SOUTHERN AFRICA NEWS

P.O. BOX 50103 WASHINGTON, D.C. (202) 387-5343 Vol. 1, No. 5 20004

February /March 1980 : The Struggle for Socialist Reconstruction

The Revolution renews itself from its best and most beloved children ... This is the meaning of your sacrifice; it will be a living example to be followed ... President Samora Machel Peoples Republic of excerpt from "Josina You Are Not Dead"

Agostinho Neto, the First President of the Peoples Republic of Angola, died on September 4, 1979 after a long and courageous battle with leukemia. THE MONTH OF MARCH-FOCUS ON ZIMBABWE ZIMBABWE WEEK II - MARCH 9-15 Because of you, $36,000 in medical and educational supplies reached Zimbabwean refugees in 1979. This year, the needs are even greater ... WE MUST DO MORE ... Join the Southern Africa Support Project in building for ZIMBABWE WEEK 1980. For more information contact: Southern Africa Support Project P.O. Box 50103 Washington, D.C. 20004 (202) 387-5343 This Issue ... After four years of independence from Portu­ classes. guese colonialism, the People's Republic of An­ As the liberation movements win more victories, gola remains the target of a systematic pattern of which threaten the stability of and aggression led by the and South Rhodesia, western nations, along with South Africa. Angola and Mozambique are of strategic Africa and Rhodesia increase their aggression importance because both have long borders with against the liberation movements and their allies. the last settler states in Africa. 1 Angola threatens Like Angola, nations such as , , the stability of South Africa because it serves as a Zambia and Mozambique continue to be attacked military base for the Southwest People's Organi­ by western imperialism because they give critical zation (SW APO) just as Mozambique serves as a military, economic and political aid to liberation military base for the Patriotic Front against movements. Rhodesia. Both Angola and Mozambique threaten To strengthen our work in international solidar­ the economic and political hegemony of the West ity, we must focus on the role of countries like and South Africa. In addition, Angola and Angola and Mozambique. An understanding of Mozambique serve as models for creating new the armed struggle and socialist reconstruction societies, because they are organizing their eco­ phases of the revolution helps us better assess the nomic and social development development to political realities and material needs of the people redistribute wealth among the most exploited of Southern Africa.

U.S. Imperialist Forces "The MPLA would do well to heed our advice, that campaign to ensure that a "moderate" or even no government can plan the reconstruction in Angola reactionary government would come to power in without United States and Western help. No govern­ Angola. ment can obtain the technical and financial resources During the transition period in 1974-5, the U.S. to stimulate economic development without American moved quickly to prepare for destroying MPLA by consent. In fact, the United States would be quite strengthening the opportunistic forces in Angola. responsive and helpful to a coalition government that Relying on the seventeen-year relationship between was not dependent on the .. . " 2 the CIA and of FNLA, the U.S. The U.S. used diplomatic, economic, and military increased aid to FNLA so they would be militarily aggression in its attempt to derail the Angolan superior to MPLA during the transitional period. 4 revolution. All of the aggressive acts resulted in the They also incorporated UNITA's President Jonas loss of Angolan lives. This pattern of aggression Savimbi into their plans to destroy MPLA.5 From the slowed Angola's economic recovery but it was unable early days ofUNITA, Savimbi had been supported by to break the will of the Angolan people to transform Lonrho (a British/Rhodesian/South African firm). their society. Up until independence, the U.S. gave The U.S. also funded , an ex-member open support to the Portuguese government by: of MPLA who joined in the scheme to crush the • supplying modern weapons to through MPLA. This forced MPLA to wage a Second War of NATO Liberation against the forces which militarily aligned • giving Portugal loans and credit to subsidize its themselves with South Africa and the U.S. economy, i.e., the Nixon Administration loan of 400 This period was characterized by the following U.S. million dollars acts of aggression against MPLA: • sharing with Portugal's army U.S. military • a secret meeting was held in Islands advisors who specialized in guerilla warfare with the three elements to plot MPLA's destruction6 Despite the diplomatic, economic and military aid •U.S. allies within the 0 AU were urged to advocate given to Portugal, it was suffering military defeats in that MPLA must join with UNITA and FLNA in a all three of its colonies by 1973.3 The unexpected coup "unity" government as a precondition for negotia­ that unseated the Salazar regime in April of 1974 tions with Portugal for the transfer of power7 hastened the end of the colonial period. •the CIA was involved in direct military operations against MPLA • the CIA recruited and financed from The CIA's Role: the U.S., France, West Germany and Britain •the CIA, South Africa, and UNITA coordinated When the U.S. saw the moves by the new military the planned invasion of Angola8 jun ta to call ceasefires and set up mechanisms in each • U.S troops were stationed off the harbor of colony for independence, the U.S. stepped up its

