DOCSLIB.ORG

A Case Study of the Stabilizing Fragile States Project

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
A Case Study of the Stabilizing Fragile States Project PM 5:13 12/15/10 2011 RUHE Y THE R OF JANUA PROJECT JONATHAN TES A AND STUDY T S SE A C MISZTAL GILE A A R BLAISE F MAKOVSKY, BILIZING A T S MICHAEL FRAGILITY AND EXTREMISM IN YEMEN :: A CASE STUDY OF THE STABILIZING FRAGILE STATES PROJECT :: BIPARTISAN POLICY CENTER 20005 NW DC 1000 Street, 202.204.2400 I Suite 1225 Phone: Washington, www.bipartisanpolicy.org 1 62357_CVR_X2.indd FRAGILITY AND EXTREMISM IN YEMEN A CASE STUDY OF THE STABILIZING FRAGILE STATES PROJECT January 2011 62357_TXT_X2.indd 1 12/15/10 5:14 PM ABOUT THIS REPORT In the fall of 2009, the Bipartisan Policy Center’s Stabilizing Fragile States steering committee directed project staff to undertake a case study of Yemen in order to provide a more granular understanding of the specific challenges found in fragile states. The original version of that case study was published in February 2010, accompanied by a public discussion, entitled “Yemen: The Next Afghanistan?” featuring project co-chairs Ambassador Paula Dobriansky and Admiral (Ret.) Gregory Johnson, as well as former Ambassador to Yemen Thomas Krajeski, Les Campbell of the National Democratic Institute and for- mer Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Michael Doran. This staff paper is an update to that original publication and is being released in conjunction with the Stabilizing Fragile States report. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The authors would like to thank the Stabilizing Fragile States steering committee for their advice and guidance over the course of this project. We are also grateful to a number of former BPC staff and interns, without whom this report would not have been possible. Audrey Flake helped shape early versions of the paper, while Erin Rodgers, Allegra Richards and David BurtonPerry tirelessly researched and reviewed the final draft. II FRAGILITY AND EXTREMISM IN YEMEN 62357_TXT_X.indd 2 12/13/10 3:21 PM STABILIZING FRAGILE STATES PROJECT PROJECT CO-CHAIRS Ambassador Paula Dobriansky, former Undersecretary of State Admiral (Ret.) Gregory Johnson, former Commander, U.S. Naval Forces, Europe BIPARTISAN POLICY CENTER PROJECT STAFF Dr. Michael Makovsky, Foreign Policy Director Jonathan Ruhe, Policy Analyst Blaise Misztal, Foreign Policy Associate Director Yadira Castellanos, Administrative Assistant STEERING COMMITTEE MEMBERS Lincoln Bloomfield, Akin Gump Strauss William Marshall, President, Progressive Hauer & Feld LLP; former Assistant Secretary Policy Institute of State Jeffrey “Jeb” Nadaner, former Deputy Assistant Michael Doran, Professor, New York Secretary of Defense University; former Senior Director, National Security Council Rob Satloff, Executive Director, Washington Institute for Near East Policy Ray DuBois, Senior Advisor, CSIS Amb. Nancy Soderberg, former Deputy Assistant to James Glassman, Executive Director, George W. the President for National Security Affairs Bush Institute; former Undersecretary of State for Public Diplomacy Gen. (Ret.) Charles Wald, former deputy commander, U.S. European Command Sherri Goodman, General Counsel, Center for Naval Analysis Jennifer Windsor, former Executive Director, Freedom House Mike Hess, former Assistant Administrator, Bureau for Democracy, Conflict and Ken Wollack, President, National Democratic Humanitarian Assistance, USAID Institute DISCLAIMER This case study was prepared by the staff of the National Security Initiative, the Bipartisan Policy Center’s foreign policy program, and aims to promote a better understanding of the relationship between state fragility and extremism, as exemplified in Yemen. While this paper was drafted with the guidance of the Stabilizing Fragile States project co-chairs and some members, the views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of each of the members of the Stabilizing Fragile States project. Bipartisan Policy Center III 62357_TXT_X.indd 3 12/13/10 3:21 PM FRAGILITY AND EXTREMISM IN YEMEN Executive Summary .............................................................................. 2 Why Fragile States? ............................................................................. 8 Fragility as Threat .................................................................................................................. 10 Defining Fragility and Stability ............................................................................................... 11 Ability ............................................................................................................................. 11 Will ................................................................................................................................ 12 Definitions ...................................................................................................................... 12 Yemen: Case Study in Fragility .............................................................................................. 13 Yemen’s Strategic Importance ......................................................................................... 13 Yemen as Fragile ............................................................................................................ 13 Recent Developments ............................................................................................................ 14 Background ....................................................................................16 Geography ............................................................................................................................. 