ASPECTS of SOUTH YEMEN's FOREIGN POLICY L967-L982 by Fred Halliday Department of International History London School of Economic

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

ASPECTS of SOUTH YEMEN's FOREIGN POLICY L967-L982 by Fred Halliday Department of International History London School of Economic ASPECTS OF SOUTH YEMEN'S FOREIGN POLICY L967-L982 by Fred Halliday Department of International History London School of Economics and Political Science University of London Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy April 1985 Thesis Abstract This study analyses the foreign relations of South Yemen (since 1970 the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen) from independence in 1967 until 1982. It covers the first four Presidencies of the post- independence period, with their attendant policy changes, and ends with the resolution of two of the more pressing foreign policy conflicts with which South Yemen was concerned, its support for the guerrillas in North Yemen, who were defeated in the spring of 1982, and its conflict with the Sultanate of Oman, with whom diplomatic relations were concluded in October 1982. Chapter One provides an outline of the background to South Yemen's foreign policy: the outcome of the independence movement itself and the resultant foreign policy orientations of the new government; the independence negotiations with Britain; and the manner in which, in the post-independence period, the ruling National Front sought to determine and develop its foreign policy. The remaining four chapters focus upon specific aspects of South Yemen's foreign policy that are, it is argued, of central importance. Chapter Two discusses relations with the West - with Britain, France, West Germany and the USA. It charts the pattern of continued economic ties with western European states, and the several political disputes which South Yemen had with them. Chapter Three discusses the issue of 'Yemeni Unity' - the reasons for the continued commitment to this goal, the policy of simultaneously supporting opposition in North Yemen and negotiating with the government there, and the course of policy on creating a unified Yemeni state. Chapter Four considers the attempt to promote revolution in Oman, relations with other states in the Arabian Peninsula and the gradual lessening of tensions between 2 them and South Yemen. Chapter Five discusses relations with the USSR and China - the growth of military and economic links with Russia, the large but not complete area of PDRY-USSR political agreement, and the continued if sometimes tense relationship with China. The study ends with a brief Conclusion, suggesting some broader implications of South Yemen's foreign policy in this period. Contents Page Note on Nomenclature 5 Note on Transliteration 6 Introduction 7 Chapter One. The Development of Foreign Policy 18 A Revolutionary Outcome 18 The Independence Negotiations 19 The National Front and Foreign Policy 35 The Yemeni Socialist Party 48 Domestic Determinations, International Limits 59 Chapter Two. Relations with the West 80 Relations with the United Kingdom 84 Secondary Actors: France and West Germany 98 Relations with the USA: Causes of a Rupture 104 Chapter Three. The Pursuit of Yemeni 'Unity* 131 The Aspiration to 'Unity 1 131 Phases of Relations with the YAR 144 Sources of the 'Unity' Policy 173 Chapter Four. Regional Orientations: 'Solidarity 1 and Accommodation 186 Conflict with Oman: 1967-1982 188 Relations with Saudi Arabia 209 The Smaller Gulf States 221 Regional Involvements: the Horn of Africa, Iran, Palestine 227 Chapter Five. Relations with the USSR and China 246 Moscow and Aden: Initiating an Alliance 249 The Relationship Consolidated 260 A 'State of Socialist Orientation' 273 Relations with China 285 Conclusions 306 Appendices 313 Abbreviations 333 Bibliography 334 Note on Nomenclature The area referred to in this study as 'South Yemen 1 has been known in English by several names in the twentieth century. In earlier decades it was conventionally known as 'Aden 1 or 'Aden and the Protec­ torates', as well as by the broader geographic name 'South Arabia', and, after 1959, as the Federation of South Arabia. The official title of the state was, from 1967 to 1970, the People's Republic of South (or Southern) Yemen, and, from 1970 onwards, the People's Demo­ cratic Republic of Yemen. The terra 'South Yemen' is a geographic term that came into English usage after independence. In this work, the term 'South Yemen' is used, irrespective of historical period, to cover the geographic area, and the 'People's Democratic Republic of Yemen' to denote the post-independence state, except where the term People's Republic of South Yemen is specifically appropriate. The political organisation now ruling South Yemen has undergone several changes of title since its establishment in 1963. It was known from 1963 to 1967 as the 'National Liberation Front of Occupied South Yemen', from 1967 to 1972 as the 'National Front 1 , from 1972 to 1975 as the 'Political Organisation, the National Front', from 1975 to 1978 as the 'United Political Organisation, the National Front', and, from 