2 , the capital city •Angola was added to the list of countries such as • more than 50 million dollars in weapons and and Cuba who are targets of a U.S. supplies were funded to UNITA and FNLA9 economic blockade •the CIA attempted to subsidize the recruitment of •covert support to UNITA was continued for the Black Vietnam veterans to fight alongside purpose of attacking communication and rail lines UNITA 10 • diplomatic pressure was used in an attempt to • the propaganda campaign was intensified force MPLA to reconsider a "unity" government against MPLA by publishing articles in news­ with at least UNIT A papers that made UNITA look like an authentic • pressured for the removal of C_uban troops as a liberation movement representing an ethnic pea­ precondition for the normalization of relations sant base, while characterizing MPLA as a libera­ tion movement made up of Marxist intellectuals and "mulattoes" (those of mixed African and Portu­ The Propaganda War: guese blood) • Boeing was forced to withhold 2 planes already One of the most damaging tactics used by the U.S. paid for by MPLA worth more than $200 million 11 against Angola was the propaganda campaign. The • Gulf Oil was forced to withhold its payment of U.S. media, quoting the administration's taxes to the MPLA-controlled government rhetoric, focused on alleged Soviet expansion in the These acts of aggression would have succeeded in Southern African region. The U.S. government then ousting MPLA had it not been for the international justified its intervention in the region and continued support of Cuba, , Guinea Bissau, and the hostility towards Angola by the following actions: Soviet Union. • the characterization of the Cuban presence in Angola as control of MPLA The Diplomatic War: •the characterization of Cuba and the Soviet Union as perpetrators of tension in Southern Africa The Second War of Liberation resulted in the • using the rhetoric of countering communist devastation of every region of the country. Agricul­ expansion to justify U.S. refusal to impose sanc­ tural crops were burned and destroyed,· farm equip­ tions on South Africa for its attacks on SW APO ment was broken, critical infrastructure (bridges, rail refugee camps lines) were destroyed and hospitals and schools were The U.S. still has not given up its goal of forcing damaged. While MPLA faced these tremendous MPLA to become more moderate or forcing it into a pro bl ems, the U.S. led efforts to economically destabil­ military compromise with UNITA. UNIT A and South ize Angola's economy, and used the following tactics: African troops can be dropped into many areas by • Angola's 1976 request for membership into the helicopter for hit and run military operations because United Nations was vetoed which prevented access the legacy of slavery, colonialism and the wars of to aid and credit liberation have depopulated extensive areas in South-

MPLA-Workers' Party: Transforming Angola

MPLA Workers' Party has taken a hard line result of colonialism the creation or fault of against racism since its First Manifesto in 1956. MPLA. The history of MPLA simply does not From its inception, MPLA as a movement main­ support the allegations as documented in Basil tained that the struggle was against an exploita­ Davidson's book, In The Eye of the Storm. 13 While tive and racist system, and advocated the estab­ MPLA was formed by the revolutionary intelli­ lishment of a democratic people's establishment gensia and urban workers, MPLA has always headed by the working class.12 MPLA had a policy focused on building its base among the peasantry that never excluded or gave priority to any one and working class so that their interests are the racial or ethnic group. primary concern of the Party. But the major criticism leveled against MPLA, As a broad united front prior to 197 4, MPLA was perpetuated by western media, is that MPLA is made up largely of peasants, plantation workers made up of"mulattoes" and "assimiladoes" of one and revolutionary urban intellectuals. The leader­ ethnic group and its work is based in only one ship of MPLA came from every ethnic group, and region of the country. People tend to believe this one glance at any picture of the leadership of the kind of criticism because we have few criteria for Party discredits the notion that "mulattoes" leadership other than superficial characterization dominate the positions of great responsibility. such as color and educational status. The argu­ As MPLA moves to become a Marxist-Leninist ment which uses the racial make-up ofMPLA as a Party, it has consistently worked to build its base reason to discredit them is a cover for not dealing of power among the two most exploited classes with the class contradictions in Angola society. under colonialism, the wage worker and the The argument makes the racial mix that is a peasant.14

