Revolution and International Tension by Alireza Nouri a Thesis in The

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Revolution and International Tension by Alireza Nouri a Thesis in The Revolution and International Tension By Alireza Nouri A Thesis in The Department of Political Science Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (Political Science) at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada October 2019 © Alireza Nouri, 2019 Concordia University School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Alireza Nouri Entitled: Revolution and International Tension And submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Political Science) Complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final examining committee: ____________________________ Chair Dr. James Kelly ____________________________ Examiner Dr. Tina Hilgers ____________________________ Supervisor Dr. Julian Schofield Approved by _________________________________________ Dr. James Kelly, Graduate Program Director October 29, 2019 ________________________________________________ Dr. André Roy, Dean of Faculty of Arts and Science ii Abstract Revolution and International Tension Alireza Nouri Revolutions have a tremendous impact on international relations, yet the relationship between the two has not been studied sufficiently. This thesis attempts to shed light on this issue. It explores the weaknesses in the pre-existing literature and recommends a new approach and mechanism on how revolutions cause international tension. Through the study, a revamped definition and categorization of revolution is offered for a better understanding of the revolution. The proposition is that revolutions that affect the balance of threat significantly or have social revolution characteristics, and inflict considerable misery to a country are likely to generate significant tension with other countries and, ultimately, war. Sixty revolutions are examined both quantitatively (by an OLS regression) and qualitatively to test the hypothesis. The regression illustrates that the model has substantial correlation value and the qualitative study of the sixty cases, confirm the quantitative findings more in-depth. iii Acknowledgments To my supervisors, examining committee, family, and friends who have supported me through this process, as without their guidance and support, this would not have been possible. iv Contents Chapter 1 : Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 1 Literature Review ......................................................................................................................... 3 Chapter 2 : Research Design .................................................................................................................... 26 2.1. Unit of Analysis: ............................................................................................................ 26 2.2. Dependent Variable: ..................................................................................................... 28 2.3. Independent Variables .................................................................................................. 30 2.4. Quantitative Model Procedure: ................................................................................... 34 2.5. Discussions: .................................................................................................................... 37 Qualitative Section/Case Studies: ............................................................................................................ 40 Chapter 3 : Mass Revolutions .................................................................................................................. 42 3.1. Violent Revolutions: ........................................................................................................... 42 3.1.1. French Revolution of 1789 ..................................................................................................... 42 3.1.2. French Revolution of 1830 ..................................................................................................... 47 3.1.3. French Revolution of 1848 ..................................................................................................... 50 3.1.4. Iran Constitutional Revolution of 1905 ................................................................................. 53 3.1.5. Mexican Revolution, 1910-1920 ............................................................................................. 57 3.1.6. Chinese National (Xinhai) Revolution of 1911 ..................................................................... 60 3.1.7. Russian Revolution of 1917 .................................................................................................... 63 3.1.8. Finnish Revolution 1918 ......................................................................................................... 66 3.1.10. Chinese Civil War 1927-1937 ............................................................................................... 67 3.1.11. Chinese Revolution 1946-1949 ............................................................................................. 69 3.1.12. Spanish Revolution 1936-1939 ............................................................................................. 79 3.1.13. Bolivian 1952 Revolution: .................................................................................................... 84 3.1.14. Iranian Revolution, 1979 ...................................................................................................... 85 3.1.15. The Algerian Civil War, 1992-1998 ..................................................................................... 87 v 3.1.16. Tajik Civil War, 1992-1997 .................................................................................................. 89 3.1.17. Kyrgyzstan Revolution, 2010 ............................................................................................... 91 3.1.18. The Arab Spring, 2011 .......................................................................................................... 93 3.1.19. Ukraine Euromaidan Revolution, 2014............................................................................. 105 Remarks: .......................................................................................................................................... 109 3.2. Peaceful Revolutions: ........................................................................................................ 110 3.2.1. 