1978 onwards, as the 'Yemeni Socialist Party'. I have tried to use whichever term is appropriate for the period under discussion, but for the post-1967 years have used the terms 'ruling organisation' and 'ruling party' interchangeably. Note on Transliteration The main system of transliteration from Arabic used here is that of the Encyclopaedia of Islam. However, where names of places or people are conventionally rendered into English in other forms, these latter have been retained (e.g. Aden, Bahrain, Imam, Nasser, Saudi Arabia, Yemen). Introduction The purpose of the following study is to analyse the foreign relations of South Yemen during the first decade and a half since its indepen­ dence, from November 1967 until the end of 1982. Such an analysis will involve discussion of some central components of the PDRY's foreign policy, the more important positions on foreign policy adopted by South Yemen's government and, where relevant, the corresponding policies of other states and political groups with which it has had contact. This work is intended to be a contribution of relevance to three separate areas of study - the modern history of Arabia, the analysis of the foreign policies of third world states, and the com­ parative study of the external relations of post-revolutionary regimes. Rather than attempting the establishment of a comprehensive, empirical, record, the analysis aims, within the constraints of the available information and space, to elicit some themes in South Yemeni foreign policy that are both significant in themselves and of broader, comparative, interest. It is this selective approach which has guided the choice and ordering of the different chapters. Chapter One establishes the domestic context of South Yemen's foreign relations-. It charts the transfer of power from Britain and the determination of the regime's foreign policy in the years after independence by successive governments and congresses. The four chapters that follow each focus upon a major theme in South Yemen's foreign policy. These chapters analyse both the reasons for this policy being a central one and the manner in which policy on this issue has developed. Chapter Two discusses South Yemen's policy towards political and economic ties with the west. While all transitions from colonial rule to independence involve an element of discontinuity, the degree of 8 discontinuity, even rupture, attendant upon decolonisation in South Yemen was greater than in many other post-1945 instances. The question arises of to what point such a radical or revolutionary decolonisation was taken, not only internally but also internationally, and what the costs of this kind of decolonisation were. This issue is posed with especial force in regard to two aspects of South Yemen's foreign policy: its diplomatic relations with the west, and its ties to western economies, upon which its prosperity had hitherto relied. The second theme in South Yemen's foreign policy to be analysed is the claim that the PDRY was only part of a divided country, a 'greater 1 Yemen encompassing the two states of North and South Yemen, as well as, on occasion, parts of Saudi Arabia. This comprises the material of Chapter Three. The problem of national unity has arisen in many other parts of the contemporary world. This has been the case in Germany and Korea, where since 1945 two distinct states have come into existence. It has also been so in, among other places, Mongolia, Bengal, Somalia, and Ireland: in these latter cases independent and distinct states have claimed that part of their national territory remains under the control of another state. In many of these 3 'unity 1 and territorial claims persist even where realisation of "unity 1 seems remote. 2 It is not necessary to believe that unity of the two Yemeni states was feasible to see that the issue of 'unity 1 , and of the conflictual but persistently intimate relations between the two states, was an important factor in South Yemen's foreign policy, not least because here the issue of national unity intersected with that of promoting change in another state. The history of policy on Yemeni 'unity' provides an example of interaction between two states of similar national but divergent social characters that is pertinent to some of the other instances. 9 South Yemen's foreign relations with neighbouring states are of interest for a further reason, namely the intention which they embodied of encouraging revolution in other states of the region apart from North Yemen. This topic forms the subject-matter of Chapter Four. As much as any state in this century that has issued from a revolution, South Yemen sought to conduct its foreign relations at two, often contradictory, levels - that of inter-governmental relations, with other states, and that of relations with revolutionary forces within other states, ones that were seeking to overthrow the existing govern­ ments. This commitment to opposition groups was true of South Yemen's relations towards all three of its land neighbours - Saudi Arabia and Oman as well as North Yemen - and towards other remoter states in the region - Ethiopia, Iran and Israel.
