MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy Law and Economics ISSN: 2318-0811 ISSN: 2594-9187 Instituto Ludwig von Mises - Brasil
Camba, Tomás The History of Politics in Angola: from Nationalism to the Totalitarian Single-party System MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy Law and Economics, vol. 6, Esp., 2018, pp. 647-659 Instituto Ludwig von Mises - Brasil
DOI: 10.30800/mises.2018.v0.947
Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=586364252007
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The History of Politics in Angola: from Nationalism to the Totalitarian Single-party System
Tomás Camba*
Abstract: The political, economic and social instabilities of the African countries have been seen as one of the biggest challenges to be overcome in the current days. Today, the lack of economic and social freedom is the great problem that makes the weak effort of the African politicians on consolidating the political and economic systems in permanent crisis, even more vulnerable. We attempt to understand the reasons of the increasing levels of bribery of the public and private institutions besides the deficit of a political ethics and other corrosive factors of the African nations that make it a continent with a high level of vulnerability. So, we task ourselves to draft a historic line of the political thought of one of the most promising countries of the African continent: Angola. This is achieved through the use of historic sources that chain the main political events of the history of Angola that led to the independence and that succeeded. It is concluded that the state intervention based on ideas socialist / communist ideas has been, as theoretically proved by the Austrian School, harmful to the socio-economic development of the African country and it is suggested a review to such intervention to be completed in a future paper.
Keywords: Nationalism, One-party System, Politics, Socialism, Angola, Africa
A história da política de Angola: do nacionalismo ao totalitário sistema de partido único
Resumo: As instabilidades políticas, econômicas e sociais dos países africanos têm sido vistas como um dos maiores desafios a serem superados nos dias atuais. Hoje, a falta de liberdade econômica e social é o grande problema que faz com que o fraco esforço dos políticos africanos em consolidar os sistemas políticos e econômicos em permanente crise, seja ainda mais vulnerável. Tentamos entender as razões dos crescentes níveis de suborno das instituições públicas e privadas, além do déficit de uma ética política e outros fatores corrosivos das nações africanas que o tornam um continente com alto nível de vulnerabilidade. Assim, nos encarregamos de esboçar uma linha histórica do pensamento político de um dos países mais promissores do continente africano: a Angola. Isto é possível por meio do uso de fontes históricas que encadeiam os principais acontecimentos políticos da história de Angola que levaram à independência e que obtiveram sucesso. Conclui-se que a intervenção estatal baseada em idéias socialistas / comunistas tem sido, como teoricamente comprovado pela Escola Austríaca, prejudicial ao desenvolvimento sócio-econômico do país africano e sugere-se uma revisão para que tal intervenção seja finalizada em um futuro artigo.
Palavras-chave: Nacionalismo, Sistema de partido único, Política, Socialismo, Angola, África
Classificação JEL: N47, F52
* Master`s Student in Philosophy (PUC-SP); Graduated in Economics by Mises Brasil Institute. Bachelor in Theology in Baptist Theological College of São Paulo. Professor of Theology and Philosophy. E-mail: [email protected] https://doi.org/10.30800/mises.2018.v0.947
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Introduction Kwame Nkrumah1 had a role of extreme importance in the fight and defense of the Angola is a country that has Portuguese nationalist communism, and he was a one- as its official language. It is located in the party system member. For Kwame Nkrumah, South of the African continent. It shares the nationalism was the driving force whose North border with the Democratic Republic of doctrine should be based on the awareness the Congo and the Republic of the Congo, the of the philosophy of the African revolution2. South border with Namibia, the West one with (NKRUMAH, 1977). the Atlantic Ocean and the East border with Moreover, the African politician defined Zambia. The history of the political thought the nationalism in three political components of Angola talks about its people, outlines of the freedom