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A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The
BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Resolution By Min Jung Kim, B.A. Washington, DC May 1, 2009 I owe my most sincere gratitude to my thesis advisor Kevin Doak, Ph.D. for his guidance and support and to Aviel Roshwald, Ph.D. and Tristan Mabry, Ph.D. for detailed and constructive comments. Min Jung Kim ii BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY Min Jung Kim, B.A. Thesis Advisor: Kevin M. Doak, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The purpose of this research is to understand the dynamic processes of modern national unification cases in Vietnam (1976), Yemen (1990) and Germany (1990) in a qualitative manner within the framework of Amitai Etizoni’s political integration theory. There has been little use of this theory in cases of inter-state unification despite its apparent applicability. This study assesses different factors (military force, utilitarian and identitive factors) that influence unification in order to understand which were most supportive of unification and which resulted in a consolidation unification in the early to intermediate stages. In order to answer the above questions, the thesis uses the level of integration as a dependent variable and the various methods of unification as independent variables. The dependent variables are measured as follows: whether unified states were able to protect its territory from potential violence and secessions and to what extent alienation emerged amongst its members. -
U.S. Policy Toward the Caribbean in the 1980S
U.S. Policy Toward the Caribbean in the 1980s -- Paper presented by Roland I. Perusse, Director, Inter American InstitUte of Puerto Rico, at the Ninth Annual Meeting of the Caribbean Studies Association, St.Kitts—Nevis, May 30 to June 2, 1984 The change in U.S. Presidents on January 20, 1981, from Jimmy Carter, the humanitarian, to Ronald Reagan, the realist, brought about sharp changes in U.S. foreign policy around the world, but especially in the Caribbean region. The Jimmy Carter years were a search for accomondation with the Soviet Union and marxism. In the Caribbean, Carter sought to normalize relations with Cuba and to establish friendly relations with the aew Sandinista regime in Nicaragua. Carter pressed for respect of human rights around the world. In the Caribbean, he criticized. violations in Cuba, Haiti and the *Dominican Republic. He opened the gates of the United States to 100,000 refugees from Cuba and to several thousand % other "boat people' from Haiti. Realist Ronald Reagan views the world in terms of a confrontation between the "evil empire" of communism and western concepts of democracy. With respect to the Caribbean, he recognizes the need to attack basic social, economic and political problems, but feels that the Soviet Union Cuba and Nicaragua are seeking to exploit the situation for the benefit of the world communist movement. Thus, marxist ideology and aggression are seen as posing the immediate threat to progress, stability and secur- ity in the region and to U.S. national interests in the Caribbean basin Western scholars, especially social scientists, have traditionally perceived Central America and the Caribbean to be two distinct regions. -
The Two Yemens
1390_A24-A34 11/4/08 5:14 PM Page 543 330-383/B428-S/40005 The Two Yemens 171. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen1 Washington, February 27, 1969, 1710Z. 30762. Subj: US–PRSY Relations. 1. PRSY UN Perm Rep Nu’man,2 who currently in Washington as PRSYG observer at INTELSAT Conference, had frank but cordial talk with ARP Country Director Brewer February 26. 2. In analyzing causes existing coolness in USG–PRSYG relations, Ambassador Nu’man claimed USG failure offer substantial aid at time of independence and subsequent seizure of American arms with clasped hands insignia3 in possession of anti-PRSYG dissidents had led Aden to “natural” conclusion that USG distrusts PRSYG. He specu- lated this due to close US relationship with Saudis whom Nu’man al- leged, somewhat vaguely, had privately conveyed threats to overthrow NLF regime, claiming USG support. Nu’man asserted PRSYG desired good relations with USG and hoped USG would reciprocate. 3. Recalling history of USG attempts to develop good relations with PRSYG, Brewer underlined our feeling it was PRSYG which had not re- ciprocated. He reviewed our position re non-interference PRSY internal affairs, regretting publicity anti-USG charges (e.g. re arms) without first seeking our explanation. Brewer noted USG seeks maintain friendly relations with Saudi Arabia as well as PRSYG but we not responsible for foreign policy of either. 4. Nu’man reiterated SAG responsible poor state Saudi-PRSY con- tacts. Brewer demurred, noting SAG had good reasons be concerned over hostile attitude PRSYG leaders. -
Independence, Intervention, and Internationalism Angola and the International System, 1974–1975