Recommended publications
  • Revolution in Afghanistan
    Fred Halliday Revolution in Afghanistan On 27 April 1978 the world heard that there had been a successful military coup in Afghanistan. The régime headed by Mohammad Daud, which had itself come to power through a coup in July 1973, had been suddenly overthrown by tanks and jet planes that struck in the Afghan capital, Kabul. At first it seemed as if this was yet another military intervention which, although violent and abrupt, involved no major shift in the policies, social character or international alignment of those in power: a change comparable to Daud’s own coup, or to others in neighbouring Pakistan, Bangladesh, and the Arab world. Yet within days it became clear that the announcements of radical change coming over Radio Kabul were more than just the ritual demagogy of military coups: something rather more substantial had occurred. In the first place, the coup, although carried out by the military, reflected much wider political forces. It had been preceded by mass popular demonstrations in Kabul, and as thousands of people flocked to inspect Daud’s conquered palace, 3 now renamed the House of the People, it became evident that it had ousted a hated régime and at least temporarily embodied the hopes of a wide section of the population. At the same time it became clear that the coup was not just the product of a conspiracy within the military, but had been carried out on the instructions of an underground Marxist political organization whose membership was overwhelmingly civilian. This at once distinguished the new rulers from other radical military régimes in the Arab world, South Asia or Ethiopia.
    [Show full text]
  • The Two Yemens
    1390_A24-A34 11/4/08 5:14 PM Page 543 330-383/B428-S/40005 The Two Yemens 171. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen1 Washington, February 27, 1969, 1710Z. 30762. Subj: US–PRSY Relations. 1. PRSY UN Perm Rep Nu’man,2 who currently in Washington as PRSYG observer at INTELSAT Conference, had frank but cordial talk with ARP Country Director Brewer February 26. 2. In analyzing causes existing coolness in USG–PRSYG relations, Ambassador Nu’man claimed USG failure offer substantial aid at time of independence and subsequent seizure of American arms with clasped hands insignia3 in possession of anti-PRSYG dissidents had led Aden to “natural” conclusion that USG distrusts PRSYG. He specu- lated this due to close US relationship with Saudis whom Nu’man al- leged, somewhat vaguely, had privately conveyed threats to overthrow NLF regime, claiming USG support. Nu’man asserted PRSYG desired good relations with USG and hoped USG would reciprocate. 3. Recalling history of USG attempts to develop good relations with PRSYG, Brewer underlined our feeling it was PRSYG which had not re- ciprocated. He reviewed our position re non-interference PRSY internal affairs, regretting publicity anti-USG charges (e.g. re arms) without first seeking our explanation. Brewer noted USG seeks maintain friendly relations with Saudi Arabia as well as PRSYG but we not responsible for foreign policy of either. 4. Nu’man reiterated SAG responsible poor state Saudi-PRSY con- tacts. Brewer demurred, noting SAG had good reasons be concerned over hostile attitude PRSYG leaders.
    [Show full text]
  • After the Accords Anwar Sadat
    WMHSMUN XXXIV After the Accords: Anwar Sadat’s Cabinet Background Guide “Unprecedented committees. Unparalleled debate. Unmatched fun.” Letters From the Directors Dear Delegates, Welcome to WMHSMUN XXXIV! My name is Hank Hermens and I am excited to be the in-room Director for Anwar Sadat’s Cabinet. I’m a junior at the College double majoring in International Relations and History. I have done model UN since my sophomore year of high school, and since then I have become increasingly involved. I compete as part of W&M’s travel team, staff our conferences, and have served as the Director of Media for our college level conference, &MUN. Right now, I’m a member of our Conference Team, planning travel and training delegates. Outside of MUN, I play trumpet in the Wind Ensemble, do research with AidData and for a professor, looking at the influence of Islamic institutions on electoral outcomes in Tunisia. In my admittedly limited free time, I enjoy reading, running, and hanging out with my friends around campus. As members of Anwar Sadat’s cabinet, you’ll have to deal with the fallout of Egypt’s recent peace with Israel, in Egypt, the greater Middle East and North Africa, and the world. You’ll also meet economic challenges, rising national political tensions, and more. Some of the problems you come up against will be easily solved, with only short-term solutions necessary. Others will require complex, long term solutions, or risk the possibility of further crises arising. No matter what, we will favor creative, outside-the-box ideas as well as collaboration and diplomacy.