movements: the nationalism, and deployments. It is, actually, necessary the pan-Africanism and the socialism. The to delineate them since the emergence of idea was the promotion of the concept of the Angolan nationalist movements, which date African Personality3. Another important fact back to the 1950s and 1960s. Its purpose was was the awakening of African awareness the claim for the unit and exaltation of the about the colonial situation and the fight culture, African values and the constitution for political and social freedom besides the of a continent guided by the Africans, giving aspiration of the conquest of the status of the due value to the local ethnic groups; a nation black people in the world face the European that ,later, would give place to the called domain. pan-Africanism. In spite of the difficulties, This paper aims to draft a historic journey these movements developed a project by of the Angolan political thought through the propagating the message and the desire use of historic sources that chained the main for Africa by the Africans. In the words of 1 Ganesh Leader, one of the main articulators of pan- the Africanist journalist and historian Basil Africanism. Davidson: 2 Kwame Nkrumah in A luta de classes em África. Lisboa: Sá da Costa Editora, 1977, p. 29 The new nationalists of the 1950s ended up 3 The concept of African Personality was coined hugging the nationalism as the only possible by Caribbean intellectual Edwuard Blyden, one of escape to the colonial sovereignty. Making the main thinkers of the pan-Africanism. Blyden effort to transform colonial territories argued for equality between blacks, because both into national territories, they ended up are part of the same personality, what he calls African considering that the wealth of African ethnic Personality. Blyden grounds that the idea of race was consolidated in the culture of his people. For him, the cultures was at the same time disturbing and African Personality would be the viable path of the hard to incorporate in their schemes. They blacks for universal civilization. Roughly, it would came to fall again in the colonial mentality be necessary to establish a project to “africanize” that considered this wealth as tribalism and, the Africa. Blyden understood that this project of as such, retrograde. (DAVIDSON, 2000, “africanization” would be a necessary step to the p.103) formation of a single nation in Sub-Saharan West Africa. For more detailed information about the pan- africanism and the concept of African Personality, The emergence of nationalist movements read, among others: DEVÉS-VALDÉS, Eduardo. O helped leaders to stand out. They performed pensamento sul-saariano: conexões e paralelos com o pensamento latino-americano e o asiático (2008); a significant role for the implementation of CLARKE, John H. Pan-Africanism: a brief history of the communism disguised of nationalism. an idea in the African World. Présence Africaine (1988).
Diagramação e XML SciELO Publishing Schema: www.editoraletra1.com.br | [email protected] MISES: Revista Interdisciplinar de Filosofia, Direito e Economia 649 Tomás Camba political events of the history of Angola that progressively recognize the advantages of the led to the independence from Portugal and liberal democracy and the risks to establish that succeeded until the current days. The relationships with the communist world. paper is organized in three big sections that The concern of the United States, regarding address, in a broad way, the different periods to the African nations, was to exercise of the Angolan history. The first part discusses greater influence against the propagation of the international environment in the middle the communism in the context of the crib of the 20th century and its consequences continent (SÁ, 2011). to the African countries; soon after the At the other end, the Soviet Union political movements that led Angola from took advantage of the internationalization nationalism to the one-party system are more process of the African countries to expand specifically addressed. The last historical part its communist influence in the form of help approaches the attempt of democratization of with weapons of war, aiming to free the new the country through the establishment of the countries from American imperialism. This elections in the beginning of the 1990s and factor supported the base of the Marxist- its consequences. Lastly, final considerations Leninist pillars in the African context (SÁ, are made and paths for future researches are 2011). suggested.
