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Independence, Intervention, and Internationalism Angola and the International System, 1974–1975
Independence, Intervention, and Internationalism Angola and the International System, 1974–1975 ✣ Candace Sobers Mention the Cold War and thoughts instinctively turn to Moscow, Washing- ton, DC, and Beijing. Fewer scholars examine the significant Cold War strug- gles that took place in the African cities of Luanda, Kinshasa, and Pretoria. Yet in 1975 a protracted war of national liberation on the African continent escalated sharply into a major international crisis. Swept up in the momen- tum of the Cold War, the fate of the former Portuguese colony of Angola captured the attention of policymakers from the United States to Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo), Colombia to Luxembourg. The struggle over Angolan independence from Portugal was many things: the culmination of sixteen years of intense anti-colonial struggle and the launch of 28 years of civil war, a threat to white minority rule in southern Africa, and another battle on the long road to ending empire and colonialism. It was also a strug- gle to define and create a viable postcolonial state and to carry out a radical transformation of the sociopolitical structure of Angolan society. Recent scholarship on Angolan independence has provided an impres- sive chronology of the complicated saga yet has less to say about the wider consequences and ramifications of a crisis that, though located in southern Africa, was international in scope. During the anti-colonial struggle, U.S. sup- port reinforced the Portuguese metropole, contiguous African states harbored competing revolutionaries, and great and medium powers—including Cuba, China, and South Africa—provided weapons, combat troops, and mercenar- ies to the three main national liberation movements. -
Ufahamu: a Journal of African Studies
UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title Directory: African Liberation Movements and Support Groups Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/85p33873 Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 3(2) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Berman, Sanford Publication Date 1972 DOI 10.5070/F732016403 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California -171- DII{CfORY: AFRICAN LIBERATIOO r1MltNTS AND SIFffiRT ---GIUPS*· by Sanford Berman (Ed. Note: Both this Directory and the Spring 1972 Bib Ziogrc:q;hy, "African Liberation Movements 11 (Vo Z. III, No. 1) will be regularly updated by the compiler in future issues. Additions and corrections should be directed to the Compiler, c/o UFAHAMU.) AFRICAN LIBERATIOO fiMI'fNTS Frente Nacional de Libertacao de Angola (FNLA/Angolan National -Liberation Front)§ ·- Founded in 1962 by merger of Uniao dos Populacoes de Angola (UPA) and Partido Democratico Angolano (PDA). Established Governo Revolucionario de Angola no Exilio (GRAE/Angolan Revolutionary Government in Exile) 1962. Leader and GRAE Premier: Holden Roberto. Zaire Republic: Ministere de l'Information, Planet Economie, G.R.A.E., B.P. 1320, Kinshasa. Organ: Actualites (no. 3 dated March 1971). §[Recognized by the O.A.U.] *Dates in parentheses f ollowing periodical titles repre sent first year of pubZication. The abbreviation "AIP" indicates that a full list of material may be found in the 2nd ed. of Alternatives in Print (Columbus, Ohio: Office of Educational Services, Ohio State University Libraries, 1972). -172- Movimento _PopuZar de Libertaaao de AngoZa (MPLA/PeopZe's Movement for the Liberation of AngoZa/Mouvement PopuZaire pour Za Liberation de Z'AngoZa)§ - Founded 10 Dec. -
Journal of African Elections
JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS Volume 17 Number 1 June 2018 remember to change running heads VOLUME 17 NO 1 i Journal of African Elections EDITOR Denis Kadima ARTICLES BY Zefanias Matsimbe Nelson Domingos John Rabuogi Ahere Moses Nderitu Nginya Adriano Nuvunga Joseph Hanlon Emeka C. Iloh Michael E. Nwokedi Cornelius C. Mba Kingsley O. Ilo Atanda Abdulwaheed Isiaq Oluwashina Moruf Adebiyi Adebola Rafiu Bakare Joseph Olusegun Adebayo Nicodemus Minde Sterling Roop Kjetil Tronvoll Volume 17 Number 1 June 2018 i ii JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS Published by EISA 14 Park Road, Richmond, Johannesburg, South Africa P O Box 740, Auckland Park, 2006, South Africa Tel: +27 (0) 11 381 6000 Fax: +27 (0) 11 482 6163 e-mail: [email protected] © EISA 2018 ISSN: 1609-4700 (Print) ISSN 2415-5837 (Online) v. 17 no. 1: 10.20940/jae/2018/v17i1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher Printed by: Corpnet, Johannesburg Cover photograph: Reproduced with the permission of the HAMILL GALLERY OF AFRICAN ART, BOSTON, MA, USA For electronic back copies of JAE visit www.eisa jae.org.za remember to change running heads VOLUME 17 NO 1 iii EDITOR Denis Kadima, EISA, Johannesburg MANAGING EDITOR Heather Acott EDITORIAL BOARD Chair: Denis Kadima, EISA, South Africa Cherrel Africa, Department of Political Studies, University of the Western Cape, South Africa Jørgen -
Who's to Challenge the Party-State in Angola? Political Space & Opposition in Parties and Civil Society