3 ern Angola. This reality is misrepresented in the U.S. It is not unusual for there to be differences within a media which makes it appear that UNIT A has a Party on how to implement socialist reconstruction. popular base in the country. But as Lara explains, " ... for the MPLA, there has The latest evidence of continued U.S. support for always been only one expression of known Savimbi and UNITA was the November 1979 tour of precisely as scientific socialism. Experience has to the U.S. The visit was sponsored by shown that all that rhetoric, ... has not led to concrete the Center for Strategic and International Studies of steps showing a true socialist option." Lara goes on to Georgetown University and the right wing organiza­ say "these socialisms" are basically disguises for one tion led by Bayard Rustin called Social Democrats, or other form of colonial exploitation. "Therefore, we U.S.A. Both groups were also involved with the visits (MPLA) want our people to understand the real of Ian Smith and Bishop Abel Muzorewa to this principle, which s relatively simple, i.e. that is the road country. Savimbi's visit should be viewed as part of to socialism can only be successfully charted by a the continuing propaganda campaign against the movement which is based on -. And People's Republic of Angola. within our limited possibilities we have in our country To counter these aggressive acts it is important for today, we are trying to put that policy into practice; in progressives and activists to understand the develop­ factories, on farms, in organizing the Party, (and) in ment and political priorities of MPLA-W orkers' Party. organizing workers."20 Mass organizations have been the major vehicle used by the Party to put the principles of Marxism­ Leninism into practice in organizing every sector of MPLA Becomes society. MPLA was confronted with many problems in A Workers' Party trying to carry out this policy. For centuries the rural peasantry was illiterate, disease-ridden, and isolated in small bands. Therefore liberated zones took on a At the First Party Congress, MPLA's name was special role in building a new society. It was in changed to MPLA-Workers' Party. It defined the liberated zones that institutions for a new political central role of the working class as protecting and process, economic life, crucial social services and the leading the revolution in alliance with the peasantry. creation of a national culture were developed. Within the MPLA-Workers' Party, the ideological One important lesson gained in the liberated zones direction and policy making is centralized among was the need for mass organizations under the those with the most experience in directing the revo­ direction of the party. Mass organizations involved lution. The party structure and discipline requires the peasants in the liberation process and for the first that political differences among the leadership be time they participated in making decisions that would discussed until a majority view emerges. The minority govern their lives. Mass organizations provided is supposed to accept the defeat of their position and peasants with their first experiences in being part of work to implement the majority position. However, an an organized political force. This experience was this is not always the case. Sometimes those with a important because under colonialism, Angolans were minority view can use their position of leadership to denied the right to belong to organizations and build their own following to challenge the party's engage in collective political struggle. Lucio Lara, policies. This was the case when Nito Alvez led an mem her of the Political Bureau of the MPLA-Workers' attempted coup in 1977. Party, describes the impact of colonialism: "Through­ The deaths of key cadre during the liberation out our history, we were refused the right to struggle struggle as well as the large geographical area that openly in our own country."15 According to Lara, in has to be administered by MPLA makes the political colonized Angola trade unions, political parties, and party vulnerable to sabotage. Lara explains: "the even cultural groups were banned and members fundamental problem of that attempt resided in a harshly punished by being sent to prisons, exiled and small group of petty bourgeois intellectuals, more or even killed. Given the constraints of the repressive less theoreticians who wanted to orientate the revolu­ practices of the Portuguese regime MPLA operated tionary process in other ways, without taking into largely in the rural areas. account all the experience gained by MPLA over-the 20 years of struggle. And we can say that a good part of the leaders of that attempt came from a certain section of the inexperienced youth, which had not Peasant and Worker really known the whole historical process of the Base of MPLA: MPLA in the liberation war and which in clandestine or in prisons absorbed new ideas, in many cases MPLA was limited to operating in rural areas up through ill-digested readings of some classics of to 1974, and dominated 12 of Angola's 16 provinces. 16 Marxism-Leninism. There was also some foreign It was able to do some clandestine work in the cities, influence in the process. Imperialist forces know how, but the working class was not a dominant force within at the opportune moment, to exploit such elements to the movement. While the leadership of MPLA recog­ launch what could have been a possible coup d'etat." 19 nized that the broad base and united front character of

