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Different Distributions of Contrastive Vowel Nasalization in Basque

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Different Distributions of Contrastive Vowel Nasalization in Basque Loquens 2(1) January 2015, e017 eISSN 2386-2637 doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/loquens.2015.017 Different distributions of contrastive vowel nasalization in Basque Ander Egurtzegi University of the Basque Country [email protected] Submitted: 30/07/2014. Accepted: 14/11/2014. Av ailable on line: 01/12/2015 Citation / Cómo citar este artículo: Egurtzegi, A. Different distributions of contrastive vowel nasalization in Basque. Loquens, 2(1), e017. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/loquens.2015.017 ABSTRACT: Contrastive vowel nasalization is usually a consequence of the reinterpretation of the phonetic nasali- zation of a vowel due to coarticulation with an adjacent nasal consonant as originating in the vowel itself. Basque developed contrastive vowel nasalization after the loss of the nasalized laryngeal /ɦ̃/ (from older intervocalic *n). This loss did not occur under the same circumstances in all dialects, and thus yielded different distributions of con- trastive nasalization. This paper discusses the development of two different patterns of contrastive vowel nasaliza- tion, namely those of Zuberoan and Roncalese dialects. While modern Zuberoan shows contrastive vowel nasalization only in the last syllable, the now extinct Roncalese dialect had phonologically nasalized vowels in any syllable of the word. In addition, these two dialects possessed different nasalized vowel inventories. Other Basque dialects with attested contrastive vowel nasalization, such as Old Bizkaian, are discussed as well. Although the presence of contrastive vowel nasalization in Basque is known in the literature (see Hualde, 1993, and Michelena, 1977/2011, for Zuberoan; and Michelena, 1954/2011, for Roncalese), this paper presents new analyses of vowel nasalization of two neighboring dialects of Basque, Zuberoan and Roncalese. Keywords: nasalization; vowel inventories; historical phonology; Basque. RESUMEN: Diferentes distribuciones de la nasalización vocálica contrastiva en vasco.– La nasalización vocálica contrastiva es habitualmente consecuencia de la reinterpretación de la nasalización fonética de una vocal debida a la coarticulación con una consonante nasal adyacente como si esta se originase en la propia vocal. El euskera desarrolló nasalización vocálica contrastiva tras la pérdida de la laringal nasalizada /ɦ̃/ (de antigua *n intervocálica). Esta pér- dida no ocurrió en los mismos contextos en todos los dialectos y, por lo tanto, dio lugar a diferentes distribuciones de la nasalización contrastiva. Este artículo analiza el desarrollo de los patrones de nasalización vocálica contrastiva en los dialectos vascos suletino y roncalés. Mientras que el suletino moderno muestra nasalización contrastiva solo en la última sílaba, el ahora extinto dialecto roncalés llegó a poseer vocales fonológicamente nasalizadas en cualquier sílaba de la palabra. Estos dos dialectos poseían, además, distintos inventarios de vocales nasalizadas. También se analizan otros dialectos vascos con nasali- zación vocálica atestiguada, como el vizcaíno antiguo. A pesar de que la presencia de nasalización vocálica contrastiva en euskera es conocida en la bibliografía (v. Hualde, 1993, y Michelena, 1977/2011, para el suletino; y Michelena, 1954/2011, para el roncalés), este trabajo presenta nuevos análisis de la nasalización en suletino y roncalés, dos dialectos vascos vecinos. Palabras clave: nasalización; inventarios vocálicos; fonología diacrónica; euskera. 1. INTRODUCCIÓN p. 298). In the UPSID database 71 out of 317 languages (22.4%) show this feature (Maddieson, 1984, p. 130). Nasalization is one of the most widespread (non-basic) Most authors (first Larrasquet, 1939, and then echo- vocalic features in the world’s languages, together with ed by Michelena, 1977/2011; Hualde, 1993, 2003; or contrastive vowel length (Ladefoged & Maddieson, 1996, Zuazo, 2008, p. 46) describe vowels surrounding nasal Copyright: © 2015 CSIC This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial (by-nc) Spain 3.0 License. 