Could a Reunification Spark Growth for the Korean Economy? Stephen P
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A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The
BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Resolution By Min Jung Kim, B.A. Washington, DC May 1, 2009 I owe my most sincere gratitude to my thesis advisor Kevin Doak, Ph.D. for his guidance and support and to Aviel Roshwald, Ph.D. and Tristan Mabry, Ph.D. for detailed and constructive comments. Min Jung Kim ii BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY Min Jung Kim, B.A. Thesis Advisor: Kevin M. Doak, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The purpose of this research is to understand the dynamic processes of modern national unification cases in Vietnam (1976), Yemen (1990) and Germany (1990) in a qualitative manner within the framework of Amitai Etizoni’s political integration theory. There has been little use of this theory in cases of inter-state unification despite its apparent applicability. This study assesses different factors (military force, utilitarian and identitive factors) that influence unification in order to understand which were most supportive of unification and which resulted in a consolidation unification in the early to intermediate stages. In order to answer the above questions, the thesis uses the level of integration as a dependent variable and the various methods of unification as independent variables. The dependent variables are measured as follows: whether unified states were able to protect its territory from potential violence and secessions and to what extent alienation emerged amongst its members. -
The Two Yemens
1390_A24-A34 11/4/08 5:14 PM Page 543 330-383/B428-S/40005 The Two Yemens 171. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen1 Washington, February 27, 1969, 1710Z. 30762. Subj: US–PRSY Relations. 1. PRSY UN Perm Rep Nu’man,2 who currently in Washington as PRSYG observer at INTELSAT Conference, had frank but cordial talk with ARP Country Director Brewer February 26. 2. In analyzing causes existing coolness in USG–PRSYG relations, Ambassador Nu’man claimed USG failure offer substantial aid at time of independence and subsequent seizure of American arms with clasped hands insignia3 in possession of anti-PRSYG dissidents had led Aden to “natural” conclusion that USG distrusts PRSYG. He specu- lated this due to close US relationship with Saudis whom Nu’man al- leged, somewhat vaguely, had privately conveyed threats to overthrow NLF regime, claiming USG support. Nu’man asserted PRSYG desired good relations with USG and hoped USG would reciprocate. 3. Recalling history of USG attempts to develop good relations with PRSYG, Brewer underlined our feeling it was PRSYG which had not re- ciprocated. He reviewed our position re non-interference PRSY internal affairs, regretting publicity anti-USG charges (e.g. re arms) without first seeking our explanation. Brewer noted USG seeks maintain friendly relations with Saudi Arabia as well as PRSYG but we not responsible for foreign policy of either. 4. Nu’man reiterated SAG responsible poor state Saudi-PRSY con- tacts. Brewer demurred, noting SAG had good reasons be concerned over hostile attitude PRSYG leaders. -
The Republic of Korea and the Middle East
AugustApril 2010 • Volume 5 • Number 64 TheCosponsorship Republic of Korea of North and Koreathe Middle Bills East:in the U.S.Economics, House of Diplomacy, Representatives, and Security 1993–2009 by Alonby Jungkun Levkowitz Seo South(Mr. Korean–Middle GILMAN) Mr. Eastern Speaker, relations I rise tohave voice been my ne - Historicalto fi ll this gap, Connections: this article explores 1950s–1960s congressional politics to- glectedstrong in thesupport literature for throughoutH. Con. Res. the years, 213, mainlyregarding owing ward North Korea policy in the post–Cold War period. to theNorth focus Korean on Korea’s refugees relations who withare detained the United in States China and Until the 1960s, Seoul’s policy toward the Middle East Asianand states forcibly and returned the attention to North given Korea to the whereNorth Korea–they couldThe case be ofdefined the Democratic as passive, People’s if not unimportant, Republic of Koreaowing (DPRK) to Middleface Easttorture, military imprisonment, trade. This and paper execution. sheds new I thank light on Korea’sprovides lack an excellent of interests test in of the diverse Middle hypotheses East. During of cosponsor- the thisthe issue gentleman by analyzing from South California Korea’s (Mr. Middle ROYCE) East policy.for firstship activitiesyears after byits Houseestablishment members. in 1948, Preventing South Koreanuclear was prolif- Untilbringing the 1960s, this importantthe Middle resolution East was beforeof low us importance today. preoccupiederation and promoting with nation human building. rights The haveKorean become War, which key foreign to South(Congressional Korea because Record, of Korea’s H3418, lack June of economic 11, 2002) and eruptedpolicy agendas two years for later,the United left South States Korea since with the endone ofmain the Cold political interest in the region. -
