defense University and Adjunct Scholar, Middle East Institute Marwan Khawaja Director, Center for Research on Population and Health, American University in Beirut Moderator: Sulayman Dib‐Hajj, Research
    [Show full text]
  • 2014 CEU Political Science Journal 9(1-2): 16-38 CEU Political Science Journal
    THE NOTION OF “KAZAKHNESS” BEHIND THE SYMBOLIC NATION-BUILDING OF KAZAKHSTAN Narek Mkrtchyan Yerevan State University Abstract The paper deals with the processes of overcoming Russian ‘colonial’ impediments to the creation of symbolic spaces for the emergence of a new national self- consciousness in Kazakhstan. The paper highlights the importance of Nazarbaev’s decision to transfer to and construct a new capital Astana in fostering the ideas of national identity and ethnic belonging. Therefore, an attempt has been made to observe the phenomena of urbanization and reformulation of state symbols in explaining both ethnic and civic mechanisms of influences on people’s consciousness. Additionally, the works of various Kazakh intellectuals and cultural figures have been taken into consideration to examine the notion of Kazakhness and its’ contribution to the development of the Kazakh national identity. Content analysis of architectural design of Astana and state symbols is essential to understand the vision of Kazakhstan’s imagined future. Keywords: Astana, post-Soviet, post-colonial, national identity, nation building 1. Introduction After the breakdown of the Soviet Empire all post-communist regimes emphasized the role of ethno nationalism in establishing new nation-building projects. The model of Kazakhstan’s nation building is quite unique in terms of harmonious interethnic coexistence of a multiethnic society. Since independence President Nazarbaev initiated serious programs in an effort to start active nation-building processes. As a matter of fact, Nazarbaev’s nation and state building policies are represented for the Kazakhs as a civilizational endeavor. Nazarbaev took Kazakhstan through large scale administrative, legislative, social, economic and political reforms.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fragmentation of Afghan
    The Fragmentation of Afghanistan: State Formation and Collapse in the Int... http://www.carnegiecouncil.org/resources/transcripts/140.html/:pf_printable? The Fragmentation of Afghanistan: State Formation and Collapse in the International System Barnett Rubin , Joanne J. Myers June 25, 2002 Introduction Remarks Questions and Answers Introduction JOANNE MYERS: On behalf of the Carnegie Council, I would like to welcome members and guests to our Author in the Afternoon. We're extremely pleased to have with us Barnett Rubin, author of The Fragmentation of Afghanistan. The Fragmentation of Afghanistan When I first began to plan the programs for last fall, it would have been unimaginable to predict the nature of the journeys taken since that time. As this year comes to a close, it seems appropriate that our last program before we adjourn for the summer should focus on Afghanistan. After all, it is the country where years of misrule and abuse of power provided the fertile ground from which the terrorists were able to prepare and plan the horrifying attacks of last fall. September 11th was a defining moment for all of us, and the war on terrorism which followed dramatically influenced our planning for this year's programs. Nine months have passed since that time, but nowhere in the world has a country been changed more than Afghanistan. Although Afghanistan appears to be moving in a better direction, the task of rebuilding this country is far from complete. As we struggle to understand the events taking place there today, it is instructive to examine this nation's history in the hope that we will learn from our past mistakes and be able to participate more constructively in its future.
    [Show full text]
  • Afghanistan: State and Society, Great Power Politics, and the Way Ahead Findings from an International Conference, Copenhagen, Denmark, 2007
    THE ARTS This PDF document was made available from www.rand.org as a public CHILD POLICY service of the RAND Corporation. CIVIL JUSTICE EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS NATIONAL SECURITY The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit research POPULATION AND AGING organization providing objective analysis and effective PUBLIC SAFETY solutions that address the challenges facing the public SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY and private sectors around the world. SUBSTANCE ABUSE TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Support RAND Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND Center for Middle East Public Policy View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation conference proceedings series. RAND conference proceedings present a collection of papers delivered at a conference. The papers herein have been commented on by the conference attendees and both the in- troduction and collection itself have been reviewed and approved by RAND Science and Technology.
    [Show full text]
  • Book Review: Afghanistan from the Cold War Through the War on Terror
    Book Review: Afghanistan from the Cold War through the War on Terror by Barnett R. Rubin provided by LSE Research Online View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk CORE brought to you by blogs.lse.ac.uk/lsereviewofbooks/2014/01/24/book-review-afghanistan-from-the-cold-war-barnett-rubin/ Barnett R. Rubin’s Afghanistan From the Cold War through the War on Terror is an essential read for those interested not only in the socio-economic and political history of Afghanistan but also for those interested in the role that foreign powers can have on a state, writes Samaya Borom. Essays cover human rights, security, the narcotics trade, and post-conflict statebuilding. Afghanistan from the Cold War through the War on Terror. Barnett R Rubin. Oxford University Press. April 2013. Find this book: Not long after the 24th of September 2001, a Central Intelligence Agency operative carried $3 million in cash into the Panjshir Valley to disperse money to Afghan commanders to try to overthrow the Taliban and to ensure strategic alliance with the United States. After the funds were initially dispersed, the CIA Counterterrorist Center dispatched $10 million more and as the cashed up commanders exchanged their USD funds for local currency they flooded the market, devalued the dollar and effectively crippled Afghanistan’s economy. The insights revealed throughout Barnett Rubin’s Afghanistan, from the Cold War through the War on Terror come from essays collated over more than a decade whilst Rubin was employed by the Council of Foreign Relations and the Center on International Cooperation at New York University, and crucially while he was also acting as a consultant to the United Nations mission to Afghanistan.