Independence, Intervention, and Internationalism Angola and the International System, 1974–1975 ✣ Candace Sobers Mention the Cold War and thoughts instinctively turn to Moscow, Washing- ton, DC, and Beijing. Fewer scholars examine the significant Cold War strug- gles that took place in the African cities of Luanda, Kinshasa, and Pretoria. Yet in 1975 a protracted war of national liberation on the African continent escalated sharply into a major international crisis. Swept up in the momen- tum of the Cold War, the fate of the former Portuguese colony of Angola captured the attention of policymakers from the United States to Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo), Colombia to Luxembourg. The struggle over Angolan independence from Portugal was many things: the culmination of sixteen years of intense anti-colonial struggle and the launch of 28 years of civil war, a threat to white minority rule in southern Africa, and another battle on the long road to ending empire and colonialism. It was also a strug- gle to define and create a viable postcolonial state and to carry out a radical transformation of the sociopolitical structure of Angolan society. Recent scholarship on Angolan independence has provided an impres- sive chronology of the complicated saga yet has less to say about the wider consequences and ramifications of a crisis that, though located in southern Africa, was international in scope. During the anti-colonial struggle, U.S. sup- port reinforced the Portuguese metropole, contiguous African states harbored competing revolutionaries, and great and medium powers—including Cuba, China, and South Africa—provided weapons, combat troops, and mercenar- ies to the three main national liberation movements. -
Could a Reunification Spark Growth for the Korean Economy? Stephen P
Citations Journal of Undergraduate Research Wagner, S. The North Is Coming: Could A Reunification Spark Growth for The Korean Economy? Stephen P. Wagner Faculty Sponsor: Dr. John A. Tures Program: Political Science North Korea’s Kim Jong-un has recently made an effort to shake hands with President Donald J. Trump and South Korea’s President, Moon Jae-in. For its two biggest rivals, this was the first-ever meeting between leaders of United States and North Korea; also, South and North Korea met for the first time since the Korean War ended in 1953. This paper will examine whether North Korea could unify peacefully or conflict with its neighbor South Korea. In more detail, it will measure different cases of countries that have unified peacefully or with war. The paper will determine whether (GDP) growth is positively identified before and after unification between both peaceful and conflict cases. Literature Review Rug.nl, The Groningen Growth and Development Centre (GGDC), presents us with the data for my cases that we are examining. The Groningen Growth and Development Centre writes,” The GGDC provides unique information on comparative trends in the world economy in the form of easily accessible datasets, along with comprehensive documentation. These data are made publicly available, which enables researchers and policy makers from all over the world to analyze productivity, structural change, and economic growth in detail” (2017, Par. 2). The database in th e (GGDC), Penn World Tables, gives me every year dating from almost a century ago. This is instrumental for me to determine the correlations that can be involved when I look at the times my cases unified. -
The Republic of Korea and the Middle East
AugustApril 2010 • Volume 5 • Number 64 TheCosponsorship Republic of Korea of North and Koreathe Middle Bills East:in the U.S.Economics, House of Diplomacy, Representatives, and Security 1993–2009 by Alonby Jungkun Levkowitz Seo South(Mr. Korean–Middle GILMAN) Mr. Eastern Speaker, relations I rise tohave voice been my ne - Historicalto fi ll this gap, Connections: this article explores 1950s–1960s congressional politics to- glectedstrong in thesupport literature for throughoutH. Con. Res. the years, 213, mainlyregarding owing ward North Korea policy in the post–Cold War period. to theNorth focus Korean on Korea’s refugees relations who withare detained the United in States China and Until the 1960s, Seoul’s policy toward the Middle East Asianand states forcibly and returned the attention to North given Korea to the whereNorth Korea–they couldThe case be ofdefined the Democratic as passive, People’s if not unimportant, Republic of Koreaowing (DPRK) to Middleface Easttorture, military imprisonment, trade. This and paper execution. sheds new I thank light on Korea’sprovides lack an excellent of interests test in of the diverse Middle hypotheses East. During of cosponsor- the thisthe issue gentleman by analyzing from South California Korea’s (Mr. Middle ROYCE) East policy.for firstship activitiesyears after byits Houseestablishment members. in 1948, Preventing South Koreanuclear was prolif- Untilbringing the 1960s, this importantthe Middle resolution East was beforeof low us importance today. preoccupiederation and promoting with nation human building. rights The haveKorean become War, which key foreign to South(Congressional Korea because Record, of Korea’s H3418, lack June of economic 11, 2002) and eruptedpolicy agendas two years for later,the United left South States Korea since with the endone ofmain the Cold political interest in the region. -