Country Coding Units
INSTITUTE Country Coding Units v11.1 - March 2021 Copyright © University of Gothenburg, V-Dem Institute All rights reserved Suggested citation: Coppedge, Michael, John Gerring, Carl Henrik Knutsen, Staffan I. Lindberg, Jan Teorell, and Lisa Gastaldi. 2021. ”V-Dem Country Coding Units v11.1” Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Project. Funders: We are very grateful for our funders’ support over the years, which has made this ven- ture possible. To learn more about our funders, please visit: https://www.v-dem.net/en/about/ funders/ For questions: [email protected] 1 Contents Suggested citation: . .1 1 Notes 7 1.1 ”Country” . .7 2 Africa 9 2.1 Central Africa . .9 2.1.1 Cameroon (108) . .9 2.1.2 Central African Republic (71) . .9 2.1.3 Chad (109) . .9 2.1.4 Democratic Republic of the Congo (111) . .9 2.1.5 Equatorial Guinea (160) . .9 2.1.6 Gabon (116) . .9 2.1.7 Republic of the Congo (112) . 10 2.1.8 Sao Tome and Principe (196) . 10 2.2 East/Horn of Africa . 10 2.2.1 Burundi (69) . 10 2.2.2 Comoros (153) . 10 2.2.3 Djibouti (113) . 10 2.2.4 Eritrea (115) . 10 2.2.5 Ethiopia (38) . 10 2.2.6 Kenya (40) . 11 2.2.7 Malawi (87) . 11 2.2.8 Mauritius (180) . 11 2.2.9 Rwanda (129) . 11 2.2.10 Seychelles (199) . 11 2.2.11 Somalia (130) . 11 2.2.12 Somaliland (139) . 11 2.2.13 South Sudan (32) . 11 2.2.14 Sudan (33) . -
China and Yemen's Forgotten
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE PEACEBRIEF241 United States Institute of Peace • www.usip.org • Tel. 202.457.1700 • @usip January 2018 I-WEI JENNIFER CHANG China and Yemen’s Forgotten War Email: [email protected] Summary • China’s position on the Yemen conflict is driven primarily by its interest in maintaining close strategic relations with Saudi Arabia. As a result, Beijing has acquiesced to the Saudi-led military campaign in Yemen. • Although not taking a prominent leadership role, China has supported regional and interna- tional initiatives to mitigate the conflict, including the Gulf Cooperation Council Initiative, the National Dialogue Conference, and UN-led peace talks. • As Yemen’s major trade partner, China has an outsized economic presence in the country and can play a significant economic role in Yemen’s postwar reconstruction through its Belt and Road Initiative. Introduction China is playing a supportive, though low-key, role in international efforts to propel Yemen’s peace process in response to one of the world’s greatest humanitarian crises. The Chinese government has China’s response to the backed the political transition process led by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) as well as the peace “Saudi-led airstrikes, which talks brokered by the United Nations. Beijing, however, has been unwilling to challenge the Saudi-led were militarily supported by air campaign against opposition groups that has killed civilians in a spiraling conflict that has already taken over ten thousand lives—including, in December 2017, that of former president Ali Abdullah the United States and United Saleh by the Houthi rebels.1 Kingdom, was muted. -
The Ethiopian Revolution 1974-1984
THE ETHIOPIAN REVOLUTION (1974 to 198 SUBMITTED BY ANDARGACHEW TIRUNEH FOR THE DEGREE OF PH.D LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS JUNE 1990 UMI Number: U044491 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U044491 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 fH£S»S F 6 8 0 O X *=3 HI ABSTRACT The thesis is concerned with the Ethiopian revolution between 1974, when an urban popular uprising broke out, and 1984, when the new regime established the Workers Party of Ethiopia. Chapter 1 discusses the background to the revolution and introduces the factors that became important in the causes and outcomes of the revolution. Part one (Chapters 2 and 3) is concerned with the collapse of the old-s£ate in 1974. Chapter 2 deals with the urban popular uprising of early 1974 which followed in the wake of the structural crisis. Chapter 3 deals with the capture of power by a group of junior officers and privates (the Derg) claiming to represent the security forces. 1974 to 1977 discusses under part two (chapters 4 6) can be taken as the formative years of the post revolutionary order. -
“Buried in the Sands of the Ogaden”: the United States, the Horn of Africa and the Demise of Detente