4 Angola ... My mother 0 black mothers whose children have departed as you have done through disastrous hours

But in me life has killed that mysterious hope I wait no more ... it is I who am awaited Hope is ourselves your children travelling towards a faith that feeds life It is ourselves the hope of life recovered ... First President People's Republic of Angola the movement would not be effective in leading the facilities, the increase in cultural activities, all of these revolution after independence, the party could not be raise the standard ofliving of the popular masses and formed before a working class base had ·been devel­ fulfill an important role in the formation of a new oped. Lucio Lara explains: "MPLA was established in man."21 the liberated areas, which were quite far from the MPLA-Workers' Party directs the political process urban centers, that is working class sectors, and at and regulates the economic activity of the country, this stage there was not any effective participation by while creating new political structures to redistribute the working class, and the enrichment of the content political power among the workers and peasants. of our struggle by that class. It is for this reason that There are two main vehicles for politicizing and the project (building of MPLA as a party) which ws incorporating the masses into the political process; really born in the guerilla struggle, was postponed." 17 mass organizations and popular assemblies. It was only during 1974-75, that MPLA was able to Popular assemblies are the vehicle for workers and openly recruit in the urban centers. Since popular peasants to give leadeship in government by engag­ support for MPLA among urban workers resulted in a ing in making laws and deciding how government will rapid increase in new members from this class, there implement party decisions. Although the work of was insufficient time to politicize newcomers. developing Popular Assemblies had begun, its organi­ Towards the end of 1976, MPLA held its First Party zation was undermined by those who led the coup Congress that officially recognized the long process of attempt. Following the Party's removal of those MPLA's becoming a Marxist-Leninist party.18 Accor­ responsible for plotting the coup, MPLA-Workers' cording to Lucio Lara, "It was with the winning of Party engaged in re-evaluating and restructuring independence, and especially in the struggles of the the process for organizing Popular Assemblies. Cur­ Second Liberation War for independence, that this rent information on Popular Assemblies was unavail­ enrichment needed by the Movement, an enrichment able to us at this writing. by the working class, the physical participation of the The mass organizations are a vehicle for mass working class, made it possible to envisage more participation into the party's policy-making process. seriously and more immediately the long-felt need to MPLA-Workers' Party continues to develop cadre transform the MPLA into a Party." through mass organizations which arm the people with political consciousness, organizational skills, and self-confidence so that they become the protectors Mass Organizations: of the revolution. Mass organizations provide the op­ portunity for each sector of society to confront Building Peoples Power particular limitations imposed on them during coloni­ alism within the framework of the revolution's pri­ At the First Party Congress, the late President orities. Women, for example, through the Organiza­ Agostinho Neto declared, "the improvement of the tion of Angolan Wolmen, have a vehicle to struggle living conditions of the people and of the gradual against the legacies of exploitation. improvement of their welfare is the essential objective Organizations like OMA, the Young Pioneers, the of this phase. Free education, medical care, sporting

5 National Union of Angolan Workers (UNTA), and the The Party's Response People's Defense Organization (PDO) are defined by MPLA-Worker's Party as the fundamental basis for to Class Struggle: developing political and class consciousness. Mass organizations bring all ethnic and class The Party not only has the responsibility to explain groups together and break down cultural and ethnic the class character of the petty bourgeois and create barriers that result from the lack of nation-wide mechanisms to limit their power but must also set communication and transportation systems. During conditions that strengthen the power of the worker. the colonial period, the Portuguese utilized the ethnic One step taken by the Party has been a stepped up difference to divide the people during the colonial mobilization campaign to organize all workers in period. The struggle to mold the ethnic differences into trade unions and strengthen worker committees in the a national Angolan personality is a priority of MPLA­ factories and on the work sites. This enables the Party Workers' Party. Mass organizations create conditions to watch for acts of sabotage by managers and to for urban workers and rural peasants to experience challenge elements of the petty bourgeois when they and set common goals. attempt to dominate workers. The largest mass organization, the People's Defense One of the most critical functions of mass organiza­ Organizations, creates unity between peasants, urban tions is that they take the priorities of the revolution to workers, women and youth in carrying out the work of every Angolan. They not only involve the people in the revolution. Because of Angola's expansive and discussing and making recommendations to the sparsely populated areas, the PDO has organized party, but also work with the government to carry out more than 600,000 Angolans to defend the country, the final policies of the Party by mobilizing and 100,000 of which are armed. The PDO is also called on focusing the people's energies to meet the revolution's to defend the political positions against reactionary goals. ideas. Mass organizations create conditions for urban · An example of this is the Literacy Campaign which workers and rural peasants to share experiences and began on the First Anniversary of Angola's indepen­ set common goals. They create unity between pea­ dence, November 11, 1976. Mass organizations had sants, urban workers, women and youth in carrying already been engaged in promoting the party's out the work of the revolution. political line on the importance of literacy to the This process intensifies the class struggle between people. All of the mass organizations worked with the the petty bourgeois elements still in Angola and the Ministry of Education to mobilize its cadre to new power base emerging from the worker-peasant participate in the Literacy Campaign. OMA organ­ alliance. This confrontation is sharpest in the urban ized women to join classes, and the Union of Teachers centers because the petty bourgeois have the skills organized brigades to go to remote areas to teach the and experience required for management roles. basic skills. The Young Pioneers organized youth to help teach and (UNTA) National Union of Angolan Workers participated in organizing classes at the work sites.

