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1. G6ran Therborn, the Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy

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1. G6ran Therborn, the Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy Notes 1 Introduction: Revolutions and the International 1. G6ran Therborn, The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103, May-June 1977; Barrington Moore, The Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Harmondsworth: Allen Lane, The Penguin Press, 1967). 2. 'The Civil War in France', in Karl Marx, The First International and After, edited by David Fernbach (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974) pp.232-3. 3. For an example of a specific national study that is silent on the international, Albert Soboul, The French Revolution, 1789-1799 (Lon­ don: NLB, 1974); a comparative study of the sociological literature illustrates the same point: Stan Taylor, Social Science and Revolutions (London: Macmillan, 1984). 4. I have gone into this in greater detail in Fred Halliday, Rethinking International Relations (London: Macmillan, 1994). 5. Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions, A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia and China (Cambridge: CUP, 1979) chapter 1. For an argument challenging the applicability of Skocpol to Latin Amer­ ican cases see Alan Knight, 'Social Revolution: A Latin American Perspective', Bulletin of Latin American Research, vol. 9, no. 2, 1990. 6. Engels to Zasulich, 23 April 1885, in Marx and Engels, Selected Correspondence (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, c. 1956) p. 460. 7. E. J. Hobsbawm, 'Revolution' in Roy Porter and Mikulas Teich (eds), Revolution in History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986) p.12. 8. Albert Sorel, L 'Europe et la Revolution franj:aise (Paris: Le Pion, 8 vols, 1893-1908). 9. Anthony Giddens, Sociology (Cambridge: Polity, 1989) pp. 702-5. 10. On the earthquake analogy see Jack Goldstone, Revolution and Rebellion in the Early Modern World (Oxford: University of California Press, 1991) pp. 35, 148-9, 175. In his analysis of the failure of US government policy-making during the Iranian revolution of 1978-9, White House official Gary Sick uses the metaphor of a hurricane, something for which rational calculation and planning are impossible: Gary Sick, All Fall Down, America's Fateful Encounter with Iran (London: l.B. Tauris, 1985) pp. 38-3. II. Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte', in Karl Marx, Surveys from Exile edited by David Fernbach (Harmonds­ worth: Penguin, 1973) p. 146. 339 340 Notes 12. I am grateful to Ms. France Henry Labordere, participant in my MSc seminar on revolutions in 1996-7, for emphasising this point. 13. ' ... revolutions do nothing to weaken the institution of the state, but, rather, by stripping away their inefficient anciens regimes, actually reinforce the state and make it into a more efficient engine of war, disruption and ultimate creativity, directed inevitably against the status quo of the day', Andrew Williams, 'The French Revolution', in Stephen Chan and Andrew Williams (eds), Renegade States: The Evolution of Revolutionary Foreign Policy (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1994) pp. 50-1. 14. Michael Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977). 15. Karl Radek, Ein offener Brief an Philipp Scheidemann, pp. 2-3, quoted in Arno Mayer, Politics and Diplomacy of Peacemaking: Containment and Counterrevolution at Versailles, 1918-1919 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1968) p. 20, note 7. 16. Martin Wight, International Theory: The Three Traditions (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1991). 17. Hence the apt title for Jorge Dominguez's study of Cuba, To Make a World Safe for Revolution: Cuba's Foreign Policy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989). 18. For examples of critiques of communism that, though astute in their identification of its mythical character, failed to explain either the broad international appeal of such ideas, or the causes of the mass upheavals that characterised twentieth-century revolutions, see: Ber­ nard Yack, The Longingfor Total Revolution. Philosophical Sources of Social Discontent from Rousseau to Marx and Nietzsche (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986); Theodor Hamerow, From the Fin­ land Station. The Graying of Revolution in the Twentieth Century (New York: Basic Books, 1990); Walter Laqueur, The Dream that Failed, Reflections on the Soviet Union (London: OUP, 1994); Franyois Furet, Le passe d'une illusion, Essais sur l'idee communiste au XXe silicle (Paris: Laffont, 1995). 