1820 Revolutions: Spanish Trienio Liberal and Portuguese Liberal Revolution ........... 112 3.2.2. Portugal 1910 republican revolution:................................................................................ 115 3.2.3. The Carnation Revolution (1974): ..................................................................................... 116 3.2.4. Philippine Revolution of 1986 ............................................................................................. 117 3.2.5. 1989 Revolutions in Eastern Europe: ................................................................................ 118 3.2.6. Color Revolutions in the Post-Communist States: Serbia, Georgia, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan, and Armenia .............................................................................................................. 128 Remarks: .......................................................................................................................................... 130 Chapter 4 : Elite Revolutions:................................................................................................................ 132 4.1. Coup d’états ..................................................................................................................... 132 4.1.1. Ottoman 1908 Young Turks Revolution: .......................................................................... 132 4.1.2. Egyptian Revolution, 1952: ................................................................................................ 135 4.1.3. Iraqi 14 July Revolution: .................................................................................................... 136 4.1.4. North Yemen Civil War: .................................................................................................... 138 4.1.5. Somalian 1969 Coup: .......................................................................................................... 139 4.1.5. French Upper Volta 1983 Coup: ........................................................................................ 140 Remarks: .......................................................................................................................................... 141 4.2. Popular Coup d’états ....................................................................................................... 141 4.2.1. Dominican Republic Revolution 1965 (April-September): ............................................. 142 4.2.2. Ethiopian Revolution and Civil War (1974-1991): .......................................................... 143 4.2.3. Saur Revolution (1978) ....................................................................................................... 145 vi Remarks: .......................................................................................................................................... 149 Chapter 5 : Guerrilla Revolutions ........................................................................................................
Recommended publications
  • “Arab Spring Or Arab Winter (Or Both)? Implications for U.S. Policy
    www.pomed.org ♦ 1820 Jefferson Place NW, Suite 400 ♦ Washington, DC 20036 “Arab Spring or Arab Winter (or Both)? Implications for U.S. Policy” The Middle East Program Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars 1300 Pennsylvania Ave., NW Tuesday July 19th, 9:30 a.m.-11:00 a.m. On Tuesday, the Middle East Program hosted an event at the Woodrow Wilson Center entitled “Arab Spring or Arab Winter (or Both)? Implications for U.S. Policy” featuring expert panelists: Marwan Muasher, Vice President for studies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace; Ellen Laipson, President and CEO of the Stimson Center; Rami G.Khouri, Director of the Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs at the American University of Beirut; and Aaron David Miller, Public Policy Scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Center. Ellen Laipson asserted that the movement in the Middle East has surpassed a „season‟ and will prove to be an enduring and prevailing issue in global politics. She stated that overall, the movement was a “net positive for the region” although there is still unsettling uncertainty in the area. She also discussed a global transition that is taking place, where middle powers are rising and the U.S.‟ regional influences are diminishing. Also, she proposed the question of how the U.S. can initiate conversations with countries in the Middle East which haven‟t faced a revolutionary transition yet. Lastly, Laipson discussed how the U.S., as a part of the international community whole, can continue to promote democracy and institution-building in transitional governments. She noted that the security agenda mustn‟t be dismissed, and that security sector reform needs to be a part of the overall effort of the reform process.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolution in Afghanistan
    Fred Halliday Revolution in Afghanistan On 27 April 1978 the world heard that there had been a successful military coup in Afghanistan. The régime headed by Mohammad Daud, which had itself come to power through a coup in July 1973, had been suddenly overthrown by tanks and jet planes that struck in the Afghan capital, Kabul. At first it seemed as if this was yet another military intervention which, although violent and abrupt, involved no major shift in the policies, social character or international alignment of those in power: a change comparable to Daud’s own coup, or to others in neighbouring Pakistan, Bangladesh, and the Arab world. Yet within days it became clear that the announcements of radical change coming over Radio Kabul were more than just the ritual demagogy of military coups: something rather more substantial had occurred. In the first place, the coup, although carried out by the military, reflected much wider political forces. It had been preceded by mass popular demonstrations in Kabul, and as thousands of people flocked to inspect Daud’s conquered palace, 3 now renamed the House of the People, it became evident that it had ousted a hated régime and at least temporarily embodied the hopes of a wide section of the population. At the same time it became clear that the coup was not just the product of a conspiracy within the military, but had been carried out on the instructions of an underground Marxist political organization whose membership was overwhelmingly civilian. This at once distinguished the new rulers from other radical military régimes in the Arab world, South Asia or Ethiopia.