Ufahamu: a Journal of African Studies
UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title Directory: African Liberation Movements and Support Groups Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/85p33873 Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 3(2) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Berman, Sanford Publication Date 1972 DOI 10.5070/F732016403 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California -171- DII{CfORY: AFRICAN LIBERATIOO r1MltNTS AND SIFffiRT ---GIUPS*· by Sanford Berman (Ed. Note: Both this Directory and the Spring 1972 Bib Ziogrc:q;hy, "African Liberation Movements 11 (Vo Z. III, No. 1) will be regularly updated by the compiler in future issues. Additions and corrections should be directed to the Compiler, c/o UFAHAMU.) AFRICAN LIBERATIOO fiMI'fNTS Frente Nacional de Libertacao de Angola (FNLA/Angolan National -Liberation Front)§ ·- Founded in 1962 by merger of Uniao dos Populacoes de Angola (UPA) and Partido Democratico Angolano (PDA). Established Governo Revolucionario de Angola no Exilio (GRAE/Angolan Revolutionary Government in Exile) 1962. Leader and GRAE Premier: Holden Roberto. Zaire Republic: Ministere de l'Information, Planet Economie, G.R.A.E., B.P. 1320, Kinshasa. Organ: Actualites (no. 3 dated March 1971). §[Recognized by the O.A.U.] *Dates in parentheses f ollowing periodical titles repre sent first year of pubZication. The abbreviation "AIP" indicates that a full list of material may be found in the 2nd ed. of Alternatives in Print (Columbus, Ohio: Office of Educational Services, Ohio State University Libraries, 1972). -172- Movimento _PopuZar de Libertaaao de AngoZa (MPLA/PeopZe's Movement for the Liberation of AngoZa/Mouvement PopuZaire pour Za Liberation de Z'AngoZa)§ - Founded 10 Dec. -
Country Coding Units
INSTITUTE Country Coding Units v11.1 - March 2021 Copyright © University of Gothenburg, V-Dem Institute All rights reserved Suggested citation: Coppedge, Michael, John Gerring, Carl Henrik Knutsen, Staffan I. Lindberg, Jan Teorell, and Lisa Gastaldi. 2021. ”V-Dem Country Coding Units v11.1” Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Project. Funders: We are very grateful for our funders’ support over the years, which has made this ven- ture possible. To learn more about our funders, please visit: https://www.v-dem.net/en/about/ funders/ For questions: [email protected] 1 Contents Suggested citation: . .1 1 Notes 7 1.1 ”Country” . .7 2 Africa 9 2.1 Central Africa . .9 2.1.1 Cameroon (108) . .9 2.1.2 Central African Republic (71) . .9 2.1.3 Chad (109) . .9 2.1.4 Democratic Republic of the Congo (111) . .9 2.1.5 Equatorial Guinea (160) . .9 2.1.6 Gabon (116) . .9 2.1.7 Republic of the Congo (112) . 10 2.1.8 Sao Tome and Principe (196) . 10 2.2 East/Horn of Africa . 10 2.2.1 Burundi (69) . 10 2.2.2 Comoros (153) . 10 2.2.3 Djibouti (113) . 10 2.2.4 Eritrea (115) . 10 2.2.5 Ethiopia (38) . 10 2.2.6 Kenya (40) . 11 2.2.7 Malawi (87) . 11 2.2.8 Mauritius (180) . 11 2.2.9 Rwanda (129) . 11 2.2.10 Seychelles (199) . 11 2.2.11 Somalia (130) . 11 2.2.12 Somaliland (139) . 11 2.2.13 South Sudan (32) . 11 2.2.14 Sudan (33) . -
Who's to Challenge the Party-State in Angola? Political Space & Opposition in Parties and Civil Society
Who’s to challenge the party‐state in Angola? Political space & opposition in parties and civil society Aslak Orre Chr. Michelsen Institute Bergen, Norway for the conference ‘Election processes, liberation movements and democratic change in Africa’ Maputo, 8‐11 April 2010 CMI and IESE Introduction 1 The case of the Lubango demolitions 2 Elections in Angola: 1992 and 2008 4 The 2008 parliamentary elections 8 New constitution, old presidency, entrenched party‐state 10 The 2010 constitution 12 Can “civil society” substitute opposition parties in a democratic party‐state? 14 References 18 Introduction Was it not for the unsolved though low-scale conflict in the Cabinda enclave north of the Congo river, Angola has been “at peace” since February 2002 when government troops killed insurgent leader Jonas Savimbi. The remaining guerrillas of Unita demobilised and its leadership was integrated into Unita the political party. Although Unita then was formally part of a Government of National Unity and Reconciliation (GURN), there was never any doubt as to who were the ruling party: The MPLA, under the supreme leadership of President José Eduardo dos Santos. The MPLA has been the governing party Angola since independence in 1975 and dos Santos the party leader and President since 1979. He has overseen the end of the one-party state in 1991, the end of the long war and the coming of age of the oil-boom and spectacular economic growth of the 2000’s – and in early 2010 a new constitution was in place which essentially solidifies dos Santos’ rule. This paper is a case study of one of the first-generation liberation movements which after independence converted itself into the ruling party. -
China and Yemen's Forgotten