16 Demography .......................................................................................................................... 18 History .................................................................................................................................. 18 North Yemen: From Imamate to Arab Republic, 1911-1990 ............................................. 18 Ottoman Rule and Imamate, 1911-1962 ................................................................... 18 Civil War, 1962-1970 ............................................................................................... 20 Yemen Arab Republic, 1970-1990 ............................................................................ 21 South Yemen: From British Outpost to People’s Republic, 1839-1990 ............................. 21 British Outpost, 1839-1967 ..................................................................................... 21 The Aden Emergency, 1963-1967 ............................................................................ 23 People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen, 1970-1990................................................ 24 Unified Yemen: Civil War and Jihadism, 1990-Present .................................................... 24 Unification, 1990 ..................................................................................................... 24 Civil War, 1994 ........................................................................................................ 25 Challenges to Stability .........................................................................26 Security ................................................................................................................................. 26 Sa’dah (“Houthi”) Insurgency, 2004-Present ................................................................... 26 Southern Secessionism .................................................................................................. 30 Al-Qaida ......................................................................................................................... 31 Sana’a Walks a Line Between the U.S. and Terrorists ................................................ 31 Sana’a and Extremists Turn Against Each Other ........................................................ 33 U.S. Pushes Sana’a to Escalate ................................................................................ 34 Fighting On ............................................................................................................. 35 Other Security Problems ................................................................................................. 37 Security Capacity ................................................................................................................... 38 Security Cerberus ........................................................................................................... 38 Family Affair ................................................................................................................... 39 Wealth of Security Assistance ......................................................................................... 39 Pressures on Natural Resources ............................................................................................ 40 Declining Natural Resources ........................................................................................... 40 Water ....................................................................................................................... 41 Oil ........................................................................................................................... 42 Natural Gas .............................................................................................................. 42 Hopes of Expanding Energy Sector .......................................................................... 43 Population Growth .......................................................................................................... 44
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Yemen Crisis Student Officer: Albert
    Forum: Joint Crisis Committee Issue: Yemen Crisis Student Officer: Albert Pan, Kay Zin, Nandar Khine Tun Introduction The humanitarian crisis in Yemen is a continuous crisis in which at least 8.4 million people on the brink of starvation, 22.2 million people require humanitarian assistance, and approximately 400,000 children under the age of five are in life-threatening situations due to acute malnutrition, according to the United Nations. The Yemen crisis began with an international coalition by Saudi Arabia that was interrupted. This was first ignited when the Yemenis protested against the then president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, who led the country to widespread poverty and unemployment. These rebellions were led by a politically Shia rebellion group called the Houthis. In 2012, the then Vice - President of Yemen, Hadi, became the new President after Ali Abdullah Saleh got overthrown. The intent of the political transition was to bring stability. However, President Hadi had difficulties addressing the issues of food insecurity, corruption, and militant attacks. Political unrest caused groups such as the Al Qaeda and Daesh to attempt to take over the country. At the same time, the Houthis were attempting to do the same, but was lacking military power. They somehow formed an alliance with Ali Abdullah Saleh, who they had kicked out of office. Saudi Arabia saw this alliance as a threat, because it meant that Iran was backing the Houthis. This could raise the risk of Iranian influence affecting Saudi Arabia. This caused Saudi Arabia to create a wall and bombed Yemen in 2015 to drive the Houthis out.