2. From Plural Nationalism To The 1. The Cold War And The Totalitarian One-Party System Consequences For The Sub-Saharan Africa On behalf of the fight against the Portuguese colonialism, the Angolan The emergence of the Cold War in the nationalist built a feeling of the national unit Sub-Saharan Africa awaked to the nationalists that aimed to drop the colonists and ascend politicians the frame of the delimitation to the power, with the purpose of promoting of new political horizons in the emerging a welfare state to the Angolan people. countries. For these new emerging nations to be formed, it was necessary the choice of Inspired by radical figures from black ideologies tied to dominant political systems activism, the Pan-Africanist movement in the international sphere. The choice was dominated the whole period between wars. between the American liberal democracy At this time, several movements of African and the communism from the Soviet Union. emancipation emerged. However, the most It is not hard to note that the African leaders important and that one that, indeed, was more aligned to the communism with the speech affirmed as a cultural movement of elevation of war and fight to the imperialist liberal of the African awareness was, with no doubt, democracy (NKRUMAH, 1977). the Blackness, which appears in the 1930s, led The American policy, which was by the Senegalese Leópold Sénghor and the adopted in the 1960s, aimed the support Antilian Aimè Césair (PAIM, 2014). to the independence of the new African The messianism of Kwame Nkrumah States through the help on its economic elevated him in the front-line as an African development without defining political icon of the fight against colonial oppression, conditions. In the hope that the African States idealizing the utopia of States genuinely
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African resulting from postcolonial period The revolutionary fight was restricted (NKRUMAH, 1977). to two essential paradigms: if, by one side, The African nationalist process was there were pro-independentist movements supported under the aegis of European that defended a fight with a level of violent Marxist Africanists, namely, Russians, and not conflict against the colonialism, by the other only with the excuse to introduce ideological side, there were those ones who defended models in Africa that would connect with collaborationist ideas and policies. They the way the traditional African man is. It were based on values that pointed to a close consisted in placing himself in a feudal cooperation with the Portuguese culture system sharing values and traditions. “This whose influence had left traces in the Angolan revolutionary spirit soon gained space and society and culture. It was in this mixture of spread for all Africa finding fertile ground feelings that the freedom movements were to develop itself” (MATUMONA, 2004, p.51- borne and it brought up an unbridled conflict 53). This phenomenon matched with several with which was proclaimed the independence endogenous factors: the fight for power, the of the country that put such movements in a weak preparation of the African elite, the close economic dependency on other countries. rampant bribery. They contributed to the The main ones would be the ”Movimento accelerated process of African independences, Popular de Libertação de Angola, founded whose Afrocentric speech and the conjuncture in 1956, the Frente Nacional de Libertação do of the problematic of the Cold War assumed Leste, in 1954, and the União Nacional Para a 4 positions of progressive nature with the Independência Total de Angola, in 1960 ” All emergence of imported Soviet models these movements, in a first stage, were linked permeated by a Leninist socialism. That was and identified with ethnic-regional groups.” on the basis that most of the African countries (HODGES, 2002, p.24-25) have built up their systems of political power, The principles that joined the common in a way of one-party systems, whose power and shared feeling of a fight against the is in the centralist and dictatorial pedestal colonialism soon was reduced to the personal (MATUMONA, 2004). ambitions and mischaracterized what could be called of “national project” ignoring the 2.1 The Historic Journey Of The true reason for the fight of Angolans from Independentist Movements In Angola Cabinda to Cunene5”. Moreover, the three
The nationalist surge, in its embryonic 4 Henceforth, we will only use acronyms to refer to stage, emerged in the North of the country these movements: MPLA (Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola), FNLL (Frente Nacional de with the Union of the Populations of the Libertação do Leste) e UNITA (União Nacional para North of Angola (MATUMONA, 2004). Independência Total de Angola). Later, other movements appeared and their 5 Cabinda is an enclave that does not geographically revolutionary seed quickly spread throughout belong to the Angolan territory. Cabinda was ceded to Portugal in the division of the African territory the national territory. It brought up an existing by colonizing countries at the Berlin Conference, in sense of outrage among the Angolan pro- 1885. For more details, see http://www.cabinda.org/ independence people, and had the oppression historia.htm. To refer to the totaling to the Angolan territory, the Angolan use expression from ”Cabinda and humiliation in the face of colonial domain to Cunene”, being Cabinda the Northernmost province as a consequence. of Angola and Cunene the Southernmost province,
