音声研究 第 9 巻第 1 号 Journal of the Phonetic Society 2005(平成17)年4 月 of Japan, Vol.9 No.1 39-49頁 April 2005, pp39-49
On the Asymmetry in the Adaptation Pattern of German Umlaut in Japanese
Katrin DoHLUs*
ドイ ツ語ウムラ ウ ト の借用パ タ ーンに見 ら れる非対称性
カ ト リ ン ド ー ル ス *
要旨 : 本稿ではまず日本語におけ る ドイ ツ語外来語の前舌円唇母音 /ii/ と /o/ が非対称的な借用パ タ ー ンを取る こ と を示す。 高母音 /u / は日本語に /ju/ の音形で借用 さ れるのに対 し て, 中母音 /o/ は日本語に /e/ の音形で借 用 さ れる。 つま り /u/ の場合, 分節音の連続と して現れ, 前舌 ・ 円唇の両素性が保持 さ れるのに対 し て, /o/ の 場合は単一分節音にな り , 円唇の素性が喪失 さ れると い う こ と を述べる。 /ii/ と /o/ は同 じ よ う に前舌円唇母音 であるに も関わらず, 日本語への借用パ タ ー ンが異な る と い う 非対称性がある こ と を示す。 本稿では非対称性が入力の母音の高 さ の異な り から生 じ る こ と を論 じ る。 /u/ → /ju/ のパ タ ーンが無標なパ タ ーンであるが, /ii/ は中母音であるため /ii/ と同 じパ タ ー ンに従え ない。 つま り , /ii/ の場合, /ii/ も /y と /u/ もすべて高母音であるため, 出力 の各分節音が入力 と同 じ高 さ の素性 を持つこ と にな り , 出力 と し て許 さ れ る。 し かし /o/ の場合, も し /o/ が /jo/ に置換 さ れると , /o/ と いう 中母音の入力 に対 し て出力 と し ての半母音 /j/ が [+high] で あ る ため, 高 さ の素性が異な る こ と にな る。 つ ま り , /jo/ と い う 出力の場合, 入力 にな い [+high] の音声素性を付加しなければならないこ とになるため, /jo/ は出力 と し て許 さ れないと 主張す る。
Keywords: loanword adaptation, Japanese loanword, German umlaut, glide formation, vowel height
1. Introduction cannot follow this pattern because it is a non- high vowel and if it were adapted as the glide- This essay deals with an asymmetry in the adap- vowel sequence /jo/, it would require an addi- tation pattern of German front rounded vowels tional specification for height ([+high] for the into Japanese. German /ii/ and /o/, which share glide). Due to this fact /o/ cannot, in contrast to the highly marked feature combination [- back] /ii/, be adapted as a sequence of glide and vowel, and [+round], follow different adaptation pat- and is instead adapted as a single segment. terns in Japanese. Whereas German /ii/ is Section 2 offers a brief overview of the adapted into Japanese as a sequence of glide and adaptation patterns of /111/ and /o/ in Japanese. vowel (i.e. /ju/), German /o/ is adapted as the Section 3 gives a detailed description of both single segment /e/. The goal of this paper is to patterns. Section 4 analyses the causes of the describe and analyse this asymmetry. My major asymmetry found in the adaptation patterns. claim is that the difference between these diver- Finally, section 5 discusses remaining problems gent adaptation-patterns is caused by the differ- for the analysis. ent height specifications of the source vowels, which results in /o/ facing a restriction that has no effect on the adaptation of /ii/; the pattern /ii/ 2. Adaptation pattern of /ii/ and 10/ → /ju/ constitutes the less marked pattern. /o/ in Japanese
* Research Student at Graduate School of Humanities and Front rounded vowels share the features [- back] Social Sciences, Kobe University (神戸大学大学院文化 and [+round], a feature combination that is uni- 学研究科研究生) versally highly marked (Calabrese 1995, Kubo- - 39 - 研究ノ ート (Research Notes)
zone 1999). Japanese does not have these highly order to support my data from other sources, I marked phonemes, which raises the question of extracted further examples (41 words), mainly how Japanese adapts foreign front rounded vow- place names, from a guidebook (Chikyu no aru- els. Considering the fact that German front kikata 1995/96) and a place-name dictionary rounded /ii/ and /o/ l) differ phonologically only (Sanseido 1977). The data comprises 97 words in their height feature, we could assume that both in total, 67 words containing /ii/ and 30 words would follow similar