    [Show full text]
  • A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The
    BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Resolution By Min Jung Kim, B.A. Washington, DC May 1, 2009 I owe my most sincere gratitude to my thesis advisor Kevin Doak, Ph.D. for his guidance and support and to Aviel Roshwald, Ph.D. and Tristan Mabry, Ph.D. for detailed and constructive comments. Min Jung Kim ii BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY Min Jung Kim, B.A. Thesis Advisor: Kevin M. Doak, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The purpose of this research is to understand the dynamic processes of modern national unification cases in Vietnam (1976), Yemen (1990) and Germany (1990) in a qualitative manner within the framework of Amitai Etizoni’s political integration theory. There has been little use of this theory in cases of inter-state unification despite its apparent applicability. This study assesses different factors (military force, utilitarian and identitive factors) that influence unification in order to understand which were most supportive of unification and which resulted in a consolidation unification in the early to intermediate stages. In order to answer the above questions, the thesis uses the level of integration as a dependent variable and the various methods of unification as independent variables. The dependent variables are measured as follows: whether unified states were able to protect its territory from potential violence and secessions and to what extent alienation emerged amongst its members.
    [Show full text]
  • Parker T. Hart Interviewer: Dennis J
    Parker T. Hart Oral History Interview – JFK#3, 06/10/1970 Administrative Information Creator: Parker T. Hart Interviewer: Dennis J. O’Brien Date of Interview: June 10, 1970 Place of Interview: Washington, D.C. Length: 15 pages Biographical Note Hart was a member of the U.S. Foreign Service, 1938–1949; the U.S. Consul General in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, 1949–1951; Director of the Office of Near East Affairs, 1952– 1955; Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Cairo, Egypt, 1955–1958; the U.S. Consul General in Damascus, Syria, 1958; Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs, 1958–1960; the U.S. Ambassador to North Yemen (1961–1962), Kuwait (1962–1963), Saudi Arabia (1961–1965), and Turkey (1965–1968); and the Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs, 1968– 1969. In this interview Hart discusses Ellsworth Bunker’s mission in Saudi Arabia; meetings between Bunker and Prime Minister Faisal; Faisal’s distrust of Gamal Abdel Nasser and Egyptian inaction in regards to the agreement reached with Bunker; difficulties with the U.S. Department of Defense over the agreement to train Saudi pilots and use American military equipment; major problems in the Middle East, 1957–1967; communications between John F. Kennedy [JFK] and Faisal; and Saudi reactions to JFK’s death and to Lyndon B. Johnson becoming President, among other issues. Access Open. Usage Restrictions According to the deed of gift signed October 14, 1980, copyright of these materials has been assigned to the United States Government.
    [Show full text]
  • Soft Power and Cross-Border Mobility in the Middle East
    IPS0010.1177/0192512118759902International Political Science ReviewTsourapas 759902research-article2018 Article International Political Science Review 2018, Vol. 39(3) 400 –416 Authoritarian emigration states: © The Author(s) 2018 Reprints and permissions: Soft power and cross-border sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512118759902DOI: 10.1177/0192512118759902 mobility in the Middle East journals.sagepub.com/home/ips Gerasimos Tsourapas University of Birmingham, UK Abstract Can labor emigration form part of a state’s foreign policy goals? The relevant literature links emigration to states’ developmental needs, which does not explain why some states choose to economically subsidize their citizens’ emigration. This article explores for the first time the soft power importance of high-skilled emigration from authoritarian emigration states. It finds that the Egyptian state under Gamal Abdel Nasser employed labor emigration for two distinct purposes linked to broader soft power interests: first, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy to spread revolutionary ideals of Arab unity and anti-imperialism across the Middle East; second, as a tool for disseminating development aid, particularly in Yemen and sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on Arabic and non-Arabic primary sources, the article identifies the interplay between foreign policy and cross-border mobility, while also sketching an evolving research agenda on authoritarian emigration states’ policy-making. Keywords Soft power, diasporas, Egypt, Middle East, authoritarianism, migration, case study, Arab–Israeli conflict Introduction Can labor emigration serve a state’s foreign policy goals? In particular, how do authoritarian states use labor emigration in their foreign policy-making? The emerging academic literature on the poli- tics of international migration has yet to fully explore this phenomenon as a separate field of inquiry.