Intensified Class Conflicts: Note to Our Readers: As you know, the Southern Africa News Collec­ While some elements of the petty bourgeois sup­ tive has been unable to maintain its original ported the struggle against colonialism, there are production schedule. Our work to organize a some who now oppose socialist reconstruction. The political and material aid campaign for Zimbab­ Party's policy of redistributing the wealth of the wean refugees seriously delayed our time sche­ nation and creating conditions for the working class dule. After reassessing our political and personal to bere>me the new base of power is a threat to their obligations, we will attempt to publish the news­ existence as a class. letter at least twice a year. Our priority this year In 1977, there were signs that petty bourgeois and continues to be the mobilization of political right wing forces, in direct opposition to the working support and material aid for the people of southern class, began acts of sabotage. The Party during a May Africa. Subscribers will receive the number of Day speech characterized their actions: "these sectors issues to which they are entitled, but new of the petty bourgeois want to step into the shoes of the subscriptions are not being solicited. If new colonial bourgeoisie; and thus increasingly assume readers would like copies of our articles, a small the ideological and moral dues of capitalism-disdain donation for reproduction and mailing costs for the working class, refuse to solve concrete would be appreciated. Please write to: problems of the masses, the love of luxury and the easy life, the spirit of ostentatiousness, negligence, Southern Africa News Collective political and economic opportunism, spreading ob­ P.O. Box 50103 scurantist and superstitious concepts, in a word, all Washington, D.C. 20004 the retrograde moral values of the enemy." 22