    [Show full text]
  • Adaptation Strategies of Islamist Movements April 2017 Contents
    POMEPS STUDIES 26 islam in a changing middle east Adaptation Strategies of Islamist Movements April 2017 Contents Understanding repression-adaptation nexus in Islamist movements . 4 Khalil al-Anani, Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Qatar Why Exclusion and Repression of Moderate Islamists Will Be Counterproductive . 8 Jillian Schwedler, Hunter College, CUNY Islamists After the “Arab Spring”: What’s the Right Research Question and Comparison Group, and Why Does It Matter? . 12 Elizabeth R. Nugent, Princeton University The Islamist voter base during the Arab Spring: More ideology than protest? . .. 16 Eva Wegner, University College Dublin When Islamist Parties (and Women) Govern: Strategy, Authenticity and Women’s Representation . 21 Lindsay J. Benstead, Portland State University Exit, Voice, and Loyalty Under the Islamic State . 26 Mara Revkin, Yale University and Ariel I. Ahram, Virginia Tech The Muslim Brotherhood Between Party and Movement . 31 Steven Brooke, The University of Louisville A Government of the Opposition: How Moroccan Islamists’ Dual Role Contributes to their Electoral Success . 34 Quinn Mecham, Brigham Young University The Cost of Inclusion: Ennahda and Tunisia’s Political Transition . 39 Monica Marks, University of Oxford Regime Islam, State Islam, and Political Islam: The Past and Future Contest . 43 Nathan J. Brown, George Washington University Middle East regimes are using ‘moderate’ Islam to stay in power . 47 Annelle Sheline, George Washington University Reckoning with a Fractured Islamist Landscape in Yemen . 49 Stacey Philbrick Yadav, Hobart and William Smith Colleges The Lumpers and the Splitters: Two very different policy approaches on dealing with Islamism . 54 Marc Lynch, George Washington University The Project on Middle East Political Science The Project on Middle East Political Science (POMEPS) is a collaborative network that aims to increase the impact of political scientists specializing in the study of the Middle East in the public sphere and in the academic community .
    [Show full text]
  • American Cold War Ideology in the Dances of West Side Story Daniel Belgrad University of South Florida, [email protected]
    University of South Florida Scholar Commons Humanities and Cultural Studies Faculty Humanities and Cultural Studies Publications 2016 Dancing with Knives: American Cold War Ideology in the Dances of West Side Story Daniel Belgrad University of South Florida, [email protected] Ying Zhu University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/hcs_facpub Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Scholar Commons Citation Belgrad, Daniel and Zhu, Ying, "Dancing with Knives: American Cold War Ideology in the Dances of West Side Story" (2016). Humanities and Cultural Studies Faculty Publications. 4. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/hcs_facpub/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Humanities and Cultural Studies at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Humanities and Cultural Studies Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dancing with Knives: American Cold War Ideology in the Dances of West Side Story Author(s): Daniel Belgrad, Ying Zhu Source: Kyiv-Mohyla Humanities Journal 3 (2016): 1–22 Published by: National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy http://kmhj.ukma.edu.ua/ Dancing with Knives: American Cold War Ideology in the Dances of West Side Story Daniel Belgrad University of South Florida, Department of Humanities and Cultural Studies Ying Zhu University of South Florida, School of Theatre and Dance Abstract In cultural studies today, there is emerging an interpretive revolution “from below” — that is, a radical reassessment of the politics of cultural forms, based on a recovery of the embodied and affective subject as the center of meaning-making.