    [Show full text]
  • Eastward Drift of Arabs and Iranians
    Schwanitz Report Review Article 30 September 2015, 1-9 Updated Webversion 9-2015 Eastward Drift of Arabs and Iranians Ferris on Soviet Arabs, American Arabs, and Islamists in the Cold War It should have taken five weeks, but it lasted five years. Yet, Abd an-Nasir's intervention in Arabia's North Yemen—the South of which was in British hands, and securing access to the Sues Canal played a major role in all considerations—didn't come out of the blue. In his first book, Jesse Ferris wants to show how Egyptian troops in Yemen became a part of president Abd an-Nasir's defeat by Israel in the war of June 1967. He uncovers how the interven- tion accelerated the demise of Nasirism. Most recently, all of this became popular in Cairo again. A civilian-military axis deposed the "Muslim Brotherhood's president," Muhammad Mursi, in the 2013 "coupvolt," a merger of coup d'état and revolt. The new "1/3 Sues Canal" was finished a year later. And the Egyptians debated sending troops to Yemen to help the Sunni Saudi coalition, and Cairo guards with its navy ships the Bab al-Mandab to stop Shia Iranian deliveries of weapons in the battles against the al-Huthis. Suez Canal Authority Press Ismailia In this light the author, who works at the Israel Democracy Institute of Jerusalem, wrote a highly topical book. I will name the chapters, discuss the key thesis and add notes, also on basic German insights which may lead to a more global view on the research and methods.
    [Show full text]
  • The Two Yemens
    1390_A24-A34 11/4/08 5:14 PM Page 543 330-383/B428-S/40005 The Two Yemens 171. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen1 Washington, February 27, 1969, 1710Z. 30762. Subj: US–PRSY Relations. 1. PRSY UN Perm Rep Nu’man,2 who currently in Washington as PRSYG observer at INTELSAT Conference, had frank but cordial talk with ARP Country Director Brewer February 26. 2. In analyzing causes existing coolness in USG–PRSYG relations, Ambassador Nu’man claimed USG failure offer substantial aid at time of independence and subsequent seizure of American arms with clasped hands insignia3 in possession of anti-PRSYG dissidents had led Aden to “natural” conclusion that USG distrusts PRSYG. He specu- lated this due to close US relationship with Saudis whom Nu’man al- leged, somewhat vaguely, had privately conveyed threats to overthrow NLF regime, claiming USG support. Nu’man asserted PRSYG desired good relations with USG and hoped USG would reciprocate. 3. Recalling history of USG attempts to develop good relations with PRSYG, Brewer underlined our feeling it was PRSYG which had not re- ciprocated. He reviewed our position re non-interference PRSY internal affairs, regretting publicity anti-USG charges (e.g. re arms) without first seeking our explanation. Brewer noted USG seeks maintain friendly relations with Saudi Arabia as well as PRSYG but we not responsible for foreign policy of either. 4. Nu’man reiterated SAG responsible poor state Saudi-PRSY con- tacts. Brewer demurred, noting SAG had good reasons be concerned over hostile attitude PRSYG leaders.