adaptation patterns in Japa- containing /o/. nese. However, we will see below that this is not the case. 2.1. Adaptation of /ii/ The data dealt with in this work is taken As can be seen in the following examples, there mainly from loanword dictionaries (Arakawa are two ways of adapting /ii/ in Japanese: as /ju/, 1976, Shogakukan 1998, Umegaki 1979) and as in the examples in (1), or as /i/, as in the comprises nouns from, for instance, the fields of examples in (2). The adaptation patterns of /ii/ in philosophy, medicine, skiing, and chemistry2). In Japanese are summarized in Table t in (3). → → → (1) Hiitte ['hiita] h e ヒ ユ ツ テ mountain hut' Gemiit [ga'mil:t] gem uto ゲ ミ ュ ー ト one's feelings' Kaniile [ka' nu lo] kan re カ ニ ユ ー レ hollow part of a syringe' →→ →→ (2) Synthese [z.un' te:zal]; Jmteze ジ ン テ ー ゼ synthesis (philosophy)' Hysterie [hi!ste'ri:] hisuteri ヒ ス テ リ ー hysteria' Analyse [ana'lu zo] anarize アナ リ ーゼ analysis (in music)'
(3) Table l : Adaptation of /ii/ into Japanese
QUENCE OF
Glide and vowel
/wl/ /ju/ Total
0 、 , 28 , (0%) 67 (100%)
2・2・ AdaptationAdaP tiOn of fii/fo/ uniform pattern. German /o/ 0/ is consistently AS can be seen in the e examples in (4) and in adapted into Japanese as /e/3): Table 2 in (5), the adaptation of /o//0/ follows a
(4) Okumene [oku'men[oku'me na]3] → ekumenee umene エクメーネ 'area' ea of settlement' Rontgen ['[ rontg3n] ntg3n] → rerttogenntogen レントゲンレ ン ト ゲ ン ''x x -ray'_ray' ー Goethee [['go 90 ttO];0] → goto ゲーテゲニテ GoetheGee e
- 40 On the Asymmetry in the Adaptation Pattern of German Umlaut in Japanese
(5) Table 2: Adaptation of /o/ into Japanese SINGLE /0WEL 、,EQUENCE
Front unrounded Back rounded Two vowels Glide and vowel /e/ /o/ /oe/ or /eo/ /We/ l /JO/ Total 30 0 0 0 0 /0/ (100%) (0%) (0%) (0%) (0%) 30 (100%、
A comparison of Table 1, showing the of cases (58.2%) /ii/ is adapted into Japanese as adaptation patterns of /ii/, and Table 2, showing /i/. In the remaining cases (41.8%) /ii/ is adapted the adaptation pattern of /o/, reveals irregu_ as /ju/. Despite this distribution, I will argue that larities. Whereas /o/ shows a uniform pattern, /ii/ the minority pattern of /ii/ → /ju/ is in fact the is represented in two different ways in Japanese. default pattern for the incorporation of /ii/ into Adaptation into Japanese as a sequence of glide Japanese. The occurrence of so many “excep_ and vowel is a pattern we do not find in the case tions” to this default pattern can be explained as of /o/. This appears to constitute an asymmetry orthographic influence. There are three gra- within the phonology of Japanese. The next phemes in German corresponding to /ij/. These section will give a more detailed description of graphemes are
(6) Table 3: Adaptation of /ii/ into Japanese differentiated according to its grapheme o P Single segment /i/ Sequence /j u/ , p , , , ' ' Total
grapheme
' grapheme
Total 39 (58.2%) 28 (41.8%) 67 (100%)
- 41 - 研究ノ ート (Research Notes)
To explain this orthography-based diver- tation rule already established for words of gence, one needs to take a closer look at the Greek or Latin origin was applied. This ortho- origin of German words containing /ii/ written graphic adaptation rule was presumably devel- with
(7) Early Loans in Japanese with
Therefore, German words with
(8) French loanwords in Japanese: /ii/ → /ju/ menu [ma'nu] → men:yu メ ニ ュ ー menu - do3a-vu [de3a'vu] → deja b デ ジ ヤ ・ ビ ュ deJa-vu' 1u9e [1 ] → u リ ュ ー ジ ュ wooden sled'