“Buried in the Sands of the Ogaden”: The United States, The Horn of Africa and The Demise of Detente. Louise Prentis Woodroofe London School of Economics and Political Science PhD International History UMI Number: U615656 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615656 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Abstract The decade of the 1970s, despite representing the era of detente, superficially appeared to be one of Soviet successes and American setbacks. From Vietnam to Angola, the USSR seemed to be gaining Marxist friends in the Third World. Because of this, the Soviet Union wanted the United States to recognize it as an equal power in the world. With such acknowledgement, the Kremlin believed that negotiations to limit the arms race would then be mutually beneficial. On the other hand, President Nixon and Secretary of State Kissinger interpreted detente as a series of agreements and compromises to draw Moscow into an international system through which the United States could exercise some control over Soviet foreign relations, particularly with the Third World. -
How the Germans Brought Their Communism to Yemen
Miriam M. Müller A Spectre is Haunting Arabia Political Science | Volume 26 This book is dedicated to my parents and grandparents. I wouldn’t be who I am without you. Miriam M. Müller (Joint PhD) received her doctorate jointly from the Free Uni- versity of Berlin, Germany, and the University of Victoria, Canada, in Political Science and International Relations. Specialized in the politics of the Middle East, she focuses on religious and political ideologies, international security, international development and foreign policy. Her current research is occupied with the role of religion, violence and identity in the manifestations of the »Isla- mic State«. Miriam M. Müller A Spectre is Haunting Arabia How the Germans Brought Their Communism to Yemen My thanks go to my supervisors Prof. Dr. Klaus Schroeder, Prof. Dr. Oliver Schmidtke, Prof. Dr. Uwe Puschner, and Prof. Dr. Peter Massing, as well as to my colleagues and friends at the Forschungsverbund SED-Staat, the Center for Global Studies at the University of Victoria, and the Political Science Depart- ment there. This dissertation project has been generously supported by the German Natio- nal Academic Foundation and the Center for Global Studies, Victoria, Canada. A Dissertation Submitted in (Partial) Fulfillment of the Requirements for the- Joint Doctoral Degree (Cotutelle) in the Faculty of Political and Social Sciences ofthe Free University of Berlin, Germany and the Department of Political Scien- ceof the University of Victoria, Canada in October 2014. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommer- cial-NoDerivs 4.0 (BY-NC-ND) which means that the text may be used for non- commercial purposes, provided credit is given to the author. -
The Derg-SPLM/A Cooperation: an Aspect of Ethio-Sudan Proxy Wars
The Derg-SPLM/A Cooperation: An Aspect of Ethio-Sudan Proxy Wars Regassa Bayissa∗ Abstract The warm and friendly Ethio-Sudan diplomatic relations that followed Sudan’s independence in 1956 and the long standing frontier trade between the two countries have been severely damaged by the outbreak of civil wars in southern Sudan in 1955 as well as in Eritrea in 1962. As the civil wars intensified in both countries, the influx of refugees and insurgents across their common border took place. Internal political and socio-economic problems in Ethiopia and the Sudan, together with super-power rivalries in the Horn brought about periods of increasing hostilities between the two countries. On a tit for tat basis, both the Imperial and military governments of Ethiopia and the successive governments of the Sudan came to encourage and assist cross-border guerrilla forces from either side. Thus, animosity rather than cooperation characterized relations between the Sudan and Ethiopia until the fall of the Derg in 1991. Keywords: Derg, Ethio-sudan relations, SPLM/A, proxy wars Introduction The Upper Nile and Jonglei regions of Southern Sudan bordering Gambella and the Gambella region itself were intensively affected by the wars between the governments of the Sudan and the Anyanya I (the southern Sudan Guerilla group in the first civil war 1955- 1972), the SPLA (Sudan People’s Liberation Army of the second civil war 1983-2005), the Lou-Jikany conflict (1993-1994), the armed conflicts following the splits within the SPLM/A and the South Sudan Independence Movement Army (SSIM/A) 1991-2005). The Sudan governments claimed that Ethiopia was supporting the South Sudan guerrillas struggling to secede from the north while the governments of Ethiopia accused successive Sudanese governments of material and moral support to the Eritrean secessionist movements. -
19 CFR Ch. I (4–1–02 Edition) § 4.76