    [Show full text]
  • After the Revolution: the EU and the Arab Transition
    After the Revolution: The EU and the Arab Transition Timo Behr Policy 54 Paper Policy After the Revolution: 54 The EU and the Arab Transition paper Timo Behr Timo BEHR Timo Behr is a Research Fellow at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA) in Helsinki, where he heads FIIA’s research project on “The Middle East in Transition.” He is also an Associate Fellow with Notre Europe’s “Europe and World Governance” programme. Timo holds a PhD and MA in International Relations from the School of Advances International Studies of the Johns Hopkins University in Washington DC and has previously held positions with Notre Europe, the World Bank Group and the Global Public Policy Institute (GPPi) in Berlin. His recent publications include an edited volume on “The EU’s Options in a Changing Middle East” (FIIA, 2011), as well as a number of academic articles, policy briefs and commentaries on Euro-Mediterranean relations. AFTER THE REVOLUTION: THE EU AND THE ARAB TRANSITION Notre Europe Notre Europe is an independent think tank devoted to European integration. Under the guidance of Jacques Delors, who created Notre Europe in 1996, the association aims to “think a united Europe.” Our ambition is to contribute to the current public debate by producing analyses and pertinent policy proposals that strive for a closer union of the peoples of Europe. We are equally devoted to promoting the active engagement of citizens and civil society in the process of community construction and the creation of a European public space. In this vein, the staff of Notre Europe directs research projects; produces and disseminates analyses in the form of short notes, studies, and articles; and organises public debates and seminars.
    [Show full text]
  • Civilian Victimization and Ethnic Civil War∗
    Civilian Victimization and Ethnic Civil War∗ Lars-Erik Cedermany Simon Hugz Livia I. Schubiger§ Francisco Villamil{ March 30, 2018 Abstract While many studies provide insights into the causes of wartime civilian victim- ization, we know little about how the targeting of particular segments of the civilian population affects the onset and escalation of armed conflict. Previous research on conflict onset has been largely limited to structural variables, both theoretically and empirically. Moving beyond these static approaches, this paper assesses how state-led civilian victimization targeting members of specific ethnic groups affects the likelihood of ethnic conflict onset, and the evolution of conflicts once they break out. Relying on a new dataset with global coverage that captures the ethnic identity of civilian victims of targeted violence, we find evidence that the state-led civilian victimization of particular ethnic groups increases the likelihood that the latter be- come involved in ethnic civil war. We also find tentative, yet more nuanced, evidence that ethnic targeting by state forces affects the escalation of ongoing conflicts. ∗Paper prepared for the Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association, April 5-8, 2018, San Francisco. Previous versions of this paper were presented at the American Political Science Association (APSA), San Francisco, August 31–September 3, 2017, the Annual Conference of the European Political Science Association (EPSA), Milan, June 22–24, 2017 and the Annual Meeting of the Conflict Research Society, September 18-19, 2017, Oxford University. We thank Inken von Borzyskowski and the other participants for their helpful comments. Financial support by the Swiss Network for International Studies is greatly appreciated.
    [Show full text]
  • The Foreign Policy of the Arab Gulf Monarchies from 1971 to 1990
    The Foreign Policy of the Arab Gulf Monarchies from 1971 to 1990 Submitted by René Rieger to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Middle East Politics in June 2013 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………… ………… 2 ABSTRACT This dissertation provides a comparative analysis of the foreign policies of the Arab Gulf monarchies during the period of 1971 to 1990, as examined through two case studies: (1) the Arab Gulf monarchies’ relations with Iran and Iraq and (2) the six states’ positions in the Arab-Israeli conflict. The dissertation argues that, in formulating their policies towards Iran and Iraq, the Arab Gulf monarchies aspired to realize four main objectives: external security and territorial integrity; domestic and regime stability; economic prosperity; and the attainment of a stable subregional balance of power without the emergence of Iran or Iraq as Gulf hegemon. Over the largest part of the period under review, the Arab Gulf monarchies managed to offset threats to these basic interests emanating from Iran and Iraq by alternately appeasing and balancing the source of the threat. The analysis reveals that the Arab Gulf monarchies’ individual bilateral relations with Iran and Iraq underwent considerable change over time and, particularly following the Iranian Revolution, displayed significant differences in comparison to one another.