To sum up, excluding all examples written thong and hiatus formation result in the addition with
(9) Asymmetry in the adaptation patterns of /ii/ and /o/ /ii/ → /ju/: adaptation as a sequence of glide ([- back]) and vowel ([+round]) /0/ → /e/: adaptation as a single segment maintaining [- back] but losing [+round]
If /ii/ and /o/ were to follow the same I claim that the asymmetry in the adaptation adaptation pattern, then either /o/ should be patterns is the result of the different height speci- adapted as a sequence of front glide and rounded fications of the source vowels, and that the vowel, namely /jo/; or conversely, /ii/ should be pattern of the high vowel, /ii/ → /ju/, constitutes adapted as a single front unrounded segment, the less marked pattern5). The mid vowel /o/ namely /i/. That this is not the case raises not cannot follow this pattern, because it does not only the question of why there are two different contain the specification [+high]. patterns, but moreover, which of these patterns The vowel /ii/ is a high vowel and thus can be viewed as the less marked and for which shares the feature [+high] with the output glide- reasons the other does not follow the less marked vowel sequence /ju/. In other words, we find the pattern. same specification for height in all three pho- - 43 - 研究 ノ ート (Research Notes) nemeS: the SOu「Ce Vowel /ii/ as well as the glide for /o/, namely addition of a feature for hejght, /J/ and Vowel /u/ of the output 「epresentation /ju/. that is not found in the adaptatjon of /jj/. Thus the Adaptation of /o/ as a glide-vowel so- pattern /o/ → /jo/ would constitute a larger diver _ quenCe, hOWeVe「, is banned, because the mid gence from the or jgjna1 German. I clajm thjs js Vowel /o/ has a [-hi9h] specification. If /o/ were the main reason why /o/ surfaces as the single to be adapted as the sequence /Jo/, the glide segment /e/. This contrast, caused by the djffer_ Would add an extra feature ([+high]) that we do ent height spec面cations of high /ll/ and mjd /o/, not find in the source. This creates a requirement is illustrated in (10) and ( l l ).
(10) /ii/ → /ju/: /ii/ = [+high], /j/ = [+high], /u/ = [+high]: → all So9ments of input and output share the same specification for height
(11) */o/ → /jo/, but /o/ → /e/ /o/ = [-high], /j/ = [+high], /o/ = [-high]: → Contrast in specification for height in input and output
Independent motivation for my analysis is Luganda, a Niger-Congo language, for instance, found in the research of Rosenthal1 (1994) and [Ia] becomes [ja:], and [aua] becomes [awa], Casali ( l997). Both authors investigated the whereas [ao] becomes the single segment [o:] occurrence of glide formation as a means of (Rosenthal1 1994: 43). Similarly, Casali (1997: resolving hiatus in several languages. Rosentha11 515) shows that glide formation in Okpe (a Shows that it is vowel height that determines Benue-Congo language spoken in Nigeria) oc- whether glide formation occurs or not, namely curs when the original vowel is high (12a), but if “high vowels surface as secondary articulations it is “a nonhigh vowel, glide formation does not and nonhigh vowels are either left unparsed or apply” (12b). are parsed with hiatus” (Rosenthall l994: 63). In
(12) Hiatus resolution in Okpe (Casali l997: 515) (Symbols are in IPA) : a) Occurrence of glide formation (first vowel is a high vowel) /ll6/ e.g. /h!i6/ (die-FUT) → /w6/ /hw6/ 'will die' /I e 9. /a-ri a/ (IMPF-eat-IMPF) → /ya/ /a- 'is eating' /io/ e.g. / (be.black-FUT) → /y6/ / 'w加be black b) Non-occurrence of glide formation (first vowel is a non_high vowel) /e6/ e.g. /e-se-c/ (INF-fal1-INF) → /e/ /esc/ 'to fall' /εa/ e.g. /a-z (IMPF-run-IMPF) → /al /a 'is running'