    [Show full text]
  • The Future of Afghanistan
    Thier The Future of Afghanistan The of Afghanistan Future J Alexander Thier editor United States Institute of Peace The Future of Afghanistan Thier-Afghanistan-2a rev.indd 1 12/17/08 11:24:43 AM Thier-Afghanistan-2a rev.indd 2 12/17/08 11:24:43 AM The Future of Afghanistan J Alexander Thier editor UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE Was H in G ton , D.C. Thier-Afghanistan-2a rev.indd 3 12/17/08 11:24:43 AM The views expressed in this book are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect views of the United States Institute of Peace. UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE 1200 17th Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, DC 20036-3011 www.usip.org © 2009 by the Endowment of the United States Institute of Peace. All rights reserved. First published 2009 To request permission to photocopy or reprint materials for course use, contact the Copyright Clearance Center at www.copyright.com. For print, electronic media, and all other subsidiary rights, e-mail: [email protected]. Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standards for Information Science—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. Thier-Afghanistan-2a rev.indd 4 12/17/08 11:24:43 AM Contents Acknowledgments v Map of Afghanistan vi 1. Introduction: Building Bridges 1 J Alexander Thier 2. The Transformation of the Afghan State 13 Barnett R. Rubin 3. The Future of Security Institutions 23 Ali A. Jalali 4.
    [Show full text]
  • 英語版 講演録 Seminar Report
    英語版 講演録 Seminar Report: English Version Program JICA IFIC Seminar Afghanistan’s future from regional perspectives Afghanistan’s political process stated in Bon Agreement has ended in 2005 and the renewed framework for Afghanistan’s reconstruction, Interim Afghanistan National Development Strategy, has been announced at London in January, 2006. Afghanistan government and partner countries including Japan have stepped in the full-scale development stage. On the other hand, Afghanistan holds formidable obstacles for steady economic development such as growing trend of opium production, deteriorating security conditions especially in southern and east- southern areas, glacial progress on governance rebuilding, etc. Those issues demand us, international partners, to have regional perspectives towards Afghanistan when we try to find out the effective solutions for them, because Afghanistan is located at the cross road of South-West Asia, Central Asia and Middle East and has a long history of interactions and interchanges of the people with these surrounding countries. This seminar focuses on how International partners can hold a sound observation on the regional context about Afghanistan’s today and the future, and how we can make the better contibution to sustainable development of Afghanistan based on such observation. Program e Date: 14:00 – 18:30, March 22, 2007 e Venue: 2nd floor, Institute for International Cooperation, Japan International Cooperation Agency 10-5, Ichigaya Honmura-cho, Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo 162-8433 * Language: Japanese and English 13:30 – 14:00 Registration 14:00 – 14:15 Opening Address: Mr. Kazuhisa Matsuoka, Vice President, JICA 14:15 – 15:05 Keynote Speech: “Afghanistan’s future in the Region and the World” Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • External Support for Central Asian Military and Security Forces, Working
    External Support for Central Asian Military and Security Forces Working Paper DMITRY GORENBURG January 2014 Contents Summary iii Abbreviations vi 1. Introduction 1 2. Central Asian military capabilities and plans 2 I. Kazakhstan 3 II. Uzbekistan 8 III. Turkmenistan 12 IV. Kyrgyzstan 15 V. Tajikistan 20 VI. Overall trends in Central Asian military and security force capabilities 24 3. Assistance from Russia and former Soviet states 26 I. Equipment sales and donations 26 II. Cooperation in military exercises and joint operations 36 III. Bilateral exercises and training agreements 40 IV. Goals and consequences of Russian military assistance 46 4. Assistance from the United States 49 I. Equipment sales and donations 51 II. Cooperation in military exercises and joint operations 56 III. Goals and consequences of US military assistance 66 5. Assistance from other countries 69 I. Equipment sales and donations 69 II. Exercises and training 76 III. Goals and consequences of military assistance from other states 81 6. Conclusions and recommendations 83 I. Efforts to manipulate threat perceptions to increase local power 84 II. The impact of foreign assistance on military capabilities 85 III. The impact of foreign assistance on the capabilities of security services 87 IV. Recommendations 88 Summary As the drawdown of United States and coalition forces in Afghanistan has accelerated in preparation for the end of Operation Enduring Freedom in 2014, media attention has come to focus on the extent to which equipment being withdrawn from the region will be left behind for Central Asian states to use. At the same time, recent agreements for the extension of Russian military basing agreements in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan have drawn attention to the extent to which Russia is providing military equipment and other forms of security assistance to the region.