    [Show full text]
  • Maqriziana I: Discovery of an Autograph Manuscript of Al-Maqrizi: Towards a Better Understanding of His Working Method (MSR X.2
    FRÉDÉRIC BAUDEN UNIVERSITÉ DE LIÈGE/BELGIUM Maqriziana I: Discovery of an Autograph Manuscript of al-Maqr|z|: Towards a Better Understanding of His Working Method Description: Section 2 The present article is a continuation of the first section published in this journal in 2003.1 As discussed previously, al-Maqr|z| filled the blanks he left at the end of his resumés with numerous notes which became scattered with the passage of time. This article presents another aspect of his working method: cards which he organized to produce the first stages of his books. A complete description of these notes will be given here, following the system used in the first section of "Maqriziana I," by which material is presented in its physical order, keeping in mind that some material may have been rearranged. Since the publication of the first article, I have been able to trace other works back to their original source. At the end of the article, the reader will find addenda where identification or confirmation of these sources is provided. This will end my description of the contents of al-Maqr|z|'s notebook. The analysis of his working method, based on elements discussed throughout these articles, will be dealt with in a forthcoming study.2 B. THE SCATTERED NOTES XXIII. (fol. 31v3) Title on same fol., lines 13–14: Mukhta≠r min Kita≠b Ra≠h˝at al-‘Aql/H˛am|d al-D|n Ah˝mad ibn ‘Abd Alla≠h al-Da≠‘|. U¼ô«Ë UÄË ‚«dFë …d¹e?−Ð wŽ«bë tKë b³Ž sÐ bLŠ√ s¹bë bO?LŠ nOÃQð ¨qIFë WŠ«— »U²? sÄ —U²(Ä Middle East Documentation Center.
    [Show full text]
  • The Foreign Military Presence in the Horn of Africa Region
    SIPRI Background Paper April 2019 THE FOREIGN MILITARY SUMMARY w The Horn of Africa is PRESENCE IN THE HORN OF undergoing far-reaching changes in its external security AFRICA REGION environment. A wide variety of international security actors— from Europe, the United States, neil melvin the Middle East, the Gulf, and Asia—are currently operating I. Introduction in the region. As a result, the Horn of Africa has experienced The Horn of Africa region has experienced a substantial increase in the a proliferation of foreign number and size of foreign military deployments since 2001, especially in the military bases and a build-up of 1 past decade (see annexes 1 and 2 for an overview). A wide range of regional naval forces. The external and international security actors are currently operating in the Horn and the militarization of the Horn poses foreign military installations include land-based facilities (e.g. bases, ports, major questions for the future airstrips, training camps, semi-permanent facilities and logistics hubs) and security and stability of the naval forces on permanent or regular deployment.2 The most visible aspect region. of this presence is the proliferation of military facilities in littoral areas along This SIPRI Background the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa.3 However, there has also been a build-up Paper is the first of three papers of naval forces, notably around the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, at the entrance to devoted to the new external the Red Sea and in the Gulf of Aden. security politics of the Horn of This SIPRI Background Paper maps the foreign military presence in the Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • IN THIS ISSUE: Briefs
    VOLUME IX, ISSUE 32 uAUGUST 12, 2011 IN THIS ISSUE: BRIEFS..................................................................................................................................1 SOMALIA’S FAMINE CONTRIBUTES TO POPULAR REVOLT AGAINST AL-SHABAAB MILITANTS By Muhaydin Ahmed Roble ......................................................................................3 INDONESIA’S “GHOST BIRDS” TACKLE ISLAMIST TERRORISTS: A PROFILE OF Armed tribesmen work- DENSUS-88 ing with Yemeni Army By Jacob Zenn .........................................................................................................5 THE BATTLE OF ZINJIBAR: THE TRIBES OF YEMEN’S ABYAN GOVERNORATE JOIN Terrorism Monitor is a publication THE FIGHT AGAINST ISLAMIST MILITANCY of The Jamestown Foundation. By Andrew McGregor ..............................................................................................7 The Terrorism Monitor is designed to be read by policy- makers and other specialists QADDAFI ALLY ROBERT MUGABE CALLS NATO “TERRORISTS,” yet be accessible to the general public. The opinions expressed THREATENS TO EXPROPRIATE WESTERN FIRMS IN ZIMBABWE within are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily Mu’ammar Qaddafi’s policy of using Libya’s oil wealth to build stronger ties reflect those of The Jamestown with sub-Saharan African nations through financial aid, investment and arms Foundation. supplies has resulted in a distinct lack of support in many of these nations for NATO’s military intervention in the Libyan rebellion. Among the most Unauthorized reproduction or vociferous of Qaddafi’s supporters has been the long-time ruler of Zimbabwe, redistribution of this or any Robert Mugabe. Zimbabwe has been frequently mentioned as a possible place Jamestown publication is strictly of exile for the Libyan leader and there were rumors earlier this year that prohibited by law. Zimbabwean troops had been sent to Libya, rumors that gained strength within Zimbabwe after the nation’s defense minister declined to issue a straightforward denial (Zimbabwean, February 25).