Who’s to challenge the party‐state in Angola? Political space & opposition in parties and civil society Aslak Orre Chr. Michelsen Institute Bergen, Norway for the conference ‘Election processes, liberation movements and democratic change in Africa’ Maputo, 8‐11 April 2010 CMI and IESE Introduction 1 The case of the Lubango demolitions 2 Elections in Angola: 1992 and 2008 4 The 2008 parliamentary elections 8 New constitution, old presidency, entrenched party‐state 10 The 2010 constitution 12 Can “civil society” substitute opposition parties in a democratic party‐state? 14 References 18 Introduction Was it not for the unsolved though low-scale conflict in the Cabinda enclave north of the Congo river, Angola has been “at peace” since February 2002 when government troops killed insurgent leader Jonas Savimbi. The remaining guerrillas of Unita demobilised and its leadership was integrated into Unita the political party. Although Unita then was formally part of a Government of National Unity and Reconciliation (GURN), there was never any doubt as to who were the ruling party: The MPLA, under the supreme leadership of President José Eduardo dos Santos. The MPLA has been the governing party Angola since independence in 1975 and dos Santos the party leader and President since 1979. He has overseen the end of the one-party state in 1991, the end of the long war and the coming of age of the oil-boom and spectacular economic growth of the 2000’s – and in early 2010 a new constitution was in place which essentially solidifies dos Santos’ rule. This paper is a case study of one of the first-generation liberation movements which after independence converted itself into the ruling party. -
U.S.-Chinese Cooperation and Conflict in the Angolan Civil Arw
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Dissertations and Theses City College of New York 2014 U.S.-Chinese Cooperation and Conflict in the Angolan Civil arW Morgan Hess CUNY City College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/cc_etds_theses/268 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Abstract This study examines China’s role in the Angolan Civil War through the context of U.S.-Chinese rapprochement and the global Cold War. Based on declassified conversations between U.S. and Chinese officials along with declassified intelligence cables, government documents, and research in the United Nations archives this paper illuminates how China played a crucial role in escalating the Angolan Civil War and encouraged U.S. intervention in the conflict. This study builds on previous scholarship yet takes a new approach that emphasizes China played the primary role in intensifying the Angolan Civil War, not the U.S. or Soviet Union. ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! “Empty Cannons” U.S.-Chinese Cooperation and Conflict in the Angolan Civil War Morgan Hess Dr. Craig Daigle May 3rd, 2012 Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of (Fine) Arts of the City College of the City University of New York Table of Contents 1) Introduction 1 2) Portuguese Colonialism, African Resistance, and Angola’s Independence 5 3) U.S.-Chinese Diplomacy Surrounding Angola 14 4) Motives Behind China’s Angolan Policies 20 5) Foreign Aid, Intervention, and Escalation 26 6) Recognition of Angola and Effects of the War 39 7) Conclusion 42 8) Bibliography 46 ! Introduction Angola, China, and the United States. -
Chronicle of Parliamentary Elections 2008 Elections Parliamentary of Chronicle Chronicle of Parliamentary Elections Volume 42
Couverture_Ang:Mise en page 1 22.04.09 17:27 Page1 Print ISSN: 1994-0963 Electronic ISSN: 1994-098X INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION CHRONICLE OF PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 2008 CHRONICLE OF PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS VOLUME 42 Published annually in English and French since 1967, the Chronicle of Parliamen tary Elections reports on all national legislative elections held throughout the world during a given year. It includes information on the electoral system, the background and outcome of each election as well as statistics on the results, distribution of votes and distribution of seats according to political group, sex and age. The information contained in the Chronicle can also be found in the IPU’s database on national parliaments, PARLINE. PARLINE is accessible on the IPU web site (http://www.ipu.org) and is continually updated. Inter-Parliamentary Union VOLUME 42 5, chemin du Pommier Case postale 330 CH-1218 Le Grand-Saconnex Geneva – Switzerland Tel.: +41 22 919 41 50 Fax: +41 22 919 41 60 2008 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.ipu.org 2008 Chronicle of Parliamentary Elections VOLUME 42 1 January - 31 December 2008 © Inter-Parliamentary Union 2009 Print ISSN: 1994-0963 Electronic ISSN: 1994-098X Photo credits Front cover: Photo AFP/Pascal Pavani Back cover: Photo AFP/Tugela Ridley Inter-Parliamentary Union Office of the Permanent Observer of 5, chemin du Pommier the IPU to the United Nations Case postale 330 220 East 42nd Street CH-1218 Le Grand-Saconnex Suite 3002 Geneva — Switzerland New York, N.Y. 10017 USA Tel.: + 41 22 919 -
Signal Cascades in Angola's Independence Struggle, 1955-1975