    [Show full text]
  • Middle East Factors
    Middle East trategically situated at the intersection of In a way not understood by many in the SEurope, Asia, and Africa, the Middle East West, religion remains a prominent fact of dai- has long been an important focus of United ly life in the modern Middle East. At the heart States foreign policy. U.S. security relation- of many of the region’s conflicts is the friction ships in the region are built on pragmatism, within Islam between Sunnis and Shias. This shared security concerns, and economic in- friction dates back to the death of the Prophet terests, including large sales of U.S. arms to Muhammad in 632 AD.2 Sunni Muslims, who countries in the region that are seeking to form the majority of the world’s Muslim popu- defend themselves. The U.S. also maintains a lation, hold power in most of the Arab coun- long-term interest in the Middle East that is tries in the Middle East. related to the region’s economic importance as Viewing the current instability in the Mid- the world’s primary source of oil and gas. dle East through the lens of a Sunni–Shia con- The region is home to a wide array of cul- flict, however, does not show the full picture. tures, religions, and ethnic groups, including The cultural and historical division between Arabs, Jews, Kurds, Persians, and Turks, among Persians and Arabs has reinforced the Sunni– others. It also is home to the three Abrahamic Shia split. The mutual distrust of many Arab/ religions of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, Sunni powers and the Persian/Shia power in addition to many smaller religions like the (Iran), compounded by clashing national and Bahá’í, Druze, Yazidi, and Zoroastrian faiths.
    [Show full text]
  • The Kgb in Afghanistan
    THE KGB IN AFGHANISTAN RALPH PICKARD Figure 1: A display case of a KGB officer’s grouping showing his known Soviet and Afghanistan medals and award booklets earned during his service in the KGB. There has been much written over the years about the intent of stabilizing the Afghan government from the history of the Soviet forces occupation of Afghanistan deterioration that was occurring throughout the region and during the Cold War. However, less has been written especially the souring relationship with the government from the collecting community perspective about the prior to December 1979. The Soviet forces’ intent was Afghanistan medals and award booklets that were earned to seize all important Afghan government facilities and by Soviet personnel during that same time period. The other important areas.1 Within days after the Soviet forces intent of this article is to shed a little light on a few of invasion into Afghanistan and occupation of the capital the Afghanistan medals that were awarded during the of Kabul, the Afghanistan President was assassinated Cold War through a unique group that belonged to a and replaced with the more pro-Soviet government of KGB officer (Figure 1). This grouping provides strong President, Babrak Karmal, who had promised his loyalty indications that this officer served multiple tours and earlier to the Soviet government. 2,3,4 continued to operate in Afghanistan even after February 1989. However, prior to illustrating more about the group Prior to the invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviets the in this article, a brief overview of the Soviet invasion and two governments had an ongoing relationship dating back available history of the KGB in Afghanistan during the to the early 1920s with Soviet advisors and technicians Cold War will be presented.