    [Show full text]
  • State-Community Relations in Yemen: Soqotra's Historical
    History and Anthropology, Vol. 20, No. 4, December 2009, pp. 363–393 State-Community Relations in Yemen: Soqotra’s Historical Formation as a Sub-National Polity Serge D. Elie TaylorGHAN_A_416818.sgm10.1080/02757200903166459History0275-7206Original20092040000002009Sergejds_elei@yahoo.com D.Elie and& and Article Francis (print)/1477-2612Francis Anthropology (online) Soqotra Island, the remote border outpost of the Yemeni state in the Indian Ocean, is a community of mixed ethnic composition with a non-Arabic mother tongue. It offers an ideal socio-political context for the study of state–community relations in terms of polity formation as part of a political incorporation process. This focus provides a corrective to the still dominant segmentary society paradigm and its tribes-driven state politics in the anthropological discourse on Yemen. Polity formation in Soqotra occurred through a series of acts of political incorporation by a succession of political regimes from the late nineteenth century to the present. The study of this process is pursued through a historical narrative of the state’s politics of administration. This narrative is aptly described as a mesography, as its analytical focus is on the meso-level institutional web of four different political regimes with their distinctive modes of polity regimentation and their structuring effects on Soqotrans’ communal life. Downloaded By: [Elie, Serge] At: 17:32 25 November 2009 Keywords: Yemen; Soqotra; Mesography; Political Incorporation; Polity Formation Introduction: Politics of Administration and Communal History History is past politics and politics present history. (Scott 1989: 680) Soqotra Island is the main population centre, with approximately 50,000 inhabitants, of the four-island Soqotra Archipelago, which extends the borders of the Yemeni state nearly 400 kilometres into the Indian Ocean.
    [Show full text]
  • Iranian Espionage in the United States and the Anti-SAVAK Campaign (1970-1979)
    The Shah’s “Fatherly Eye” Iranian Espionage in the United States and the Anti-SAVAK Campaign (1970-1979) Eitan Meisels Undergraduate Senior Thesis Department of History Columbia University 13 April 2020 Thesis Instructor: Elisheva Carlebach Second Reader: Paul Chamberlin Meisels 2 Table of Contents Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 5 Historiography, Sources, and Methods ......................................................................................... 12 Chapter 1: Roots of the Anti-SAVAK Campaign ......................................................................... 14 Domestic Unrest in Iran ............................................................................................................ 14 What Did SAVAK Aim to Accomplish? .................................................................................. 19 Chapter 2: The First Phase of the Anti-SAVAK Campaign (1970-1974) .................................... 21 Federal Suspicions Stir ............................................................................................................. 21 Counterintelligence to Campaign ............................................................................................. 24 Chapter 3: The Anti-SAVAK Campaign Expands (1975-1976) .................................................
    [Show full text]
  • From Tribal Rebellions to Revolution: British Counter-Insurgency Oper
    From Tribal Rebellions to Revolution: British Counter-Insurgency Oper... http://www.history.ac.uk/resources/e-journal-international-history/maw... Home » Publications » Electronic Journal of International History Electronic Journal of International History - Article 5 ISSN 1471-1443 Introduction | Contents From Tribal Rebellions to Revolution: British Counter-Insurgency Operations in Southwest Arabia 1955-67 by Spencer Mawby Department of Politics, University of Leicester, UK 1. During the post-1945 era British political and military leaders switched their attention from the conduct of a total war to the prosecution of small wars in defence of imperial commitments around the world. The history of counter-insurgency campaigns in Malaya, Kenya and Cyprus provide evidence for the notion that British post-war leaders remained wedded to the global role despite the existence of new commitments on the continent of Europe. The purposes of Britains late colonial wars varied but as a minimum they had as their aim the establishment of sufficient order for the smooth hand-over of power to local elites sympathetic to western interests. By this criterion the least successful of all these small wars was fought in Southwest Arabia. In the town of Aden and the surrounding Protectorates British determination to maintain their interests came into conflict with the sudden emergence of an active independence movement fuelled by the post-Suez growth of Arab nationalism. During the course of the late 1950s and 1960s Aden became the site of a campaign of urban terrorism in which opposition groups fought with the British and each other. Outside the town in the Western Aden Protectorate (WAP) tribal rebellions began to take the form of nationalist uprisings.