§ 4.76 19 CFR Ch. I (4–1–02 Edition) in item 17 of the Vessel Entrance or Automated Export System (AES) (see, Clearance Statement form must be part 192, subpart B, of this chapter) checked. that allows for the filing of outbound (b) Time in which to file complete mani- vessel manifest information electroni- fest and export declarations. Not later cally (see, 15 CFR part 30). All sea car- than the fourth business day after riers are eligible to apply for participa- clearance from each port in the vessel’s tion in the Sea Carrier’s Module. Appli- itinerary, the master, or the vessel’s cation and certification procedures for agent on behalf of the master, shall de- AES are found at 15 CFR 30.60. A sea liver to the director of each port a carrier certified to use the module that complete Cargo Declaration Outward adheres to the procedures set forth in with Commercial Forms, Customs this section and the Census Regula- Form 1302–A, in accordance with § 4.63, tions (15 CFR part 30) concerning the of the cargo laden at such port to- electronic submission of an outbound gether with duplicate copies of all re- vessel manifest information meets the quired shipper’s export declarations for outward cargo declaration filing re- such cargo and a Vessel Entrance or Clearance Statement, Customs Form quirements (CF 1302–A) of §§ 4.63 and 1300. The statutory grace period of 4 4.75, except as otherwise provided in days for filing the complete manifest §§ 4.75 and 4.84. -
The Communist Part of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen: An
CONTEMPORARY 'YEMEN:_) POliTICS AND HISTORICAl BACKGROUND EDITED BY B.R. PRIDHAM ST. MARTIN'S PRESS New York THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE PEOPLE'S 15 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF YEMEN: AN ANALYSIS OF ITS STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES John Duke Anthony The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY) has been governed by a militant, Marxist-oriented regime since June 1969. Although a local communist party, the People's Democratic Union (PDU), has existed for two decades, the party has never been the dominant power in South Yemeni (PDRY) politics. Throughout the past decade the PDU's status and role in national affairs have been highly circumscribed by the practical necessity, both legal and political, for it to operate in close association with a substantially larger organisation. In 1983, the party enjoyed official status in the prevailing larger organisation -the Yemen Socialist Party (YSP). Commupist party members hold one of five posts in the YSP's Politburo- which is both the YSP's and the government's highest policy making body-and several seats on the YSP's 47-member Central Committee. In addition, party representatives sit in the non-party Ill-member Supreme People's Council, which serves as a consulta tive body and debating forum for the government. These positions, in addition to other, less formal ones within the national power structure, accord the party a degree of influence in PDRY politics far beyond what its limited membership (estimated at less than five hundred) would suggest. Evolution of the Communist Party The party's headquarters, both before and since national indepen dence in late 1967, have always been in the South Yemen capital of Aden. -
ASPECTS of SOUTH YEMEN's FOREIGN POLICY L967-L982 by Fred Halliday Department of International History London School of Economic
ASPECTS OF SOUTH YEMEN'S FOREIGN POLICY L967-L982 by Fred Halliday Department of International History London School of Economics and Political Science University of London Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy April 1985 Thesis Abstract This study analyses the foreign relations of South Yemen (since 1970 the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen) from independence in 1967 until 1982. It covers the first four Presidencies of the post- independence period, with their attendant policy changes, and ends with the resolution of two of the more pressing foreign policy conflicts with which South Yemen was concerned, its support for the guerrillas in North Yemen, who were defeated in the spring of 1982, and its conflict with the Sultanate of Oman, with whom diplomatic relations were concluded in October 1982. Chapter One provides an outline of the background to South Yemen's foreign policy: the outcome of the independence movement itself and the resultant foreign policy orientations of the new government; the independence negotiations with Britain; and the manner in which, in the post-independence period, the ruling National Front sought to determine and develop its foreign policy. The remaining four chapters focus upon specific aspects of South Yemen's foreign policy that are, it is argued, of central importance. Chapter Two discusses relations with the West - with Britain, France, West Germany and the USA. It charts the pattern of continued economic ties with western European states, and the several political disputes which South Yemen had with them. Chapter Three discusses the issue of 'Yemeni Unity' - the reasons for the continued commitment to this goal, the policy of simultaneously supporting opposition in North Yemen and negotiating with the government there, and the course of policy on creating a unified Yemeni state.