Although this is a phenomenon converting both the glide and vowel of the output sequence, an underlying vowel of a hiatus into a glide, jt js so adaptation as a glide-vowel sequence is pos- shown that vowels carrying the feature [+high] sible. It is not possible in case of the mid vowel, are more likely to become glides than vowels because mid vowels and glides differ with re- carrying the feature [-high]. Thus, we see the spect to the feature [high]. similarity between high vowels (in contrast to In accordance with this analysis, I do not non-high vowels) and glides. expect to find cases in which a language adapts To sum up, the difference in the adaptation the mid vowel /o/ as a sequence of glide and patterns of /ii/ and /o/ is caused by the different vowel, but does not adapt the high vowel /ii/ in height specifications of these vowels. 0nly the the same manner. This prediction is based on the high vowel (/ii/) shares the feature [+high] with fact that, as was shown, adaptation as a glide- - 44 - On the Asymmetry in the Adaptation Pattern of German Umlaut in Japanese vowel sequence is more restricted in the case of follow the palatal glide, which only precedes mid-vowels. This, of course, requires confir _ back vowels (Kubozono 2002: 81), 2) /u/ pat- mation from languages other than Japanese terns as a back vowel in vowel coalescence (Kubozono 1999: 102), 3) /u/ takes the velar glide as the homorganic glide to break hiatus 5. Discussion (Kubozono 2002: 84). These facts indicate that /u/ behaves as a back vowel in Japanese. As Although a phonological analysis of the adap- Japanese has only one kind of back vowel, we tation patterns of German /ii/ and /o/ into Japa- can assume that this vowel is the universally nese can account for the asymmetry discussed unmarked one, a back rounded vowel (Calabrese above, this analysis leaves several open ques_ l995: 383, Kubozono 1999: 21ff.). tions. Of course, we cannot completely ignore the To deal with these questions, it is first phonetic features of the vowel in question. Inter- necessary to discuss the status of the Japanese estingly, Japanese /u/ is quite close to German /ii/ vowel /u/. Japanese /u/ is often described in the in terms of first and second formant frequencies; literature as being a back unrounded vowel, it lies midway between German /u/ and /ii/ (see [ul]6) (Shibatani 1990, Tsujimura 1996). This (13)). In the sequence /ju/, Japanese /u/ is even stands in contrast to my analysis, in which I further fronted because of co-articulation (Hon- claim that /u/, in the sequence /ju/, preserves the ma 1985: 102, Japanese Language Research feature [+round] of the source vowel /ii/. How_ Institute 1990) and approaches German /ii/. ever, here we have to distinguish between a Thus, there is also phonetic motivation for the phonetic and a phonological description. I follow pattern /ii/ → /ju/. the latter in my analysis, and from a phone_ However, a similar comparison of first and logical viewpoint, Japanese/u/ can be considered second formant frequencies in the case of Ger_ a back rounded vowel, as the following phone_ man /o/ and Japanese /e/ does not give support logical phenomena in Japanese show: 1) /u/ can for the pattern /o/ → /e/.