    [Show full text]
  • How the Germans Brought Their Communism to Yemen
    Miriam M. Müller A Spectre is Haunting Arabia Political Science | Volume 26 This book is dedicated to my parents and grandparents. I wouldn’t be who I am without you. Miriam M. Müller (Joint PhD) received her doctorate jointly from the Free Uni- versity of Berlin, Germany, and the University of Victoria, Canada, in Political Science and International Relations. Specialized in the politics of the Middle East, she focuses on religious and political ideologies, international security, international development and foreign policy. Her current research is occupied with the role of religion, violence and identity in the manifestations of the »Isla- mic State«. Miriam M. Müller A Spectre is Haunting Arabia How the Germans Brought Their Communism to Yemen My thanks go to my supervisors Prof. Dr. Klaus Schroeder, Prof. Dr. Oliver Schmidtke, Prof. Dr. Uwe Puschner, and Prof. Dr. Peter Massing, as well as to my colleagues and friends at the Forschungsverbund SED-Staat, the Center for Global Studies at the University of Victoria, and the Political Science Depart- ment there. This dissertation project has been generously supported by the German Natio- nal Academic Foundation and the Center for Global Studies, Victoria, Canada. A Dissertation Submitted in (Partial) Fulfillment of the Requirements for the- Joint Doctoral Degree (Cotutelle) in the Faculty of Political and Social Sciences ofthe Free University of Berlin, Germany and the Department of Political Scien- ceof the University of Victoria, Canada in October 2014. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommer- cial-NoDerivs 4.0 (BY-NC-ND) which means that the text may be used for non- commercial purposes, provided credit is given to the author.
    [Show full text]
  • The 1967 Arab-Israeli War Origins and Consequences
    The 1967 Arab-Israeli War Origins and Consequences The June 1967 War was a watershed moment in the history of the mod- ern Middle East. In six days, the Israelis defeated the Arab armies of Egypt, Syria, and Jordan and seized large portions of territory includ- ing the West Bank, East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, and the Golan Heights. With the hindsight of four decades and access to recently declassified documents, two veteran scholars of the Middle East bring together some of the most knowledgeable experts in their fields to reassess the origins of the war and its regional reverberations. Each chapter takes a different perspective from the vantage point of a different participant, those that actually took part in the war, and the world powers – the United States, Soviet Union, Britain, and France – that played important roles behind the scenes. Their conclusions make for sober reading. At the heart of the story was the incompetence of the Egyptian high command under the leadership of Gamal Abdel Nasser and the rivalry between various Arab players who were deeply suspi- cious of each other’s motives. Israel, on the other side, gained a resound- ing victory for which, despite previous assessments to the contrary, there was no master plan. Wm. Roger Louis is the Kerr Professor of English History and Cul- ture at the University of Texas at Austin and Honorary Fellow of St. Antony’s College, Oxford. A past President of the American His- torical Association, he is the editor-in-chief of The Oxford History of the British Empire.
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical and Comparative Study of the Spoken Dialect of Badr and District in Saudi Arabia, M
    A CRITICAL AND COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE SPOKEN DIALECT OF THE NARB TRIBE IN SAUDI ARABIA A thesis presented to the University of Leeds Department of Semitic Studies by ALAYAN. MOHAMMED IL-HAZMY for The Degree of-Doctor of Philosophy April YFr fi xt ?031 This dissertation has never been submitted to this or any other University. PREFACE The aim of this thesis is to describe and study analytically the dialect of the Harb tribe, and to determine its position among the neighbouring tribes. Harb is a very large tribe occupying an extensive area of Saudi Arabia, and it was impracticable for one individual to survey every settlement. This would have occupied a lengthy period, and would best be done by a team of investigators, rather than an individual. Thus we have limited our investigation to-two"-selected'regions, which we believe to be representative, the first ranging from north-east Rabigh up to al-Madina (representing the speech of the Harb in the Hijaz), and the second ranging from al-Madina to al-Fawwara in al-Qasirn district (representing the speech of the Harb in Central Arabia). We have thus left out of consideration an area extending fromCOsfän to Räbigh, where some-. members-of the Harb, partic- ularly those of the Muabbad, Bishr and Zubaid clan live. We have been unable in the northern central region, to go as far as al-Quwära and Dukhnah. However, some Harbis from the unsurveyed area were met with in our regions, and samples of their speech were obtained and included. Within these limitations, however the datä'collected are substantial and it is hoped comprehensive enough to give a clear picture of the main features of the Harb dialect.
    [Show full text]