6 In this way the first phase of the Literacy Campaign roads and farming equipment. One hundred seventy was able to reach 102,000 men, women and children. bridges were blown up during the second war of Similar campaigns were carried out to rid the people of liberation. 23 diseases like cholera, diptheria and polio. Because The amount of sabotage in the rural areas uprooted they incorporate every sector of society into the large numbers of peasants who fled to the cities and revolutionary process, mass organizations mobilize towns for protection. Two years after the 1975 the people to meet the challenges of transforming the invasion, the resettlement of peasants was still economic sector. incomplete. Therefore mass organizations mobilized workers, students and women to assist in the harvesting of crops. The capacity to distribute crops to markets in the Transforming the Agricultural urban areas was severely hampered by the destruc­ tion of trucks during the 1975 invasion. Approxi­ Sector: A People's Priority mately 20,000 trucks were estimated to have been either destroyed or driven out of Angola during the Socialist reconstruction in the agricultural sector war. To this day, South Africa continues to make air has the greatest potential for changing the material and ground attacks which further damage agricul­ conditions of the peasant. Under colonialism the tural production. peasant was outside of the economy. The majority of The transformation of this sector has been a slow the peasantry either were forced to carry on subsis­ and arduous task. To rebuild the agricultural sector tence farming on small plots of land or work as MPLA-Workers' Party has begun to reorganize pro­ seasonal laboreres on European plantations. Tech­ perty relations. Abandoned estates, plantations and nology, land distribution, and the infrastructure of farms have been taken over the government. Worker society were organized to maximize profit-making committees serve as a mechanism for peasants to based on cash crops. Farming among the Angolan have major input in the decision-making process in peasantry was underdeveloped. the management of State Farms and Cooperatives. Coffee, sisal and cotton were the three major cash Peasants are being encouraged to form production crops during the colonial period. Maize, sugar cane, cooperatives, and the MPLA-Workers' Party helps by beans and some other crops were also cultivated. providing equipment and agricultural cadre to assist Second to oil, coffee yielded the largest amount of the peasant farmer in learning new practices and foreign exchange for the colonizer. Transportation, technology. While they have purchased trucks from electricity, irrigation and communication systems Eastern countries, they do not have nearly enough linked the plantations and large estates to cities and trained drivers and mechanics to build a transporta­ ports, while the small peasant plots were isolated from tion system to move crops and raw materials quickly the rudimentary technological progress of the Portu­ to cities and ports.24 guese settlers. Using State Farms and Cooperatives as a way of collectivizing production, the Party is incorporating the peasant into the commercial sector. In this way, Despite these problems, progressive observers of Angola can begin to reverse the pattern established Angola's development have reported that significant during colonialism and minimize its reliance on gains are being made by the MPLA-Workers' Party in imported foods by diversifying crops used for domes­ national reconstruction. The western press, however, tic consumption. has been consistently biased in its reporting. Instead The Party has set forth objectives and a plan of of reporting the causes of the problems in the action to reverse the colonial pattern of development. agricultural sector, they have reported only symptoms Therefore, the question of land distribution, access to such as food shortages and Angola's continued scientific information, experience with technology, reliance on food imports. The media, as the mouth­ and collectivizing the work process are viewed as piece of U.S. foreign policy, creates images that decisive elements in building a new agricultural encourage the American people to think that social­ sector. ism is an economic system unable to resolve the Aside from the inherent problems left over from poverty and hunger of the people. colonialism, MPLA-Workers' Party has to struggle The tactic of imperialist aggression is to economi­ with the consequences of the 1975 second war of cally strangle Angola in order to weaken the capacity liberation. The agricultural sector was devastated of the government to serve the people. Historically, because military activity forced the displacement of when people's basic needs for food and shelter are not many peasants and the destruction of crops. met their support for the government falters. Not only were exports crops like coffee destroyed, In Angola, imperialists have tried to foster discon­ but crops for domestic consumption were also treated tent among the people by making it economically as military targets. difficult for Angola to get aid and receive surplus Most plantation managers abandoned farms and foodstuffs to eliminate the effects of food shortages. destroyed equipment before leaving. South African Foreign elements have encouraged demonstrations troops and UNIT A did extensive damage to bridges, against the new government because people still face