(13) Figure 1: Formant frequencies of German and Japanese vowels (in utterances of male speakers) Source: Strange et al 2004 and Imaishi 1997
f2(lltz、) 2500 2000 l500 1000 500 0 - - .---- - . 100
- - - 200 イ
・ ・ : --
300
-- 一 - 400
. 国 l 一 - L ,L- 500 ll - 600 . L, L, 一 700
800
900 *Symbols in Katakana represent Japanese vowels, symbols in Roman alphabet represent German vowels
- 45 - 研究ノ ート (Research Notes)
A further point that needs to be discussed is heard. In order to test for the influence of the the adaptation pattern of the French mid front preceding consonant, the four vowels were em- rounded vowel. While the French high front bedded in different /(C)Vn/ syllables. The initial rounded vowel /ii/ follows the same pattern as C's were /b, m, n, k, g, ?7)/. This combination of German /ii/ (as mentioned in section 3.1.), the onset conditions and the four vowels resulted in French mid front rounded vowel /o/ follows a 24 different stimuli. These stimuli were played in different adaptation pattern from German /o/ two different conditions; in the first, the stimuli (data from Arakawa 1976, Shogakukan 1998, were played in citation form; in the second, the Umegaki 1979, see also Lovins 1973: 83ff.). stimuli were embedded in the carrier sentence French /o/ is adapted as the high vowel /u/ in “Ich babe _ gesagt” [I said _] 8). 76% of cases (13 out of 17 words), but it is not The results, summarized in Tables 4 and 5 adapted as /e/ in a single case. In other words, in ( l4), show that subjects overwhelming chose although German and French /o/ are phonolog- /u/ as the closest Japanese vowel to all four ically identical vowels, they follow divergent German vowels. The preceding consonant had adaptation patterns in Japanese. Why does only one noticable effect: /ii/ was perceived as French /o/ follow a pattern different from Ger- /ju/ more often when the preceding consonant man /o/? To answer this question, it will be was a nasal (around 40% in comparison to the necessary not only to have a closer look at the average 17.5%)9). Differences between the French, German and Japanese vowel systems citation-form condition and the sentence condi- from a phonetic point of view, but also to more tion are shown in Tables 4 and 5. deeply examine the whole process of adaptation. In all conditions, all four German umlaut A further point of interest is that results of vowels were perceived as the single segment /u/ perceptual experiments performed by the author by Japanese speakers. Whereas these results are on Japanese subjects show that, in the vast consistent with the adaptation pattern of French majority of cases, Japanese perceive all four /o/ → /u/, it is not consistent with the adaptation German front rounded vowels ([ill, [ii:], [0] and pattern of German /ii/→ /ju/ or German /o/→ /e/. [o:]) as/u/. These asymmetries - the difference be- The subjects for the experiment were 16 tween the adaptation of German /o/ and French female and 8 male university students. They /o/, as well as the mismatch between the percep- were speakers of the Kansai dialect with little or tion of German front rounded vowels and their no proficiency in German or French. Subjects actual adaptation pattern - indicate that the adap- were played German nonsense words containing tation process is neither purely phonetically nor [ill, [ii:], [0] and [o:], and were asked to select purely phonologically grounded. the Japanese sound that was closest to what they
(14) Comparison of adaptation pattern and perception results of German umlaut in Japanese
Table 4: Adaptation pattern and perception of /ii/ in both conditions Single segment Sequence o Others Total /u/ VV Glide and vowel /i/ /u/ /ui/ or /iu/ /wl/ /Ju/ Adaptation pattern 100% in Japanese 'UU-/o Perception results 97.2% , . 1.0% 1.8% 100% in citation form erception results 803% l 7.5% . 2.2% 100% にin sentence condition
- 46 - On the Asymmetry in the Adaptation Pattern of German Umlaut in Japanese
Table 5 : Adaptation pattern and perception of /o/ in both conditions ,ing1, segmen Sequence of VV Others Total /o/ or glide and vowel /e/ /o/ /u/ /a/ /eo,oe/ /we/ 110/ Adaptation pattern 100% in Japanese Perception results 1.0% 10.6% 1.7% 100% in citation form erception results 1.0% a ,l I o/_ 10.1 % 4.8% 100% にin sentence condition
