Richard G. Saull Department of International Relations London

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Richard G. Saull Department of International Relations London Rethinking Theory and History in the Cold War: The State, Military Power and Social Revolution Richard G. Saull Department of International Relations London School of Economics and Political Science Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D). University of London 1999 1 UMI Number: U121108 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U121108 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 r 765 9 fOUT*>L K 7II70Z Abstract This thesis provides a critique of existing understandings of the Cold War in International Relations theory, and offers an alternative position. It rejects the conventional conceptual and temporal understanding of the Cold War, which assumes that the Cold War was, essentially, a political-military conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union that originated in the collapse of the wartime alliance after 1945. Using a method derived from historical materialism, in particular the parcellization of political power into the spheres of ‘politics’ and ‘economics’ that characterises capitalist modernity, the thesis develops an alternative understanding of the Cold War through an emphasis on the historical and thus conceptual uniqueness of it. After the literature survey, Part One interrogates the conceptual areas of the state, military power and social revolution and offers alternative conceptualisations. This is followed in Part Two with a more historically orientated argument that analyses Soviet and American responses to the Cuban and Vietnamese revolutions. The main conclusions of the thesis consist of the following. First, the thesis suggests that the form of politics in the USSR (and other ‘revolutionary* states) was qualitatively different to that of capitalist states. This derived from the relationship between the form of political rule and the social relations of material production. Secondly, this conflict was not reducible to the ‘superpowers’ but rather, was conditioned by a dynamic associated with the expansion and penetration of capitalist social relations, and the contestation of those political forms that evolved from them. Finally, the relationship between capitalist expansion and the ‘superpowers’ rested on the distinctive forms of international relations of each superpower over how each related to the international system and responded to revolution. 2 Dedicated to the memory of my mother, Jane Irene Saull (1942-1987) 3 Acknowledgements I would like to take this opportunity to record my gratitude for the support I have received in completing this thesis from a number of sources. To begin with I would not have been able to pursue my doctoral research without financial support, initially a bursary from the LSE and later a scholarship from STICERD (Suntory and Toyota International Centres for Economics and Related Disciplines). I am very grateful for the generous financial support that I have received. I would also like to thank my father, Michael Saull, my grandfather, Jack Whitman, and in particular, my grandmother, Josephine Saull for the support they have given me through my doctoral studies. I have also been very fortunate to have worked in the stimulating and challenging environment of the Department of International Relations at the LSE. I have formed a number of close personal and intellectual relationships, and in this regard I would like to record my gratitude, in particular, to the participants in the Modernity Research Workshop, chaired by Mark Hoffman and Justin Rosenberg and the Historical Materialism Workshop, chaired by Justin Rosenberg. It was in these forum where many of the issues and ideas that came to frame my thesis were discussed. I would also like to thank my dear friend Alex Colas for his friendship throughout my time at the LSE, and for his injections of humour (of varying degrees of quality) through those many shared hours sat in front of a computer terminal. I would also like to thank my partner, Liza Burdett, for her support and encouragement, particularly in the later stages of the thesis. Lastly, I would like to reserve my final thanks to my supervisor Fred Halliday. Fred’s criticism and encouragement have guided me through the journey of writing a thesis. Much of what follows is inspired by Fred’s own work and his critical input. 4 Table of Contents Pages Abstract 2 Dedication 3 Acknowledgements 4 Chapter One Introduction: What was the Cold War ? 