7 food shortages in some areas of the country. The War of Liberation, they declared themselves a neutral discontent that results from deprivation can be used to political force and expressed a willingness to work create a cover for infiltration and sabotage. Attempts with anyone. But the U.S. government required them by the government to restore order are then character­ to stop a 200 million dollar tax payment to the MPLA ized as "socialist repression." This is why the late government during the heart of the Second War of President Agostinho Neto, used to say "the most Liberation against South Africa, UNITA, FNLA and important thing is to solve the people's problems." CIA-backed mercenaries. In line with its goal to regain control of Angola's resources, MPLA-Worker's party examined the Transforming the Industrial feasibility of establishing new corporate relationships with foreign companies other than Gulf. Actions by Sector: Recapturing the Gulf to sabotage MPLA's efforts precluded extensive People's Wealth action. Gulf destroyed the documents and blueprints of oil field operations which were necessary for the The extent to which a country has heavy machines, maintenance of their facilities in Angola. skilled labor managers, railways, trucks and electri­ The Party had considered extending marketing and city, determines what can be done with natural production concessions to a state-owned Italian resources in the industrial sector. This sector is the company, but without the oil field blueprints Angola economic base of the country because it produces would have had clogged wells within six months. The goods for domestic consumption, provides jobs and is advanced technological capabilities of Gulf made it the main source of foreign exchange. It is the lifeline of impossible for anyone else to take over the operation the nation in a technological world. Reconstruction of of the facilities. According to the article, the deep this sector of the economy is also the most complex. currents of Angola's off shore wells require tech­ Angola is forced to operate in an imperialist nology beyond the capabilities of the Soviet Union, economic and diplomatic network. The country inher­ Romania and . To maintain production and ited economic relationships with multinational cor­ thus keep her major source of foreign exchange, porations dominated by American, South African, MPLA had to allow Gulf to continue its operations in West German, Belgium and Portuguese interests. Gulf the country. has the major oil concessions while a Belgium­ At this writing, Angola has a 51 percent ownership Portuguese firm extracted oil for domestic consump­ of Gulfs operations in the country, although Gulf tion. Diamond mining was controlled by Diamang, a remains in control of the management operations. To subsidiary of DeBeers Consolidated Mines, Ltd. of the prepare for eventual control of production and Anglo American Corporation of South Africa. marketing, MPLA has set up Sonanglo as the Concessions for the production and marketing of iron national oil company responsible for the technical were given during Portuguese colonialism to Krupp, a training of Angolans. Negotiations are taking place West German multinational corporation. Since the with Exxon, Standard Oil of California, Shell and revolution, Angola has been faced with resolving the Phillips to explore new off-shore oil deposits. co nflict between its underdeveloped infrastructure Reportedly, these companies are being offered 30 that is tied to multinational corporations and the percent of the oil along with production control. Such Party's plans to restructure Angola's economic base a relationship clearly offers great advantages to the using socialist principles. corporations, since the profit is in the marketing and By 1977, Angola nationalized Gulf, Krupp and sale of oil. Yet Angola will receive substantial foreign lJiamang as the first step in recapturing the people's exchange from the sale of its share of the oil which can wealth. Although the nationalization was partial, be used for socialist reconstruction. with little more than one half of the profits going to The continued presence of multinational corpor­ Angola, nationalization established an immediate ations along with Angola's interests in joining co ntext for the MPLA-Worker's Party to restructure western economic markets Ike the LOME convention, the production and marketing of its national make some observers speculate that the MPLA resources. The crucial task of the Party is to create the Workers' Party has capitulated to western imperial­ conditions so the people of Angola are trained to ism. The focus of this kind of speculation misses the assume responsibility for production, marketing, essence of the problems of socialist reconstruction. distribution and sales. War and defense expenditures which use precious A recent article examining Gulfs relationship to foreign exchange, a shattered agricultural sector that Angola captures the essence of the problem in necessitates the use of scarce foreign exchange to transforming the economy. According to Dollars and import food, and a shattered infrastructure which Sense, western technology handicaps socialist hampers production and distribution are just a few of development in the Third World, and no where is this the serious problems which limit the options of the hetter exemplified than in the 's Angolan government. Remaining economically relationship to Gulf. 20 solvent in order to carry on the reconstruction of the From the beginning Gulf has been granted the most country under socialist principles requires coexistence favorable concessions by the Portuguese. When Gulf with some aspects of imperialism at this particular conceded that MPLA was going to win the Second historical moment. A quote by President Neto

8 summarizes the Party's position: "These are temporary short-term agreement ... We do not want to unfavorable conditions for our people. But we cannot deceive anyone. We do not want to deceive foreign escape from them without creating new difficulties. If capitalist monopolies by concealing the fact that we we were to stop the production of petroleum we should intend to follow the road of socializing our means of impose unnecessary hardships on our people. But is production, of finance, of trade of services, of Gulf oil going to exploit our riches forever? No, we are everything that can be socialized and that we intend not going to compromise our future. We are making a to do this as rapidly as possible."

Lessons from the Angolan Experience: We end this analysis of the socialist recon­ vinism and is the basis for national division in a struction process even more convinced that there country trying to unify and rebuild itself after is a great need for Americans to see and read more centuries of colonialism. about the struggles to build socialist societies in • For UNITA to claim that they aligned them­ southern Africa. Despite the length of the article, selves with South Africa after Cuban troops we have presented only a small part of the realities entered Angola is an outright lie. Even before of Angola. Since everything could not be described UNT A joined with the CIA and South Africa, it in this article, we would like to emphasize some acted as an agent for imperialism by providing MAIN POINTS TO REMEMBER: information to the Portuguese on MPLA's mili­ • the U.S. government has used diplomatic tary maneuvers. No true liberation movement isolation, covert intelligence activities, paramil­ would join with South Africa to achieve the itary subversion and economic restrictiqns in an leadership of the country. effort to destabilize the MPLA-led government. •The U.S. has no right to propose a "coalition of These tactics are part of the established pattern of unity government" as a condition for the estab­ imperialist aggression. lishment of diplomatic relations with Angola. • Contrary to the myths perpetuated by both the UNITA, FLNA and FLEC forfeited their right to CIA and UNITA, MPLA is not an organization of leadership when they joined with South Africa, only urban intellectuals. MPLA consists of work­ the CIA, and other western powers. ers and peasants with representation from every • The process of transformation from colonialism ethnic group and region of the country. to socialism is a long and difficult process. To • the idea that "movements" should inherit the eliminate the legacies of centuries of colonialist leadership of a country because their leader and and multi-national corporate exploitation requires members represent the largest ethnic group and careful planning and changes to avoid chaos and region should be rejected. the creation of unnecessary hardship for the This notion is nothing more than tribal chau- people of Angola.