    [Show full text]
  • Britain, British Petroleum, Shell and the Remaking of the International Oil Industry, 1957-1979
    Empires of Energy: Britain, British Petroleum, Shell and the Remaking of the International Oil Industry, 1957-1979 Author: Jonathan Robert Kuiken Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104079 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2013 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of History EMPIRES OF ENERGY: BRITAIN, BRITISH PETROLEUM, SHELL AND THE REMAKING OF THE INTERNATIONAL OIL INDUSTRY, 1957-1979 [A dissertation by] JONATHAN R. KUIKEN submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August, 2013 © copyright by JONATHAN ROBERT KUIKEN 2013 Empires of Energy: Britain, British Petroleum, Shell and the remaking of the international oil industry, 1957-1979 Jonathan R. Kuiken Dissertation Advisor - James E. Cronin Dissertation Abstract This dissertation examines British oil policy from the aftermath of the Suez Crisis in 1956-1957 until the Iranian Revolution and the electoral victory of Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative Party in 1979. It was a period marked by major transitions within Britain’s oil policy as well as broader changes within the international oil market. It argues that the story of Britain, and Britain’s two domestically-based oil companies, BP and Shell, offers a valuable case study in the development of competing ideas about the reorganization of the international oil industry in the wake of the rise of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting countries and the companies’ losing control over the production of oil.
    [Show full text]
  • The Terrorism Trap: the Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 8-2019 The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror John Akins University of Tennessee, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Recommended Citation Akins, John, "The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2019. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/5624 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by John Akins entitled "The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Political Science. Krista Wiegand, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Brandon Prins, Gary Uzonyi, Candace White Accepted for the Council: Dixie L. Thompson Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America’s War on Terror A Dissertation Presented for the Doctor of Philosophy Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville John Harrison Akins August 2019 Copyright © 2019 by John Harrison Akins All rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • The Adaptive Transformation of Yemen?S Republican Guard
    The Adaptive Transformation of Yemen's Republican Guard By Lucas Winter Journal Article | Mar 7 2017 - 9:45pm The Adaptive Transformation of Yemen’s Republican Guard Lucas Winter In the summer of 1978, Colonel Ali Abdullah Saleh became president of the Yemeni Arab Republic (YAR) or North Yemen. Like his short-lived predecessor Ahmad al-Ghashmi, Saleh had been a tank unit commander in the YAR military before ascending the ranks.[1] Like al-Ghashmi, Saleh belonged to a tribe with limited national political influence but a strong presence in the country’s military.[2] Three months into Saleh’s presidency, conspirators allied with communists from the Popular Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY), or South Yemen, staged a coup and briefly seized key government installations in the capital Sana’a. The 1st Armored Brigade, North Yemen’s main tank unit at the time, was deployed to quell the insurrection. The 1st Armored Brigade subsequently expanded to become the 1st Armored Division. Commanded by Saleh’s kinsman Ali Muhsin al-Ahmar, it became North Yemen’s premiere military unit and took control of vital installations in the capital. The division played a decisive role in securing victory for Saleh and his allies in Yemen’s 1994 Civil War. Although the 1st Armored Division functioned as President Saleh’s Praetorian Guard, his personal safety was in the hands of the Yemeni Republican Guard (YRG), a small force created with Egyptian support in the early days of the republic.[3] YRG headquarters were in “Base 48,” located on the capital’s southern outskirts abutting the territories of Saleh’s Sanhan tribe.