    [Show full text]
  • Central Asia Monitor
    CENTRAL ASIA MONITOR A bi-monthly magazine on Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajlklst sn and Turkmenistan The Monitor's goal is to provide scholars, corporations and politicians with the requisite impartial information on events and tendencies in the region. The Monitor will also follow the development of new international contacts, including business contacts, with the region; will publish studies and information on international and political developments there; will report on social and religious movements, and on the ecological and demographic situation; will analyze national relations, legal development, the status of human-rights and labor movements; and will provide general coverage of many other problems. EDITOR-IN-CHIEF: Valery Chalidze EDITORIAL BOARD: James Critchlow, Catherine Cosman, David Nalle. ADVISORY BOARD: Nancy Lubin, Alfred Friendly, Gregory Freidin, Larisa Silnitsky, Frantishek Silnitsky, Francheska Chalidze, Peter Reddaway, Robert Bernstein, Ludmila Alexeeva Subscription information for 1992 Six issues per year $96 for institutions $60 for individuals Add $24 for air mail delivery Price of single issue $ 16 ISSN 1062·2314 Address: CENTRA LAS I A M 0 NIT 0 R RR.2, Box 6880, Fair Haven, Vermont, 05743 Fax (802) 537-4362 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 01 Oct 2021 at 16:28:50, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. ETHNIC FORUM Journal of Ethnic Studies and Ethnic Bibliography Published by the Center for theStudy ofEthnic Publications and Cultural Institutions Lubomyr R. Wynar, editor Kent State University An interdisciplinary journal devoted to the study of ethnicity, immigration, ethnic historiography and bibliography, sociology, library science, ethnic literature, archives, libraries, museums and other aspects of ethnic studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Denuclearization of Central Asia Jozef Goldblat
    It should be noted that the articles contained in Disarmament Forum are the sole responsibility of the individual authors. They do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of the United Nations, UNIDIR, its staff members or sponsors. The names and designations of countries, territories, cities and areas employed in Disarmament Forum do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations. Printed at United Nations, Geneva GE.07-02732—November 2007 —4,200 UNIDIR/DF/2007/4 ISSN 1020-7287 TABLE OF CONTENTS Editor's Note Kerstin VIGNARD ....................................................................................................... 1 Central Asia at the Crossroads Strategic concerns in Central Asia Martha BRILL OLCOTT ............................................................................................... 3 Central Asia: regional security and WMD proliferation threats Togzhan KASSENOVA ................................................................................................. 13 Denuclearization of Central Asia Jozef GOLDBLAT ........................................................................................................ 25 Risks to security in Central Asia: an assessment from a small arms perspective Christina WILLE .......................................................................................................... 33 The governance of Central Asian waters: national interests versus regional cooperation Jeremy ALLOUCHE ....................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Logic of Islamic Practice: a Religious Conflict in Central Asia
    Central Asian Survey (September 2006) 25(3), 267–286 The logic of Islamic practice: a religious conflict in Central Asia1 SERGEI ABASHIN In the afterword to the 1995 edition of Orientalism and in the preface to the 2003 edition Edward Said expressed his regret at the continuing dominance of the ideological fictions of the ‘West’, the ‘East’ and ‘Islam’. These terms reduce ‘a heterogeneous, dynamic, and complex human reality’ to simple abstractions for- mulated ‘from an uncritically essentialist standpoint’.2 Said’s Orientalism greatly contributed to deconstructing these fictions, showing how they acted as instruments of (neo-)colonial domination. Unfortunately, this has not prevented numerous sub- sequent attempts to essentialise ‘correct’ and ‘incorrect’ Islam in diverse political contexts. An army of ‘combative and woefully ignorant policy experts’, according to Said, continue to persuade themselves and the public about the reality of their abstract schemas, reproducing old and engendering new conflicts. In similar vein, Devin DeWeese critiques what he terms ‘Sovietological Islamology’ in his review of Yaacov Ro’i’s Islam in the Soviet Union. 3 DeWeese contends that sovietologists in the West based their description of Islam on inadequate data and problematic sources, and that they merely repro- duced the language of Soviet experts engaged in the project of managing the Muslim territories of the Soviet Union. One of the cliche´s put forward by Soviet experts and sovietologists was the opposition between ‘official’ and ‘unof- ficial’ Islam (which was sometimes characterised as ‘folk’, or ‘everyday’ Islam). The former was treated as ‘pure’ Islam while the latter included many non-Islamic elements.
    [Show full text]