Diagramação e XML SciELO Publishing Schema: www.editoraletra1.com.br | [email protected] MISES: Revista Interdisciplinar de Filosofia, Direito e Economia 651 Tomás Camba main nationalist movements (MPLA, FNLA at candlelight, and without being aware of and UNITA) have never established an united the existence of the other two movements. front against the Portuguese people. So, that Led by Antônio Agostinho Neto7 and made difficult the cohesion between them, other Angolan nationalist intellectuals, like once their structures were dominated by Viriato da Cruz, Lúcio Lara, Mário Pinto de ethnic elites that promoted regional and Andrade and Daniel Chipenda (CHIWALE, ethnocentric point of views. 2008, p.53), “the MPLA had just raised the flag of freedom and proclaimed its political ideas, 2.2 The Turbulent Period Of but it was completely neglecting the elites The Independence Face To of other ethnic-regional groups of Angola, The Pacification Of The Angolans which, similarly to MPLA, took part in the The Alvor Agreements6, signed in freedom fight” (SAVIMBI, 1977). This position Algarve, Portugal, in 1975, would have been would be a demonstration that MPLA, in spite a historical landmark to the Angolans if, of having its roots among the intellectuals MPLA had really encompassed the other two of the North of Angola, considered to be the nationalist movements, FNLA and UNITA, unique and legitimate representative of the in the sharing of the power. Such fact did not Angolans. happen due to the ambition of the leadership However, this period was marked with of MPLA, that proclaimed the independence the rupture and great political turbulence of Angola at 00h00 a.m. on November 11, 1975, in the search of an agreement among the several forces in the sharing of the power. this way corresponding to the total of the Angolan The nationalist movements soon have proved territory from North to South. to be unable to dialog and work together. 6 The Alvor Agreement is a historical event among So, in the lack of broad and consensual Portugal, Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola FNLA), Movimento, Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA) program, a desperate race of national and and União Nacional para a Independência Total de international affirmation started; which was Angola (UNITA), joined in Alvor, at Algarve, from converted in the searching of supports and January 10 to 15, 1975. They discussed and executed the access of Angola to independence, and agreed with future strategic alliances to the control of the following aspects: recognition,, by Portugal, of the the natural resources. About this concern, three nationalist movements as the only legitimate professors Vidal and Andrade say that: representatives of the Angolan people; confirmation of the territorial unit of Angola; a general ceasefire; It is equally significant that the internal establishment of transition government, headed by players have sought to maintain connections a “presidential college” composed by three members between the household policy and the (one of each movement), and with 12 ministries distributed equitably between the freedom movements international policy, in a way to best serve and Portugal; the transfer of powers from Portugal to their own goals. The external dimension to the agencies of Angolan sovereignty until the is important, but in no single way regarding independence date (i.e., to the High Commissioner to Angola (VIDAL, 2005, p.24). and to the transition government); the integration of the forces of the different movements, in parity With the unilateral statement of the with Portuguese forces, in the mixed military forces, composed by 8 thousand fighters of each movement independence of Angola, MPLA had its and by 28 thousand from Portuguese forces; the right of all individuals born in Angola to citizenship; the permanence of a Portuguese military contingent 7 President of MPLA and first President of People’s until February 1976; the independence date set for Republic of Angola. His importance is so great that November 11, 1975. he is listed as one of the heroes Angola Republic.
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prestige recognized and reinforced across inheritances in the contemporary history of the borders. Brazil was the first country Angola. From this moment, Angola enters to recognize as legitimate the communist in a spiral of fear and violence, with the government of MPLA (SILVA, 2016, p.483- reinforced use of the secret police, whose 484). With the Cold War, the MPLA converted purpose was to suppress by aspiration of into an avant-garde party and “adopted an dissent or alternative to the system in force. ideological matrix on the Marxist-Leninist It is in this context that a famous Angolan line (VIDAL, 2016, p.819)”, and the one-party popular saying came up: Xé kandengue não was wrapped in the pillars of the Labor Party. fala política [Xé kandengue does not talk about It extended its support bases in cities, towns politics] (ALBUQUERQUE, 2002). and villages, whose committees served as a lever in the continuity of its political strategy 2.4 The One-Party System of a mass movement. In the face of a context of crisis, it was 2.3 The Rise To Power noted the evolution from the MPLA to the MPLA-Labor Party. It was consecrated in When the independence of the People’s the I Party Conference, which was carried Republic of Angola was declared, the out in December of 1977. It represents an MPLA adopted the strategy of socialist effort of institutionalization of the system of State of single-party, whose primacy in the the MPLA power, that differentiating from structure of government was consecrated its environment, sought its affirmation and in the I Constitution post-independence, by consolidation as a State power. the Central Committee of the Party ratified The great signal of this effort of in 1976. (GEORGE, 2001) institutionalization of the elitist and ruling Although it has been established