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 20, Issue 1|January 2021 Signal Cascades in Angola’s Independence Struggle, 1955-1975 CANDACE SOBERS Abstract: This article considers one aspect of the international relations of the Angolan independence struggle: the prevalence in archives of records reflecting strong support for one of three rival Angolan national liberation movements (NLMs), the MPLA. Simple explanations, including the post-independence dominance of the MPLA in Angolan politics, offer unsatisfactory explanations for the wide appeal of the movement and its platform to non-Angolan attentive publics. The MPLA successfully courted the international community through principled signalling; carefully selected language calibrated to reflect the discourse of liberation that was prevalent at the time. This messaging was reinforced and recirculated among solidarity movements. This ‘signal cascade’ helped the MPLA gain the moral high ground in a contentious and divisive battle for political control. Investigating the roles of principled signalling as informal internationalism grants important insights into how national liberation movements, as non-state actors, engage with the wider international community to achieve specific political goals. Keywords: national liberation, Angola, transnational, anticolonial, signalling, signal cascade, solidarity, internationalism, independence Introduction During the 1960s, Angola became a site of international anticolonial contestation. The main Angolan national liberation movements (NLMs), the National Front -
List of Expected Participants Progressive Alliance Seminar, 26 - 27 March 2015, Mexico City, Mexico Inclusive Growth and Decent Work
List of Expected Participants Progressive Alliance Seminar, 26 - 27 March 2015, Mexico City, Mexico Inclusive Growth and Decent Work Angola People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) Argentina Socialist Party (PS) Australia Australian Labor Party (ALP) Brazil Workers' Party (PT) Brazil Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB) Burkina Faso Party for Democracy and Progress / Socialist Party (PDP/PS) Chile Socialist Party of Chile (PS) Costa Rica Citizens' Action Party (PAC) Denmark Social Democratic Party Dominican Republic Modern Revolutionary Party (PRM) Germany Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) Great Britain Labour Party India Association for Democratic Socialism Iraq Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) Kenya Labour Party of Kenya (LPK) Malaysia Democratic Action Party (DAP) Mauritius Mauritius Militant Movement (MMM) Mexico Party of Democratic Revolution (PRD) Mexico Mexico Citizens' Movement Mongolia Mongolian People's Party (MPP) Morocco Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP) Netherlands Labour Party (PvdA) New Zealand New Zealand Labor Party (NZLP) Niger Nigerien Party for Democracy and Socialism (PNDS) Norway Norwegian Labour Party (DNA) Philippines Citizens‘ Action Party (Akbayan) Republic of the Congo Convergence Citoyenne (CC) Romania Social Democratic Party (PSD) Spain Spanish Socialist Workers‘ Party (PSOE) Sweden Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) Syria Syrian Democratic People’s Party Tunisia Democratic Forum for Labour and Freedoms (Ettakatol) Uruguay Socialist Party of Uruguay (PSU) Western Sahara Polisario Front International Union Of Socialist Youth (IUSY) Group of Socialists & Democrats in the European Parliament (S&D) Party of European Socialists (PES) Young European Socialists (YES) Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (CSA) Australian Workers' Union (AWU) Foundation for European Progressive (FEPS) Fundação João Mangabeira Global Progressive Forum SOLIDAR Progressive Alliance . -
Socialist Federalism As an Alternative to Nationalism: the Leninist Solution to the National Question in Africa and Its Diaspora
humanities Article Socialist Federalism as an Alternative to Nationalism: The Leninist Solution to the National Question in Africa and Its Diaspora Constantin Katsakioris German Orient Institute, Beirut 11-2988, Lebanon; [email protected] Received: 6 August 2019; Accepted: 17 September 2019; Published: 19 September 2019 Abstract: Scholarship on the impact of Lenin’s thinking and on the Soviet Union’s relationships with Africa has emphasized two dimensions: on the one hand, the ideological imprint on and support provided to nationalist and anti-imperialist movements and, on the other, the emulation of communist techniques of authoritarian rule by many postcolonial governments. This paper highlights the neglected receptions of another major communist idea, namely, the ‘Leninist solution to the national question’, as embodied by the federal political model of the Soviet Union. The paper argues that many actors in different contexts, where the nationalities question had to be tackled with, showed a keen interest in the Leninist solution and in the sui generis federal model of the USSR. These contexts included the post-1945 French Union, as well as postcolonial countries such as Sudan, Nigeria, and Ethiopia. The Leninist alternative to the nation-state and to assimilation assumed a great deal of significance to minority groups. Nevertheless, it was rejected even by Marxist-inspired movements and elites which sought to create a nation-state. The paper uses the approach of cultural transfers to investigate and assess both the appeal and the limits in the reception of the Leninist federalist alternative. Keywords: Africa; national question; Leninism; Soviet Union; socialism; federalism 1. -