7 Chapter Two The Cold War and International Relations 14 Theory 1. Realism and the Cold War 15 2. Pluralism and Ideas-Based Approaches to the Cold War 27 3. Historical Materialist Approaches to the Cold War 33 Part One: Theory Chapter Three The Politics of the State in the Cold War 51 1. Realism, the State and the Cold War in International 52 Relations Theory 2. Reconstructing a Politics of the State in the Cold War 63 2.1 Capitalism and the State as a Contested Political Form 65 2.2 The ‘Revolutionary’ State as an Alternative Form of 73 International Politics 2.3 The Real Politics of the Cold War 80 3. Conclusions 85 Chapter Four Military Power and Strategic Conflict in 88 the Cold War 1. Capitalism, Military Power and War 90 2. Military Power in the Cold War 98 3. The American Form of Military Power in the Cold War 102 4. The Soviet Form of Military Power in the Cold War 111 5. Conclusions 124 Chapter Five Social Revolution and the Cold War 127 1 .Liberal Approaches to Social Revolution and the 129 Cold War 2. Marxist-Informed Approaches to Revolution and 136 the Cold War 2.1 American Revisionism 137 2.2 Isaac Deutscher 140 2.3 Fred Halliday 144 5 3. Social Revolution as a Dynamic of the Cold War 151 3.1 The Relationship Between Social Revolution and the 151 Cold War 3.2 The Nature of Social Revolution in the Cold War 155 4. Conclusions 163 Part Two: History Chapter Six The International Relations of the USSR 168 in the Cold War 1. The International Relations of the USSR, and the Cuban 170 and Vietnamese Revolutions 2. Cuba 175 3. Vietnam 187 4. Conclusions 195 Chapter Seven The International Relations of the USA 198 in the Cold War 1. The International Relations of the USA, and the Cuban and 199 Vietnamese Revolutions 2. Cuba 201 3. Vietnam 216 4. Conclusions 227 Part Three; Conclusions Chapter Eight Conclusion: Understanding the Cold War 229 and Its End 1. Politics and the State 232 2. Military Power as a Currency of Politics 237 3. Capitalism and Revolutionary Social Transformation 240 4. The Ends of the Cold War 243 Bibliography 248 6 Chapter One Introduction: What was the Cold War ? The Cold War as a focus of intellectual enquiry has occupied a rather unusual position within the discipline of International Relations. Although recognised as a distinct period in world history,1 its theorisation, at least in terms of traditional theories, did not recognise it as such. The acceptance of the transformation of world politics that World War Two and its end produced did not manifest itself in the form of a reconstitution of traditional IR theory. Rather, IR theory sought to downplay the uniqueness of the Cold War, instead subsuming it within a broader history of great power conflict, or limiting it to a discussion of strategic (nuclear) rivalry. This anomaly, the lack of a general theoretical recognition of the Cold War, is one of the principal concerns of this thesis. This thesis will also challenge the traditional temporal understanding of the Cold War by imbuing this period of international history with a new theoretical insight. The temporal perspective is important because it derives from certain historical and theoretical assumptions about what constituted the Cold War.2 This is most evident in the historical debates3 concerning who was to blame for the outbreak of hostility between the United States and the Soviet Union. And it is this core assumption of the traditional understanding of the Cold War, that it emerged between 1945-47 in Europe between the ‘superpowers’ that will be challenged. The traditional temporal definition of the Cold War rests on the identification of particular actors and currencies. These could be summarised as the state, particularly the USSR and the USA, and the characterisation of foreign policy in the currency of military power based on specific strategic or balance of power objectives. Although these concepts cannot be dismissed, in themselves they are conceptually weak in providing an understanding of the Cold War. What needs to be made clear is the qualitative distinction of these concepts in the Cold War in general, and more importantly with respect to the distinctive international 1 Generally accepted as 1947-89, from the Truman Doctrine to the collapse of the Soviet bloc, and also by the acceptance into the IR lexicon of ‘post-Cold War’ studies in security and so forth. 2 This is most obviously the case with arguments over the nature of the end of the Cold War. Although this thesis does not directly address this issue, it does implicitly raise issues, and is informed by the end of the Cold War. The conceptual arguments put forward amount to a specific understanding of what the Cold War was, and thus imply an understanding of its end.
Recommended publications
  • In a Finite World. Overshoot – CRASH!