19. For example, Richard Pipes in his The Unknown Lenin (London: Yale University Press, 1996) sought to document the Bolshevik leaders' commitment to assisting revolution abroad - as if this had ever been in doubt (pp. 135-6, 174-5). Lars Lih makes the same discovery in regard to Stalin's private views on Britain and China, in Lars Lih et al. (eds), Stalin's Letters to Molotov (London: Yale University Press, 1995) pp. 27-36. In his We Now Know. Rethinking Cold War History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997) pp. 195-6, John Lewis Gaddis makes much of the commitment of Stalin to communist ideology, again something on which a reading of his statements from the 1920s would have left little doubt. Similarly, in his messy biography of Lenin, Dmitri Volkogonov documented the jewellery that Lenin had used to help foreign revolutionaries: no doubt this was grist to the theme of Lenin being alien to the interests of the Russian people, an argument with thinly obscured anti-semitic overtones: Lenin, Life and Legacy (London: HarperCollins, 1994) p. 69. Notes 341 20. Fred Halliday, Revolution and Foreign Policy: The Case of South Yemen 1967-1987 (Cambridge: CUP, 1990). 21. The argument for revolutions as distinctive events had been made by, among others, Karl Marx and Theda Skocpol. The argument against has come from a variety of standpoints. Thus behaviouralists deny the specificity of these events, seeing them as part of a broader continuum of violence, or 'internal war'; Peter Calvert prefers a broad definition of revolution as 'the forcible overthrow of a government or regime' (Revolution and International Politics, London: Frances Pinter, 1984, p. 2); the historical sociologist Charles Tilly has sought to establish a broad category of political upheavals, across the range of modern European history; the Marxist Goran Therborn has sought, by devel­ oping the etymological and semantic interrelationship of 'reform' and 'revolution', to blunt the political impasse inherited from 1914 and, he argues, to correct an unwarrantedly limited reading of European history (,Revolution and Reform: Reflections on Their Linkages through the Great French Revolution', in J. Bohlin et al. (eds), Samhtillsvetenskap, ekonomi, historia, Gotebord: Daidalos, 1989). 2 An Alternative Modernity: The Rise and Fall of 'Revolution' I. Amidst a widespread commentary see Martin Kettle reviewing Simon Schama's Citizens, 'Debunking the Revolutionary Romance', The Guardian, 25 May 1989, and Flora Lewis, 'Revolution Isn't the Way to Change Things', International Herald Tribune, 30 January 1989. This literature was to continue through the 1990s. 2. Antonio Gramsci gave the example of the word 'disaster' - originally an astrological term implying an evil start. I have developed this further with regard to misleading etymological investigation in the case of modern Arabic political vocabulary in The Delusions of Etymology', Islam and the Myth of Confrontation (London: I. B. Tauris, 1996) pp. 205-7. 3. Karl Griewank, Der Neuzeitliche Revolutionsbegriff, Entstehung und Entwicklung (Weimar: Hermann Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1955); Ray­ mond Williams, Keywords, A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (London: Fontana, 1976); A. T. Hatto, '''Revolution'': An Enquiry into the Usefulness of an Historical Term', Mind, vol. LVIII, new series no. 232, October 1949; Hatto, 'The Semantics of 'Revolution"', in P. J. Vatikiotis, Revolution in the Middle East and other Case Studies (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1972); Alain Rey, 'Revolution', Histoire d'un Mot (Paris: Gallimard, 1989). 4. On the conceptual history see also R. Kosseleck, 'Historical Criteria of the Modern Concept of Revolution', in Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1985). For the broader history of the idea, see Krishan Kumar (ed.), Revolution. The Theory and Practice of a European Idea (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1971), and David Close and Carl Bridge, Revolution: A History of the Idea (London: Croom Helm, 1985). 342 Notes 5. Aristotle, The Politics (Hardmondsworth: Penguin, 1968) Book 5, pp. 189-234. 6. David Hume had talked in his History of England of the Long Parliament of 1641 as representing a 'revolution in the minds of men', but it was not until 1826 that Fran<;ois Guizot applied the term in its 1789 sense to the English case: Michael G. Finlayson, Historians, Puritans and the English Revolution (Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1983), p. 9, n. 16. 7. Griewank, Der Neuzeitliche Revolutionsbegriff, chapter 7, pp. 193-205. 8. Discussion of when the modern concept of 'Revolution' can be said to have emerged is similar to that on the modernity, or otherwise, of 'nation' and 'nationalism': elements of the idea can certainly be found in earlier periods, but in both instances I favour a modernist account. For the contrary view, that 'revolution', in its modern political sense had already been formed by the 1750s, see Calvert, Revolution and Counter-Revolution (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1990), p. 3. There is, mercifully, one difference: revolutionaries are less insistent than nationalists about the perennial and long-established character of their enterprise. 9. Krishan Kumar, Prophecy and Progress (Harmondsworth:
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