Comrades-In-Arms: the Chinese Communist Party's Relations With
Cold War History ISSN: 1468-2745 (Print) 1743-7962 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fcwh20 Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76 Joshua Eisenman To cite this article: Joshua Eisenman (2018): Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76, Cold War History To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1440549 Published online: 20 Mar 2018. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fcwh20 COLD WAR HISTORY, 2018 https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1440549 Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76 Joshua Eisenman LBJ School of Public Affairs, the University of Texas at Austin, Austin, United States ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This study examines the evolution of the Chinese Communist China; Africa; Communism; Party’s (CCP) motives, objectives, and methods vis-à-vis its African Mao; Soviet Union counterparts during the Mao era, 1949–76. Beginning in the mid- 1950s, to oppose colonialism and US imperialism, the CCP created front groups to administer its political outreach in Africa. In the 1960s and 1970s, this strategy evolved to combat Soviet hegemony. Although these policy shifts are distinguished by changes in CCP methods and objectives towards Africa, they were motivated primarily by life-or- death intraparty struggles among rival political factions in Beijing and the party’s pursuit of external sources of regime legitimacy. -
Angola Brief
A brief by Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI) and Centro de Estudos e Investigação Científica (CEIC) ANGOLA BRIEF April 2013 Volume 3 No.1 Controlling elections: The Angolan Election Commission The election winner, President Over the last few years, Angolan legislation on elections and the Angolan national José Eduardo dos Santos, is received by his MPLA party election commission has been strengthened considerably. In legal terms the crowd in Luanda after the 2012 Comissão Nacional Eleitoral (CNE) is now an independent commission with wide- elections. ranging powers, that might pave the way for political reform and democratisation Photo: MPLA (www.mpa.ao) in Angola. However, due to the political context it remains to be seen if this formal autonomy will be translated into a counter-balancing institution to the centralised Angolan government. ELECTION COMMISSIONS WORLDWIDE demand of the opposition in many emerging Election commissions are important regulatory democracies; it was part and parcel of the bodies throughout the developing world. An demand for free and fair elections, respect for election commission (EC) is a governmental political rights, and democracy. Independent electoral management body (EMB) charged electoral commissions are in fact a relatively with overseeing the implementation of the recent invention, and the preferred form of election laws and procedures. In many countries election management in virtually all countries the commission is also charged with the that have undertaken electoral reform since the implementation of the elections proper. early 1990s. An election commission is a special institution of ELECTION COMMISSION INDEPENDENCE control or restraint. In liberal democracies, the Many electoral management bodies purport horizontal accountability function of parliaments to be independent, but they are not. -
The Democratic Challenge in Africa
The Democratic Challenge in Africa The Carter Center The Carter Center May, 1994 Introduction On May 13-14, 1994, a group of 32 scholars and practitioners took part in a seminar on Democratization in Africa at The Carter Center. This consultation was a sequel to two similar meetings held in February 1989 and March 1990. Discussion papers from those seminars have been published under the titles, Beyond Autocracy in Africa and African Governance in the 1990s. During the period 1990-94, the African Governance Program of The Carter Center moved from discussions and reflections to active involvement in the complex processes of renewed democratization in several African countries. These developments throughout Africa were also monitored and assessed in the publication, Africa Demos. The letter of invitation to the 1994 seminar called attention to the need for a new period of collective reflection because of "the severe difficulties encountered by several of these transitions." "The overriding concern," it was further stated, "will be to identify what could be done to help strengthen the pluralist democracies that have emerged during the past five years and what strategies may be needed to overcome the many obstacles that are now evident." A list of 12 questions was sent to each of the participants with a request that they identify which ones they wished to address in their discussion papers. As it turned out, the choice of topics could be conveniently grouped in six panels. Following the seminar, 19 of the participants revised their papers for publication in this volume, while an additional four scholars (John Harbeson, Goran Hyden, Timothy Longman, and Donald Rothchild), who had been unable to attend the meeting, still submitted papers for discussion and publication.