in hegemony is, indeed, marked with the power and in the State apparatus, the MPLA concept of avant-garde party. This differs failed to stabilize the situation of the country from the more usual notion of the mass party as predicted. The instability produced an when implying, in the theoretical plan, the environment of permanent uncertainty, regency of an elite in favor of the proletariat breaking all the expectations of a better future and in a greater level of control of that one of the recent-independent country. over the State apparatus. The transformation Aiming to eliminate the opponents, a into the MPLA-PT shows how the feasibility repression began with summary executions, of the system of power would require its arbitrary arrests, practices of torture. The recomposition, its reconfiguration. mass organizations of the Party were While an avant-garde party, MPLA-PT especially stroked, besides the Armed Forces, would work according to the principle of the the Public Management, the ostensible police democratic centralism8. The purpose was and the public safety police, the ministries, the to create a socialist State and transform the students and the intellectuals. It is deployed a society; creating political and administrative police force that develops a violent campaign structures that allow to the Party to control of terror in the media, all controlled by the 8 system. A culture of fear was infiltrated, and The principle of the centralism democratic refers to the practice of the decisions based on open discussions random information that strikes directly the in the Party, but whose implementation is performed social solidarities and left one of the heaviest exclusively by ruling elite.
Diagramação e XML SciELO Publishing Schema: www.editoraletra1.com.br | [email protected] MISES: Revista Interdisciplinar de Filosofia, Direito e Economia 653 Tomás Camba almost all society levels. Likewise, it was In our country, we had other contradictions required a need of ideological unit in the Party with elements that, for example, there are for the revolutionary democratic dictatorship sects against the management of MPLA in 1974. It means that was called as an Active to be implemented. Revolt or an East Revolt . (...) the political MPLA-PT is, indeed, an elite organization, management of our Party decided to free, whose project on society, economy and restore to the freedom those that were under State had hegemonic ambitions. In a speech the hands and control of justice. They will be pronounced in 1978, in Cabinda, Agostinho set free, will work and contribute as surely Neto clearly stated below about the line of is their wish to rebuild our country. On the other side, there are those who collaborate economic development adopted by the I with puppets of FNLA, of FLEC (....). I cannot Conference of MPLA-PT: fail to mention that, to reach this point, it was necessary to take very hard positions. It is necessary that the determinations, the It was necessary to engage combats, that decisions are from Party bodies. It is the Party were violent sometimes, against those who that guides. The Party gives guidelines, The wanted to reduce the value, the prestige Party gives those necessary instructions for of the Angola`s People and its legitimate the realization in the material plan that we representatives who are the management hope for satisfaction of all People. Not only of MPLA-Labor Party and that are the from militants of the Party, but all People. Government of Republic of Angola. (...) We The Party works to the People and not only will always take a tough attitude towards to its militants. The militants are the agents those who want to disturb the order, and of the People. They are agents of the working the peace of our territory. (MPLA-PT, 1986, class. (...) At this moment, the Popular Power p. 20-26) is not yet organized and we trust all function of democratization, of socialization of our Country to an organism of the Party, to the The disciplinary repression and Central Committee of MPLA. It is the Central surveillance, although being central parts in Committee of MPLA who should boost the the operation of the power, were not the only organization of the Popular Power for the strategies used. Actually, while techniques great decisions, the most important ones in of reduction and domestication of the our Country, that really needs to be taken complexity of its environment of existence, the by the working classes. (MPLA-PT, 1986, tensions raised by them could give reasons p. 20-26). for new turbulences and new moments of Aiming to transmit the ideal of an united internal countercharges. In other words, the nation, the system sought to transmit an image operations started by power, based on violent of conciliation with other resistance groups, disciplinary repressions, given the emergence not being favorable to its government style, of the dissent and the internal contradictions, since the independence proclamation, made that could easily reproduce the tensions that in a way which is not either democratic or transparent. In this same speech, made only and the President Agostinho Neto. This coup failed one year after the supposed attempt of a coup and he was killed, even as many of their followers, but also government members. About this matter, 9 by Nito Alves , Agostinho Neto referring to there are many controversy. Some people states that the East Revolt and to the Active Revolt, states: the coup has been thinked up by Agostinho Neto, as a way to incriminate and get rid of Nito, because he was its direct opponent in the party. (BOTELHO, 9 Nito Alves was a militant of MPLA and, in 1977, 2000; FAVET, 1979; CARDOSO, 2008; FRANCISCO, led an attempted of coup d’etat against the system 2007; TONET, 2001).