    The Greatest Problem Facing Mankind Exponential growth, approaching infinity – in a finite world. Overshoot – CRASH! If you were asked what the greatest problem facing mankind is, what would you answer? Terrorism? War? The economy? Corruption? These are the topics on the lips of our politicians. But I would contend that our most vital concern is for the environment that nurtures us. In fact, we should probably celebrate Earth Day every day, thinking globally as one people on one Earth in one biosphere with one future. We’re all in this together! Crucial environmental issues concern ozone depletion, global warming, species extinction, marine habitat destruction and deforestation to name just a few. Overwhelming scientific evidence points to human activities as the primary cause of all of these problems. They imperil our very existence. At the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, just 200 years ago, our population went into rapid exponential growth. Now at 6.3 billion, we are experiencing a global increase of 250,000 more people (births over deaths) every day! It’s the equivalent of adding a San Diego to the world population in less than a week, all of Mexico in a year, and the entire North American population every three years. As our numbers increase, the numbers of many other species decline. Our population now exceeds that of any other primate species by over 10,000 fold; we are causing their extinction, literally by crowding them off the surface of the Earth. All living organisms, from simple bacteria to complex animals, are subject to the laws of Nature.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
    harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolution in Afghanistan
    Fred Halliday Revolution in Afghanistan On 27 April 1978 the world heard that there had been a successful military coup in Afghanistan. The régime headed by Mohammad Daud, which had itself come to power through a coup in July 1973, had been suddenly overthrown by tanks and jet planes that struck in the Afghan capital, Kabul. At first it seemed as if this was yet another military intervention which, although violent and abrupt, involved no major shift in the policies, social character or international alignment of those in power: a change comparable to Daud’s own coup, or to others in neighbouring Pakistan, Bangladesh, and the Arab world. Yet within days it became clear that the announcements of radical change coming over Radio Kabul were more than just the ritual demagogy of military coups: something rather more substantial had occurred. In the first place, the coup, although carried out by the military, reflected much wider political forces. It had been preceded by mass popular demonstrations in Kabul, and as thousands of people flocked to inspect Daud’s conquered palace, 3 now renamed the House of the People, it became evident that it had ousted a hated régime and at least temporarily embodied the hopes of a wide section of the population. At the same time it became clear that the coup was not just the product of a conspiracy within the military, but had been carried out on the instructions of an underground Marxist political organization whose membership was overwhelmingly civilian. This at once distinguished the new rulers from other radical military régimes in the Arab world, South Asia or Ethiopia.
    [Show full text]
  • City Research Online
    City Research Online City, University of London Institutional Repository Citation: Davies, T. R. and Peña, A. M. (2014). Globalisation from Above? Corporate Social Responsibility, the Workers' Party and the Origins of the World Social Forum. New Political Economy, 19(2), pp. 258-281. doi: 10.1080/13563467.2013.779651 This is the unspecified version of the paper. This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link: https://openaccess.city.ac.uk/id/eprint/3628/ Link to published version: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563467.2013.779651 Copyright: City Research Online aims to make research outputs of City, University of London available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the author(s) and/or copyright holders. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to. Reuse: Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. City Research Online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ [email protected] Globalisation from Above? Corporate Social Responsibility, the Workers’ Party, and the Origins of the World Social Forum Alejandro Milcíades Peña & Thomas Richard Davies Abstract In its assessment of the origins and early development of the World Social Forum this article challenges traditional understandings of the Forum as representing ‘globalisation from below’. By tracing the intricate relations among elements of business, civil society, and the Workers’ Party in the first years of the Forum, this article reveals the major role played by a corporate movement stemming from the Brazilian democratisation process in the 1980s, and how this combined with the transformed agenda of the Workers’ Party as it gained higher political offices to constrain the Forum’s activities from the outset.