Japanese cannot be explained in solely phono- 6. Conclusion logical nor in solely phonetic terms. This paper pointed out the asymmetry in the adaptation pattern of German front rounded vowels in Japanese. German /ii/ is adapted as a Acknowledgements sequence of glide and vowel (I excluded all examples of /ii/ → /i/ due to the influence of I would like to thank Haruo Kubozono for inspir- orthography), thus preserving both features ing and supporting this work. I am very grateful ([- back] and [+round]) of /ii/. German /o/, on the to Mark Scott and the two anonymous reviewers other hand, is adapted as a single front vowel, for their extensive and helpful comments on the resulting in the loss of the feature [+round]. original manuscript. All remaining errors are of My major claim is that the asymmetry in course my own. these adaptation-patterns is caused by the differ- ent height specifications of the source vowels, which results in /o/ facing a restriction that has no effect on the adaptation of /ii/. The pattern /ii/ Notes → /ju/ constitutes the less marked pattern, and 1) German front rounded vowels have a short-long /o/ cannot follow this pattern because it is a distinction. This distinction is also a qualitative one non-high vowel and if it were adapted as the in that short vowels are lax and long vowels are glide-vowel sequence /jo/, it would require an tense. However, the length distinction is irrelevant, additional specification for height ([+high] for as length distinctions are preserved and do not effect the glide). Due to this fact, /o/ cannot, in contrast the adaptation patterns (that is, apart from a few to /ii/, be adapted as a sequence of glide and exceptions, long and short versions of the German vowel, and is instead adapted as a single seg- vowels undergo the same adaptation pattern and ment. preserve their length). Therefore, I will not make further reference to length in this paper. The IPA The analysis given in this paper is primarily symbols for German umlaut are: [Y] for short /u/, phonological. Further research must examine the [y:] for 1ong /ii/, [eel for short /o/ and [0:] for long adaptation patterns in Japanese of front rounded /o/. However, I will use [ii(:)] and [o(:)] as the vowels from German and other languages from a phonetic symbols throughout the paper. phonetic point of view. In this regard an expla- 2) It should be noted that older loanwords showed a nation should be sought for the discrepancy variety of forms, e.g. Yazaki ( l 964: l 70) lists 29 between the way German front rounded vowels different adaptations of the name of the German author Goethe. However, the dictionaries contain are adapted into Japanese and the way German the standardised and most commonly used forms in vowels are perceived by Japanese. The asymme- contemporary Japanese. tries pointed out in this paper show that the 3) One exception is the German word 'schon' ( シャ ン adaptation process of front rounded vowels in shan, 'beautiful '), a borrowing dating back to the - 47 - 研究ノ ート (Research Notes)
Taisho period (1912- 1926). In this case a represen- (perception as /a/ in citation-form condition: [0] = tation by the unrounded phoneme /e/ 1eads to the 20.2%, [o:] = 1.0%; perception as /a/ in sentence sequence /she/. This sequence did not occur in condition: [0] = 20.2%, [0 ] = 0%). Japanese during the Taisho period, which is why /o/ was not represented by /e/, but by the vowel /a/ (analogously the opposite 'unschon' → ウンシヤン unshan follows the same pattern). As this constitutes References the only exception (and an even older form of this loanword is the unexceptional シ ェ ー ン shan, see Arakawa, Sobei (1976) GairaigoJiten [Loanword dic- Yazaki 1964: 117), I do not consider it any further. tionary]. Tokyo: Kadokawa. 4) The French data for /ii/ comprises 72 words, l 3 Calabrese, Andrea (1995) “A constraint-based theory proper nouns and 59 other nouns from, for instance, of phonological markedness and simplification pro- the fields of fashion, art, and cooking. cedures,” Linguistic Inquiry 26-3, 373-463. 