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sought to eliminate. Other strategies had to to the power, the situation came to a kind of be developed and these were based on the deadlock: the UNITA could not kick out the integration in the structures of the Party MPLA from the cities, such as this last could and in the power of speeches potentially not dominate the first. Other disengagements defendants and rivals and of elements from succeeded with the drastic changes that took several origins. This way of dominated origin place at the international level from the end allowed to answer two problems of the system of the 1980s. It is certain that the reforms of of power. On one side, the domestication of Gorbachev, the fall of the Berlin Wall, the the complexity and the instability and the collapse of the Soviet Union and the fall of the strengthening of its foundations crossed communism in the Eastern Europe produced by tectonic faults already identified, and, irreversible effects on the relationship of the on the other side, built a base of pluriethnic international community to the Angolan legitimacy that could be claimed as universal conflict (MESSIANT, 1994, p.18). and not as regional/ethnic. With the collapse of the communism and evident fall of the socialist block, 3. From The Bicess Agreements MPLA started to produce the realignment To The Elections Of 1992 of its economic policy (CHABAL; DALOZ, 1999). In 1990, an action with mediation of Despite the fact they could install an UN, Portugal, USSR and USA, initiate a one-party system, the hegemony of MPLA peace process leading to Bicesse. During continued to be threatened by its more direct the negotiations, the UNITA recognizes the rival, UNITA, which always opposed to the legitimacy of the MPLA government as a government of MPLA. The duration of this transition government and the MPLA was conflict was possible, in part, due to the required to abandon the Marxism-Leninism 12 involvement and support of USSR and USA.10 and open the multi-party system . Because of Agostinho Neto’s death, in The Bicesse Agreements were guided 1979, and the rise of José Eduardo dos Santos11 by several principles that already had been established by Alvor. Such as Alvor, Bicesse 10 According to Pezarat, the superpowers continued established the ceasefire and a transition to prefer not engage too visibly, opting for wars by period that would culminate in the holding delegation and thus causing, in part, the conflict East- West to get confused, either with the component of of multi-party elections. the regional conflict, as with the component of the civil conflict. The Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact he can get greater support of Cuba and with its help, continued to openly support MPLA and to bear with weaken the South African presence in the south of great part of the expenses of the Cuban effort, while the country. Dos Santos was perpetuated in the power the United States, despite the ‘Clark Amendment’, until 2017, when pressured by the leadership of the continues to provide its support, now exclusively in party decided not to run for elections, having indicated benefit of UNITA. This support was intensified in another candidate from his party. the 1980`s, after the rise of Ronald Reagan (...), who 12 In June of this year, in meeting of its Central includes UNITA and Jonas Savimbi in that he called Committee, the leading summit of MPLA formalizes ‘fighters of freedom’. (1996, p. 43) the abandon of single-party system and the acceptance 11 José Eduardo dos Santos was, at that time, Minister of the political competition between parties. In of Planning, i.e, holder of one of the most important December, the III Party Conference decides by ministries. He was rapidly selected by Central abandon of the Marxism-Leninism and the reference Committee to take the place of Neto. In the power, of LP in its name.