    [Show full text]
  • Security Council Distr.: General 27 January 2020
    United Nations S/2020/70 Security Council Distr.: General 27 January 2020 Original: English Letter dated 27 January 2020 from the Panel of Experts on Yemen addressed to the President of the Security Council The members of the Panel of Experts on Yemen have the honour to transmit herewith the final report of the Panel, prepared in accordance with paragraph 6 of resolution 2456 (2019). The report was provided to the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 2140 (2014) on 27 December 2019 and was considered by the Committee on 10 January 2020. We would appreciate it if the present letter and the report were brought to the attention of the members of the Security Council and issued as a document of the Council. (Signed) Dakshinie Ruwanthika Gunaratne Coordinator Panel of Experts on Yemen (Signed) Ahmed Himmiche Expert (Signed) Henry Thompson Expert (Signed) Marie-Louise Tougas Expert (Signed) Wolf-Christian Paes Expert 19-22391 (E) 070220 *1922391* S/2020/70 Final report of the Panel of Experts on Yemen Summary After more than five years of conflict, the humanitarian crisis in Yemen continues. The country’s many conflicts are interconnected and can no longer be separated by clear divisions between external and internal actors and events. Throughout 2019, the Houthis and the Government of Yemen made little headway towards either a political settlement or a conclusive military victory. In a continuation from 2018, the belligerents continued to practice economic warfare: using economic obstruction and financial tools as weapons to starve opponents of funds or materials. Profiteering from the conflict is endemic.
    [Show full text]
  • The War in Yemen: 2011-2018: the Elusive Road to Peace
    Working Paper 18-1 By Sonal Marwah and Tom Clark The War in Yemen: 2011-2018 The elusive road to peace November 2018 The War in Yemen: 2011-2018 The elusive road to peace By Sonal Marwah and Tom Clark Working Paper 18-1 Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publications Data The War in Yemen: 2011-2018: The elusive road to peace ISBN 978-1-927802-24-3 © 2018 Project Ploughshares First published November 2018 Please direct enquires to: Project Ploughshares 140 Westmount Road North Waterloo, Ontario N2L 3G6 Canada Telephone: 519-888-6541 Email: [email protected] Editing: Wendy Stocker Design and layout: Tasneem Jamal Table of Contents Glossary of Terms i List of Figures ii Acronyms and Abbreviations iii Acknowledgements v Executive Summary 1 Introduction 2 Background 4 Participants in the Conflict 6 Major local actors 6 Foreign and regional actors 7 Major arms suppliers 7 Summary of the Conflict (2011-2018) 8 Civil strife breaks out (January 2011 to March 2015) 8 The internationalization of conflict (2015) 10 An influx of weapons and more human-rights abuses (2016) 10 A humanitarian catastrophe (2017- June 2018) 13 The Scale of the Forgotten War 16 Battle-related deaths 17 Forcibly displaced persons 17 Conflict and food insecurity 22 Infrastructural collapse 23 Arming Saudi Arabia 24 Prospects for Peace 26 Regulation of Arms Exports 30 The Path Ahead and the UN 32 Conclusion 33 Authors 34 Endnotes 35 Photo Credits 41 Glossary of Terms Arms Trade Treaty: A multilateral treaty, which entered into force in December 2014, that establishes
    [Show full text]
  • Combating Corruption in Yemen
    Beyond the Business as Usual Approach: COMBATING CORRUPTION IN YEMEN By: The Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies November 2018 COMBATING CORRUPTION IN YEMEN Beyond the Business as Usual Approach: COMBATING CORRUPTION IN YEMEN By: The Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies November 2018 This white paper was prepared by the Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies, in coordination with the project partners DeepRoot Consulting and CARPO – Center for Applied Research in Partnership with the Orient. Note: This document has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union and the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to Yemen. The recommendations expressed within this document are the personal opinions of the author(s) only, and do not represent the views of the Sanaa Center for Strategic Studies, DeepRoot Consulting, CARPO - Center for Applied Research in Partnership with the Orient, or any other persons or organizations with whom the participants may be otherwise affiliated. The contents of this document can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union or the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to Yemen. Co-funded by the European Union Photo credit: Claudiovidri / Shutterstock.com Rethinking Yemen’s Economy | November 2018 2 COMBATING CORRUPTION IN YEMEN TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents 3 Acronyms 4 Executive Summary 5 Introduction 8 State Capture Under Saleh 10 Origins of Saleh’s Patronage System 10 Main Beneficiaries of State Capture and Administrative Corruption 12 Maintaining
    [Show full text]