    [Show full text]
  • "Jamiat Islam" Of
    VOL. XVIII, NO. 102 TUESDAY, JULY 22, 1980 SARATAN 31, 1353 A.II ) Price Afs. 6 Holy Koran Glwr compatriots fight Kabul religious scholars Congratulatory I.; recitation , telegram sent Revolution back j Soviet Union ' enemies of from in Arg KABUL, July 22, (Bak- CIIEGIICIIARAN, July21, (Bakhtar).-"T- he DRAGovernment after the ' KABUL, July 22, (Bakhtar)- .- The delegation htar). A congratulatory victory of the December 27, 1979 uprising fulfillswhatever it has promised of religious scholars, clergymen and elders from telegram has been sent Mosque ends in the light of the new phase of Saur Revolution.We defend our revolution- Kabul returned home yesterday after a friendly on behalf of Babrak Kar-ma- l, ary government like a tower of strength and sendthe enemies of Saur Rev visit to the Soviet Republics of Tajikistan and Uzb- General Secretary of KABUL, July 22, (Bak-htar- ). olution to history's dust bin". ekistan and visiting sacredplaces and mosques and the PDPA CC, President Recitation of the -- above was stated propaganda by the enem part in the struggle agai- holding talks with a number of local scholars and of RC and DRA Prime holy Koran starting in the The by a few villagers living ies of the glorious Saur nst the recognized enem-Me- s clergymen. , Minister to Warsaw to Ed- Arg: Mosque by Qari Mo- near the centre of Ghor Revolution that "a number of Saur Revolution". , ward Gierek, First Secre- hammad Omar last Mon- oppressors parasit- Mullah Nek Mohamm- Deputy secretary to the banned but facilitated. Our tary of the Central Comt - province in an interview of and day evening- ended last en- with a Bakhtar reporter.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolutionary Afghanistan Is No Exception
    CONTENTS PREFACE 1. In Search of Hafizullah Amin 6 2. Three Revolutionaries 12 3. A House Divided: the PDPA, 1965-1973 25 4. The Making of a Revolution: the PDPA, 1973-1978 39 5. The Inheritance: Afghanistan, 1978 53 6. Strategy for Reform 88 7. The Eid Conspiracy 106 8. A Treaty and a Murder: Closing the American Option 120 9. The Question of Leadership 133 10. The Summer of Discontent 147 11. The End Game 166 12. ‘. And the People Remain’ 186 Select Bibliography 190 PREFACE PREFACE The idea for this book arose from a visit to Kabul in March 1979 when it became immediately obvious that what was happening in Afghanistan bore little relation to reports appearing in the Western media. Further research subsequently reinforced that impression. Much of the material on which the book is based was collected in the course of my 1979 field trip which took me to India, Pakistan and the United Kingdom as well as Afghanistan and during a follow-up trip to India and Pakistan from December 1980 to January 1981. Unfortunately by then times had changed and on this second occasion the Afghan government refused me a visa. Texts of speeches and statements by Afghan leaders and other Afghan government documents have for the most part been taken from the Kabul Times, since these are in effect the official version. I have however taken the liberty where necessary of adjusting the syntax of the Afghan translator. The problem of transliteration is inescapable, and at the risk of offending the purists I have chosen what appears to be the simplest spelling of Afghan names and have tried to be consistent.
    [Show full text]
  • The Chimera of the 'International University'
    The chimera of the ‘International University’ FRED HALLIDAY No one who teaches in a British university can be unaware of the pressure to become more ‘internationally’ aware: encouragement to admit more overseas (i.e. non-EU) students is accompanied by calls for increased international competitiveness and assessment, and by the announcement of new courses, on a range of topics, that have ‘international’ in their title. The term ‘international’ covers, however, a variety of issues and meanings. It is at once a spur and a sales gimmick, an appeal that issues as easily from the mouth of the financial manager as from the lips of the cosmopolitan scholar. It may be time to question this fetish, not least for fear that an unconsidered pursuit of the international can lead to a less, rather than a more, effective international contribution. Exchange of ideas, and academic cultures, rests more on specialization, a division of labour, than on a pursuit of modish homogeneities. An internationalized crisis The debate on the international character of universities has been transformed in the s by a set of changes in context and direction. Anyone reading the education press will be familiar with the term: ‘world-class’ status, ‘global’ campuses, plans for worldwide distance learning and so forth. The Economist has speculated on the university of the future, with a restricted physical campus and a network of computer-linked outlets and students—a ‘virtual’ or ‘cyber-university’ or, as it engagingly entitled it, ‘core-and-cloud’. Other universities are exploring the implications of technology for this new, internationalized, teaching.
    [Show full text]