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With the Bicesse Agreements, signed on of the republic, in 1975. After the release of May 31, 1991, both parts reached an agreement the first results, it was quickly confirmed the about a new Constitution, the joint of the victory of José Eduardo Dos Santos and his two military forces in a national Army and Party, MPLA (VIDAL, 2006). about the calendar of the future multi-party The elections of 1992 had confirmed elections. As they were included in the the poor maturity of the Angolan political Agreements, the fundamental principles for players to implement in the country a stable, establishment of peace in Angola would refer broad and consensual political project. In explicitly to the recognition by UNITA of the this context, the country expected from Angolan State, the President José Eduardo dos their leaders, a political coherence in the Santos and the Angolan Government, until commitments in their constituency. And, at general elections were held.13 the same time, give to the Angolan people and to the international community guarantees In the midst of mistrust, Jonas Savimbi14, in the frame of the Protocol of Bicesse, accepted to go to the ballot boxes and on according to what was possible to ensure September 29 and 30, 1992, the first elections the transparency after scrutinized the ballot were held in Angola after the proclamation boxes regarding to the counting of the votes. 13 The Protocol of Estoril establishes that elections will Contrary to such expectations, the country be by direct and secret suffrage, through a majority would regress and return to the war and to system, with the resource of a second suffrage, if the past when bringing to the memory the necessary. To the National Assembly, it will be by Alvor model (1975) alike, MPLA had not used direct and secret suffrage, through a proportional system of representation at national level. All political democratic methods in the proclamation of parties and stakeholders will have the opportunity to the independence. With respect to the Bicesse organize and participate in the electoral process on process (1992), he fell apart with the restart equal terms, regardless of their political positions. The full freedom of expression and association, and the of the war in the main cities of the country, access to the media will be ensured». Bicesse predicted translating in a real defeat at the political and that, if none of the candidates to the presidential social level. The only hope of the Angolan elections obtained 50% of the votes, would have was to wait for new negotiations between a second suffrage. This was also constitutionally consecrated (Law No. 23/92, which approves the UNITA and MPLA to be definitely able to Law of Constitutional Review), in the Article 57. save the process. The President of the Republic is elected by absolute With the enlargement of the conflict, the majority of the validly cast votes. If none candidate obtain such votes, there is a second suffrage, in which International Community and the United only can run the two candidates who have obtained Nations Security Council, recognized and the biggest number of votes in the first election and legitimate the Luanda system with the have not given up. The process of maintenance of peace and political and military integration and carried right to defend against all advances of out by a Comissão Conjunta Política e Militar (CCPM), UNITA, adopting, this way, the Resolution composed by members of MPLA, UNITA, USA, USSR 864,and considering UNITA ”a threat to the and Portugal and supported by mission of observation international peace and the safety” (WRIGHT, from UN (UNAVEM II). There were created, also, a Comissão Mista de Verificação e Fiscalização (CMVF) to 2001, p.332). monitore the ceasefire, and the Comissão Conjunta With the advance of UNITA in the process para a Formação das Forças Armadas Angolanas (CCFA). of civil war, a consequence of dissatisfaction 14 Leader founder of UNITA nd main opponent of the with the electoral result, MPLA was entitled MPLA government since 1975, when occurred the proclamation of the independence of Angola by the to increase the Cuban presence in Angola, leader of MPLA, Antônio Agostinho Neto. under the excuse to protect the oil exploration
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of Cabinda (MONTEIRO, 2003, p.10). Aware of foreigners, claiming that MPLA government the deterioration of the economic and social was dominated by the fair-skinned people. situation and the impossibility of economic This conflict between UNITA and MPLA reconstruction, the MPLA system suffered the only ended in 2002, after the death of Jonas advances of its main rival: UNITA reappears Savimbi, the leader of UNITA, by forces militarily in the South and accuses the Angolan Army government. Table 1 presents MPLA of being imprisoned in the hands of a summary of the events mentioned.
Table 1. Timeline of the event described in the text
Date Event 1950-1960 The Cold War and the Consequences for Sub-Saharan Africa Foundation of the Main Freedom Movements of Angola 1950-1960 (MPLA, FNLA and UNITA) 1975 Angola becomes independent from Portugal Beginning of the civil war led by UNITA and FNLA 1975 due to the non-recognition of the MPLA government 1977 Official institution of MPLA-LP as one-party Bicesse Agreements (ceasefire), negotiations between the UNITA 1991 and the MPLA for the establishment of peace in Angola. 1992 First elections after independence in 1975 Death of Jonas Savimbi, the leader of UNITA; 2002 It is signed the Peace Treaty with the remaining of the members of UNITA.