    [Show full text]
  • Ernesto 'Che' Guevara: the Existing Literature
    Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara: socialist political economy and economic management in Cuba, 1959-1965 Helen Yaffe London School of Economics and Political Science Doctor of Philosophy 1 UMI Number: U615258 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615258 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 I, Helen Yaffe, assert that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Helen Yaffe Date: 2 Iritish Library of Political nrjPr v . # ^pc £ i ! Abstract The problem facing the Cuban Revolution after 1959 was how to increase productive capacity and labour productivity, in conditions of underdevelopment and in transition to socialism, without relying on capitalist mechanisms that would undermine the formation of new consciousness and social relations integral to communism. Locating Guevara’s economic analysis at the heart of the research, the thesis examines policies and development strategies formulated to meet this challenge, thereby refuting the mainstream view that his emphasis on consciousness was idealist. Rather, it was intrinsic and instrumental to the economic philosophy and strategy for social change advocated.
    [Show full text]
  • Solar Power Satellite System Definition Study
    llllEING Volume I Solar Power Satellite Phase 1, Final Report Executive Summary System Definition Study 0180-25037-1 NAS_.; (. '.-.· /tc ;> 7c BllEING GENERAL #i ELECTRIC -r-GRUMMAN Arthur D IJttle Inc IRW ,, (!USA-CR-160370) SYSTE~ DEFINITION 1: EIRCUTIVE su"~\8Y 22e GJ/15 )-15636 T-1487 MA-731T : ;TEM 3 Solar Power Satalite System Definition Study Conducted for the NASA Johnson Space Center Under Contract NASY-1 S6.l6 Volume I PHASE I, FINAL REPORT Executive Summary 0180-25037-1 February !6. 1979 Approved By: f!i::t~ Study Manager Boeing Aerospace Company Ballistic Missiles and Space Division P.O. Box 3999 Seattle. Washington 98 ! 24 01~25037-1 1.0 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND I. I History --~-o.-.. ·------"_____ __ ...,_... ............. ·-- ~.... ..,.,.. ·---.... -­ Solar power has long been recogniud as an ideal source of energy for mankind. It is natur-.llly available and plentiful. does not disturb the envi­ ronment. e.g .. by creation of wastes. and is itself free. About ten years ago. a way of utilizing solar energy to gener-.tte electricity on a 24-hour continuous basis was proposed by Peter Glaser of A. D. Little. His proposal was to place the solar collectors in space. where they can collect sunlight continuously. can readily be aimed at the sun. and Figure 1. Solar Power Satellites: Th~ Principle where very brge collector areas can be obtained with relafo·ely litlle investment in material through the NASA Lewis Research Center to inves­ resources. Energy colleckd by these solar power tigate basic technical feasibility of the SPS concept. sat~llites (SPS's) would be transmitted to Earth by The conclusions of that study were that the system eledromagnetk .nc~ms.
    [Show full text]
  • The Soviet View on International Law
    101 THE SOVIET VIEW ON INTERNATIONAL LAW Leon S. Lipson The background of Marxist-Leninist International law in a bourgeois theory with which Soviet international setting, so the theory ran, was sanc­ law began permitted, and indeed re­ tioned by the transverse power of the quired, an analysis of the contemporary global bourgeoisie up to the point where nation-state system from without. So imperialistic conflict, caused by the long as a Soviet analyst could in thought growing contradictions of capitalist remain outside the system, he found not society and capitalist economics, was much difficulty with the conundrum expected to lead to a breakdown of the that has troubled so much of the writing system and open the way for a pro­ about international law since the fic­ letarian revolution and the establish­ tions of medieval universality broke ment of socialism. Under this analysis, down; that is, the problem to which you international law is trivial until the addressed yourselves yesterday after­ moment it becomes obsolete. noon, of the efficacy and even the Before and for some time after its existence of international law in the occurrence, the Russian revolution was absence of a single compelling enforce­ expected to touch off a continuing ment machinery. That problem has series of revolutions in the more indus­ seemed especially acute to Western trial countries of, at least, continental seholars under the influence of what Europe. As Taracouzio put it: they thought to be the implications of With ... the advent of a single Austinian positivism. It was taken care world-wide denationalized, class­ of in early Soviet terms by a theory of less society, there [would] be no the organization of society which re­ place for a system of law regu­ fused to look on states as the ultimate lating the international life of aggregates of legitimatized power.