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE PEACEBRIEF241 United States Institute of Peace • www.usip.org • Tel. 202.457.1700 • @usip January 2018 I-WEI JENNIFER CHANG China and Yemen’s Forgotten War Email: [email protected] Summary • China’s position on the Yemen conflict is driven primarily by its interest in maintaining close strategic relations with Saudi Arabia. As a result, Beijing has acquiesced to the Saudi-led military campaign in Yemen. • Although not taking a prominent leadership role, China has supported regional and interna- tional initiatives to mitigate the conflict, including the Gulf Cooperation Council Initiative, the National Dialogue Conference, and UN-led peace talks. • As Yemen’s major trade partner, China has an outsized economic presence in the country and can play a significant economic role in Yemen’s postwar reconstruction through its Belt and Road Initiative. Introduction China is playing a supportive, though low-key, role in international efforts to propel Yemen’s peace process in response to one of the world’s greatest humanitarian crises. The Chinese government has China’s response to the backed the political transition process led by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) as well as the peace “Saudi-led airstrikes, which talks brokered by the United Nations. Beijing, however, has been unwilling to challenge the Saudi-led were militarily supported by air campaign against opposition groups that has killed civilians in a spiraling conflict that has already taken over ten thousand lives—including, in December 2017, that of former president Ali Abdullah the United States and United Saleh by the Houthi rebels.1 Kingdom, was muted. -
U.S.-Chinese Cooperation and Conflict in the Angolan Civil Arw
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Dissertations and Theses City College of New York 2014 U.S.-Chinese Cooperation and Conflict in the Angolan Civil arW Morgan Hess CUNY City College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/cc_etds_theses/268 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Abstract This study examines China’s role in the Angolan Civil War through the context of U.S.-Chinese rapprochement and the global Cold War. Based on declassified conversations between U.S. and Chinese officials along with declassified intelligence cables, government documents, and research in the United Nations archives this paper illuminates how China played a crucial role in escalating the Angolan Civil War and encouraged U.S. intervention in the conflict. This study builds on previous scholarship yet takes a new approach that emphasizes China played the primary role in intensifying the Angolan Civil War, not the U.S. or Soviet Union. ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! “Empty Cannons” U.S.-Chinese Cooperation and Conflict in the Angolan Civil War Morgan Hess Dr. Craig Daigle May 3rd, 2012 Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of (Fine) Arts of the City College of the City University of New York Table of Contents 1) Introduction 1 2) Portuguese Colonialism, African Resistance, and Angola’s Independence 5 3) U.S.-Chinese Diplomacy Surrounding Angola 14 4) Motives Behind China’s Angolan Policies 20 5) Foreign Aid, Intervention, and Escalation 26 6) Recognition of Angola and Effects of the War 39 7) Conclusion 42 8) Bibliography 46 ! Introduction Angola, China, and the United States. -
April 20, ,1977 Massive Soviet and Cuban Participation in the Angolan
'1 April 20, ,1977 EXPORT OF REVOLUTION: ' COMMUNIST REALITY OR CAPITALIST SLANDER? Massive Soviet and Cuban participation in the Angolan civil war has resulted in the victory and diplomatic recognition of the MPLA govern- ment (Popular Movement for Liberation of Angola). As a consequence, U.S. government officials as well as Kremlin-watching analysts and reporters have revived the long-dormant issue of communist export of revolution.1 In November of 1975, then Secretary of State Henry Kissinger complained about the Soviet-Cuban intervention,saying that it was difficult to re- concile this with the U.S.-Soviet Declaration of Basic Principles of Mutual Relations signed in 1972 and that "we will never permit detente to turn into a subterfuge of unilateral advantage."2 When Dr. Kissinger attempted to raise the subject of Angolan interven- tion during the 1976 SALT negotiations with the Soviet leaders,' how- ever, they apparently shrugged off any linkage between the two topics. Moreover, in a strong personal attack on the Secretary. the official newspaper of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), Pravda, questioned his logic and sharply denied any Soviet expansionist aims in Angola while admitting to their full support for the national- liberation revolution there. There are present in Angola several hundred Soviet military advisors and a Soviet air-lifted Cuban army of more than 15,000, all equipped with Soviet-made sophisticated weapons. Many military advisors were also sent by the German Democratic Republic along with addi-nalmili- tary and economic help from other communist-controlled countries. lSee David Binder's well-documented article, "Kissinger Believes C'uba Exports Revolution Again, I' --New York Times, February 5, 1976.