Source: Elaborated by the author
Final Considerations of the public sector (MPLA, 1990, p. 8-9). The privatization did not represent no more In the 1990`s, with the fall of the East than the permission to the members of the European Block and the crash of its political government elite dominate the new private and economic model, the Angola government business sector of the future “market economy was forced to change its policy. It was (DIÁRIO DA REPÚBLICA, 1989)16” pressured by UN and as part of the agreement What followed was not a transition to a to get help, started the ”liberalization liberal market economy as expected, but an process”15 and structural readjustment, adaptation of the modern property system with the promise of balance of the internal effectively existing, which removed the formal and external accounting and the reduction 16 In July 15, 1989, several laws were approved to 15 In the Angolan context, the liberalization would restructure the state economic sector and modify the refer to the opening of market for the main members commercial activity (DIÁRIO DA REPÚBLICA, 1989a; of the ruling elite to exercise monopoly of the state- 1989b) which approves the concession of commercial owned companies and create ”private” incentives establishments belonging to the State to other with money from public treasury. In other words, economic agents. Emphasizing the ineffectiveness of the main investors would be the own members of SEF, especially regarding to the most “controversial” the government. measures.
Diagramação e XML SciELO Publishing Schema: www.editoraletra1.com.br | [email protected] MISES: Revista Interdisciplinar de Filosofia, Direito e Economia 657 Tomás Camba garbs of one-party Socialism to take on the happened was only a state intervention garbs of the liberal market economy. However, disguised as free market. Today, the lack of keeping its original background logic, the use economic and social freedom is the great of the State apparatus for the private benefit problem, and it becomes more vulnerable and appropriation of the public good by the the weak Angolan effort in the search for ruling elites, dependents and loyal to the consolidation of the economic systems that party in the power, ensuring the hegemonic are in the situation of permanent crisis by a maintenance of the power, consecrating the lack of transparency of the publication of its old ambitions to become in a State bourgeoisie, accounting. For such thing, it is necessary to as had been accused by the other movements concentrate efforts to become effective the decades ago. It is appropriate we consult essential sectors of the public and private Hayek’s studies aiming to evidence that the African life. The democratization and the system implemented in Angola could not be formation of a constructive public opinion called free market because it was only a feat of the African civil society, the liberalization of the socialist party that rules the country. of the governments, the eradication of the Let`s see what Hayek says: endemic armed conflicts, the fight against the phenomenon the rampant bribery, the The common features of all collectivist obsolete educational system and the lack of systems may be described, in a phrase staff, and fight to the illiteracy. ever dear to socialists of all schools, as the The levels of deep poverty are reflected deliberate organization of the labours of society for a definite social goal. […] The in the cultural, scientific and technological various kinds of collectivism, communism, hold back, and this part of the planet faces, fascism, etc., differ between themselves in nowadays, a crisis that makes difficult, in a the nature of the goal towards which they great measure, its social stabilization. If the want to direct the efforts of society. But they socialism brought some equality, this is the all differ from liberalism and individualism equality of the poverty between all citizens in wanting to organize the whole of society non-participants of the clergy that rules the and all its resources for this unitary end, country. and in refusing to recognize autonomous spheres in which the ends of the individuals The planned economy of Angola is a are supreme. In short, they are totalitarian proof that the equality evoked by socialism in the true sense of this new word which we is an utopia. With no competition and market have adopted to describe the unexpected opening, the Angolans became hostages of but nevertheless inseparable manifestations a State, where the wealth is shared with the of what in theory we call collectivism. The elite that rules the country. Lastly, it should “social goal”, or “common purpose”, for be emphasized that it is necessary to make a which society is to be organised, is usually vaguely described as the “common good”, criticism to the interventionism based on the or the “general welfare”, or the “general Austrian paradigm (MISES, 2018). However, interest”. (HAYEK, 1944, p. 59-60) as this is an introductory paper about the history and consequences of Angola’s political In other words, Angola has never thinking, we will reserve it for a future experienced a true market freedom, what production.
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