Background Notes: 13. In the Eye of the Storm, Basil Davidson, Anchor Press, New . Mozambique, twice the size of California, is bound by the York, 1973 . settler states of South Africa and Rhodesia, while Angola, 14. Ibid., p. 60. twice the size of Texas, shares its borders with South African­ occupied Namibia and South Africa. 15. Ibid., p. 55. 16. Testimony on U.S. Angolan Policy, p. 3. 2. In Search of Enemies, John Stockwell, p. 205, W.W. Norton & Co., New York, 1978. 17. Op. Cit., p. 61. 3. Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique. 18. Ibid., p. 61. 4. Testimony on U.S. Angolan Policy before the Africa 19. Ibid., p. 60. Subcommittee of the House International Affairs Committee, 20. Ibid., p. 65. Gerald J. Bender, May 25, 1978. 21. Facts and Reports. Holland Committee on Southern Africa, 5. In Search of Enemies, Chapter 8. Da Costastraat 88, Amsterdam, Holland. 6. Africa Agenda, "The MP LA-A History of Struggle," Vol. 5, 22. The Guardian, "The Task Ahead for Angola," Sara #1, 1976, p. 7. Rodriguiez, 11 / 23177. 7. African Communist, "Main Phases in the Development of 23. Ibid., Rodriguiez. MPLA." Lucio Lara, #74. 24. MPLA First Congress Document, Dec. 1977. 8. In Search of Enemies, Chapter 10. 25. Bulletin of Peoples Republic of Angola, "Our Country Must 9. Ibid., p. 21. be Led By Workers and Peasants," Speech by President Neto, 10. Interview with Stockwell by R. Van Lierop, May 26, 1978. Vol. 2, #8. 11. In Search of Enemies, p. 205. 26. Dollars and Sense, "Why Is Gulf Still In Angola?" 1979. 12. Main Phases in the Development of MPLA, Lucio Lara, p. 27. Vitoria Certa, President Neto's Speech to UNTA, October 56, #74, 1978. 23, 1976.

9 Congratulations to the Zimbabwean People! We here in the U.S. rejoice over your victory in electing ZAND-Patriotic Front to lead Zimbabwe into a New Era. Your sacrifices have been many-your example of endurance, faith in the victory of your just cause, your untold hours of toil and unnamed heroes who have fallen-serve as an example to us. Your victory reaffirms in the face of a more severely repressive regime, that there is no force as great as the people's will. We, like you, will be vigilante in the coming months-watching and acting to restrain our government in the event of efforts to undermine your victory. Our cause is the same-the end of the exploitation of man by man. A Luta Continua - Pomberi ni Chimerenga Z. A. N. U. Zimbabwe African National Union

211 East q3rd Street He.adquarters Suite 902 Caixa Postal 743 New York, N.Y. 10017 Maputo Tel: (212l 697-7910 Mocambique

Dear Sister,

I have been informed by our departments for Health and Welfare that the medical and educational supplies the Southern Africa Support Project sent to Mozambique arrived safely and they have been put to good use already.

On behalf of ZANU in the Patriotic Front anc the toilir.g masses of Zimbabwe~ allow me to thank the Southern Africa Su~port Project for its untiring efforts in raising material and political support for the Zimbabwe refugees . The supplies that you sent us arrived when they were most needed. It is raining now in Southern Africa and as a result, tropical diseases are rampant.

We do hope that your ~rganization will continue to assist us until the causes of the s uffering of our people are uprooted once and for all. - -

S.A.N.C. Members: Rose Brown Southern Africa Support Project P.O. Box 50103 Cecelie Counts Washington, D.C. 20004 Kathryn Flewellen Cheryl Gardner Sandra Hill Sylvia Hill