    [Show full text]
  • The Air Force and the Cold
    THE AIR FORCE A N D T H E COLD WA R A P I C T O R I A L H I S T O RY COVER AIR FORCE ASSOCIATION The Air Force and the Cold War 1 The Air Force Association THE AIR FORCE The Air Force Association (AFA) is an independent, nonprofit civilian organization A N D T H E promoting public understanding of aerospace power and the pivotal role it plays in the se- curity of the nation. AFA publishes Air Force Magazine, sponsors national symposia, and disseminates information through outreach programs of its affiliate, the Aerospace Educa- tion Foundation. Learn more about AFA by visiting us on the Web at www.afa.org. COLD WA R The Aerospace Education Foundation The Aerospace Education Foundation (AEF) is dedicated to ensuring America’s aerospace excellence through education, schol- arships, grants, awards, and public awareness programs. The foundation also publishes a series of studies and forums on aerospace and national security. The Eaker Institute is the public policy and research arm of AEF. AEF works through a network of thousands of Air Force Association members and more than 200 chapters to distribute educational material to schools and concerned citizens. An example of this includes “Visions of Exploration,” an AEF/USA Today multidis- ciplinary science, math, and social studies program. To find out how you can support aerospace excellence, visit us on the Web at www.aef.org. © 2005 The Air Force Association Published by Aerospace Education Foundation 1501 Lee Highway Arlington VA 22209-1198 Tel: (703) 247-5839 Produced by the staff of Air Force Magazine Fax: (703) 247-5853 Design by Darcy Harris THE AIR FORCE A N D T H E COLD WA R A P I C T O R I A L H I S T O RY AIR FORCE ASSOCIATION DECEMBER 2005 By John T.
    [Show full text]
  • Gabriel Martin Telleria Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of The
    FROM VANDALS TO VANGUARD:VANGUARDISM THROUGH A NEOINSTITUTIONAL LENS: CASE STUDY OF THE SANDINISTA NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT Gabriel Martin Telleria Dissertation submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In Public Administration and Public Affairs Dissertation Committee: Larkin S. Dudley, Chair Karen M. Hult Laura S. Jensen Sergio Ramírez Mercado James F. Wolf April 6, 2011 Blacksburg, Virginia Keywords: Vanguardism, Sandinistas, FSLN, politico-military organizations, institutionalization Copyright 2011, Gabriel Martin Telleria FROM VANDALS TO VANGUARD:VANGUARDISM THROUGH A NEOINSTITUTIONAL LENS: CASE STUDY OF THE SANDINISTA NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT GABRIEL MARTÍN TELLERIA MALTÉS ABSTRACT The Sandinista Revolution is arguably the most significant event in Nicaraguan history. Because of its historical importance and distinctive socio-cultural context, the Sandinista Revolution offers significant opportunities for scholarly inquiry. The literature on the Sandinista Revolution is substantial. However, little is known about the organization Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) and how it evolved into the leader of the movement which sought to overthrow the 45-year Somoza dictatorship. In revolutionary literature, the concept of revolutionary vanguard or vanguard party is common. However, the notion of vanguardism as a process and what constitutes a vanguardist organization is yet to be explored. This study aims to provide such an investigation, through an examination of the insurrectional period (1974-1979) leading up to the Sandinista Revolutionary Victory in 1979. Grounded in Scott’s (2008) institutional framework, this study describes the evolution of the FSLN into the vanguard of the anti-Somoza movement, identifying relationships between institutional elements involved in the FSLN’s institutionalization process and progression into “leader” of the movement.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Fall of Fascism
    The Rise and Fall of Fascism Michael Mann, Professor of Sociology, University of California at Los Angeles. E-mail: [email protected] Fascism was probably the most important political ideology created during the 20th century. In th e inter -war period it dominated half of Europe and threatened to overwhelm the other half. It also influenced many countries across the Middle East, Asia, Latin America and South Africa. In Asia, for example, its influence was probably strongest on the Chinese Kuomintang, Japanese militarists and Hindu nationalists. My book Fascists (Cambridge University Press, 2004) is based on research on fascists where they were strongest, in six European countries -- Austria, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Romania and Spain. In the book I ask the question, why did fascism rise to such prominence? And I answer it looking at the men and women who became fascists: who were they, what did they believe in, and how did they act? There are two main schools of interpretation among scholars as to the rise of fascism. An idealist school has focused on fascists' beliefs and doctrines, emphasizing their nationalist values. Most recently, some of these scholars have termed fascism a form of “political religion”. 1 A more materialist school has focused on fascism’s supposed lower -middle class or middle class (petit bourgeois or bourgeois) base and the supposed way in which fascism was used to save capitalism when it was in difficulties. The debates between them constitute yet another replay of ongoing polemics between idealism and materialism in the social sciences. Both nationalism and class were important in fascism.