5) One possibility might be to posit /o/ → /e/ as the Casali, Roderic F. (1997) “Vowel elision in hiatus default pattern and assume that /ii/ cannot follow contexts: Which vowels goes?,” Language 73-3, this pattern due to an extra constraint. This con- 493- 533. straint could be a restriction in Japanese on the long Chikyu no arukikata ( l995/96) Doitsu [Germany]. vowel [i:], a vowel which does not occur at all in Tokyo: Daiyamondo. the Sine-Japanese stratum of the lexicon. However, Chikyu no arukikata (1997/98) Furansu [France]. this approach has the undesirable consequence of Tokyo: Daiyamondo. only affecting the long vowel and thus predicting a Honma, Yayoi (1985) “An acoustic study of Japanese divergence in the patterns of long and short vowels; vowels - their quality, pitch, amplitude, and dura- such a divergence does not occur in Japanese. tion ” In Y. Honma Acoustic Phonetics in English M oreover, this constraint is not well motivated. and Japanese. (pp 97- 116). Tokyo: Yamaguchi. 6) A closer look at Japanese /u/ reveals that, from Imaishi, Motohisa (1997) M hongo onsei no Jikkenteki the point of articulation, it is a centralised rather kenkyu [Experimental Research on Japanese Phonet- than a back vowel (Honma 1985: 103, Kubozono ics]. Osaka: Izumi shoin. 1999: 36f. and Figure 1 in (13)). This offers an Japanese Language Research Institute (1990) Niho,tgo explanation for the weak lip rounding on /u/. In no boin, shiin, onsetsu [Vowels, Consonants and accordance with the natural relationship between Syllables in Japanese]. Tokyo: Japanese Language backness and rounding, namely that in the un- Research Institute. marked case front vowels are unrounded and back Kawahara, Shigeto (2003) “On a certain type of hiatus vowels are rounded, a fronting of /u/ naturally resolution in Japanese,” Phonological Studies 6, results in a weakening of its lip rounding (Kubo- 11- 20. zono 1999: 37). Kawai, Junji (2003) “Markedness in casual speech,” 7) /?/ is not phonemic in German, but is phonet- Japa,tese Linguistics 14, 73- 97. ically inserted in any empty onset position. Kubozono, Haruo (1999) Nihongo no Onsei [The 8) The stimuli were spoken by a male and a female Sound System of Japanese]. Tokyo: Iwanami. German speaker from Berlin and recorded on a Kubozono, Haruo (2002) “Prosodic structure of loan- DAT recorder. In the citation-form condition, sub- words in Japanese: Syllable structure, accent and jects listened to six sets of stimuli (three of the male morphology,” Journal of the Phonetic Society of speaker, three of the female speaker), with the sex Japan 6- l , 79- 97. of the speaker changing from set to set. Within each Lindau, M ona (1978) “Vowel features,” Language set, the stimuli were played in random order. Thus, 54-3, 541-563. the 24 stimuli were heard 6 times, giving a total of Lovins, Julie Beth ( l 973) “Loanwords and the Phono- l 44 tokens. In the sentence condition, I used only logical Structure of Japanese ” PhD dissertation. the male-speaker's recordings. The sentences were Chicago Illinois: University of Chicago. played three times each in random order, giving a Rosenthal, Samuel (1994) “Vowel / Glide Alternation total of 72 tokens. in a Theory of Constraint Interaction ” PhD disser- 9) No difference was seen between the responses to tation. University of M assachusetts, Amherst. the male and female stimuli. Vowel length showed [ROA-126, http://roa.rutgers.edu] an influence on the results in the case of /o/ only: Sanseido (1977) Konsaisu Chimeljiten [Concise Dic- short [0] was occasionally perceived as /a/, while tionary of Place Names]. Tokyo: Sanseido. long [o:] was almost never perceived this way Shibatani, Masayoshi (1990) The Languages of Japan. - 48 - On the Asymmetry in the Adaptation Pa[tern of German Umlaut in Japanese
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tsujimura, Natsuko (1996) An Introduction to Japa- Shogakukan (1998) Reibun do yomu katakanago no nese Linguistics. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Black- Jiten ' A Dictionary of loanwords. Tokyo: Shoga- well. kukan. Umegaki, Minoru (1979) GairaigoJiten [Loanword Strange, Winifred, Ocke-Schwen Bohn, Sonja A. dictionary]. Tokyo: Tokyodo. Trent and Kanae Nishi (2004) “Acoustic and per- Vance, Timothy J. (1987) An Introduction to Japanese ceptual similarity of North German and American Phonology. Albany: State University of New York. English vowels,” Journal of the Acoustic Society of Yazaki, Genkuro (1964) Nihon no Gairaigo [Japanese America 115-4. 1791- 1807. loanwords]. Tokyo: I wanami.
Received December 27, 2004;、 ( Accepted March 6, 2005.ノ
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