    [Show full text]
  • Not for Distribution
    6 The decline of the legitimate monopoly of violence and the return of non-state warriors Cihan Tuğal Introduction For the last few decades, political sociology has focused on state-making. We are therefore quite ill equipped to understand the recent rise of non-state violence throughout the world. Even if states still seem to perform more violence than non- state actors, the latter’s actions have come to significantly transform relationships between citizens and states. Existing frameworks predispose scholars to treat non-state violence too as an instrument of state-building. However, we need to consider whether non-state violence serves other purposes as well. This chapter will first point out how the post-9/11 world problematises one of sociology’s major assumptions (the state’s monopolisation of legitimate violence). It will then trace the social prehistory of non-state political violence to highlight continui- ties with today’s intensifying religious violence. It will finally emphasise that the seemingly inevitable rise of non-state violence is inextricably tangled with the emergence of the subcontracting state. Neo-liberalisation aggravates the practico- ethical difficulties secular revolutionaries and religious radicals face (which I call ‘the Fanonite dilemma’ and ‘the Qutbi dilemma’). The monopolisation of violence: social implications War-making, military apparatuses and international military rivalry figure prominently in today’s political sociology. This came about as a reaction to the sociology and political science of the postwar era: for quite different rea- sons, both tended to ignore the influence of militaries and violence on domestic social structure. Political science unduly focused on the former and sociology on the latter, whereas (according to the new political sociology) international violence and domestic social structure are tightly linked (Mann 1986; Skocpol 1979; Tilly 1992).
    [Show full text]
  • Socialism 1111
    Chap 11 6/5/03 3:13 pm Page 214 Socialism 1111 Here we explore socialism – an ideology that, uniquely, sprang from the industrial revolution and the experience of the class that was its product, the working class. Though a more coherent ideology than conservatism, socialism has several markedly different strands. In order to appreciate these, and the roots of socialism in a concrete historical experience, we explore its origins and devel- opment in the last two centuries in some depth, giving particular attention to the British Labour Party. We conclude with some reflections on ‘Blairism’ and the ‘Third Way’, and the possible future of socialism as an ideology. POINTS TO CONSIDER ➤ Does the assertion that socialism is the product of specific historical circumstances cast doubt on its claims to universal validity? ➤ Is utopian socialism mere daydreaming? ➤ Which is the more important of socialism’s claims: justice or efficiency? ➤ Does common ownership equate with state ownership? ➤ Do socialists mean more by equality than liberals do? ➤ Is socialism in Britain simply what the Labour Party does? ➤ Is there a future for socialism? Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd - 9781526137951 Downloaded from manchesterhive.com at 10/03/2021 06:59:52PM via free access Chap 11 6/5/03 3:13 pm Page 215 Socialism 215 The general diffusion of manufacturers throughout a country generates a new character in its inhabitants; and as this character is formed upon a principle quite unfavourable to individual or general happiness, it will produce the most lamen- table and permanent evils, unless the tendency be counteracted by legislative interference and direction.
    [Show full text]