2 • Ander Egurtzegi consonants as nasalized in Basque. Examples of non- they were either dropped after the second (stressed) sy- contrastive phonetic nasalization include any vowel in llable—as in the continental dialects Lapurdian, Low contact with a nasal or nasalized consonant, such as the Navarrese and Zuberoan—or they were lost altogether— vowels in the Zuberoan words khatiña /kha.ˈti.ɲa/ [kha. as ultimately happened in the other dialects. Lastly, /ɦ̃/ ˈtĩ.ɲã] ‘chain’, ihitz /i.ˈɦ̃iʦ̻ / [ĩ.ˈɦ̃ĩʦ̻ ] ‘dew, frost’, or ene / was deprived of its nasalization and merged with /h/ in ˈe.ne/ [ˈẽ.nẽ] ‘mine’. In addition, contrastive vowel nasa- Lapurdian and Low Navarrese. Thus, nasalized /ɦ̃/ is lization has been described in the literature for some only preserved in modern Zuberoan and only in the se- Basque dialects, most notably Zuberoan (see Hualde, cond syllable of the word. The domain of /ɦ̃/ loss and /ɦ̃/ 1993, 2003; Michelena, 1977/2011). In this paper, I retention is depicted in Figure 1: /ɦ̃/ is maintained in the build on previous analyses and propose a more detailed head syllable of a word-initial iambic foot. Table 1 description, which involves a new, more restrictive shows examples of the evolution of nasalized /ɦ̃/ in the analysis including a smaller nasalized vowel inventory inherited lexicon and Latin loanwords and Table 2 in the case of Zuberoan and the restriction of the nasali- shows examples of retention of /h/ in the first two zation contrast to the stressed syllable in both Zuberoan syllables: and Roncalese. This initial section serves as an introduction. Section Figure 1. Domain-dependent loss (and retention) of /ɦ̃/ in 2 discusses the unrestricted distribution of contrastive Zuberoan. vowel nasalization in Roncalese and Old Bizkaian (2.1) and the restricted distribution found in Zuberoan (2.2), ∑ then their historical development and a comparison bet- ween them (2.3), as well as briefly mentioning the histori- cal presence of contrastive nasalization in other Basque dialects (2.4). Finally, section 3 offers conclusions on the σ σ´ σ previously discussed sound patterns. Contrastive vowel nasalization is usually a conse- quence of the reinterpretation of the phonetic nasaliza- tion of a vowel due to coarticulation with an adjacent [ωCV. CV. CV nasal consonant as originating in the vowel itself (see Beddor, 2009; Hajek, 1993; Ohala, 1993, pp. 247–248). In languages which previously lacked contrastive vowel nasalization, the development of an opposition between not /ɦ/ Ø oral and nasalized vowels is usually associated with the applicable loss of a nasal consonant (see Blevins, 2004, p. 202; Hajek, 1997; Ohala 1981, p. 186, 1989). Thus, nasali- Table 1. Intervocalic /n/ > /ɦ̃/ in modern Zuberoan. zed vowels are not “created” after the loss of a nasal consonant, given that they were already nasalized prior Rec./Lat. Zuberoan Trans. Gloss to the consonant drop, at least phonetically (see Ohala, *anari ahái /a. ̃ai/ ‘ram’ 1993, p. 248). It is typically only after the loss of the ˈɦ ̯ nasal consonant that they become contrastive segments *ini íhi /ˈi.ɦ̃i/ ‘reed’ and an opposition between oral and nasalized vowels anătem aháte /a.ˈɦ̃a.te/ ‘duck’ arises. honōrem uhúe /u.ˈɦ̃u.e/ ‘honor’ 2. DISTRIBUTIONS OF CONTRASTIVE VOWEL Table 2. Retention of /h/ in modern Zuberoan. NASALIZATION IN BASQUE Rec. Zuberoan Trans. Gloss In Basque, contrastive vowel nasalization arised in *hirur hiu /hju/ ‘three’ *VnV sequences. First, all instances of intervocalic /n/ *haur hau /hau/ ‘this’ systematically became a nasalized aspirate /ɦ̃/ around the beginning of the Middle Ages (see Egurtzegi, 2014, *alhaba alhaba /al.ˈha.ba/ ‘daughter’ 1 section 4.2.3; Egurtzegi, sub.; Igartua, 2008). Later, af- *zahar zahar / s̻a.ˈhar/ ‘old’ ter the loss of the aspirates /h/ and /ɦ̃/, vowels surroun- ding the nasalized aspirate /ɦ̃/ became contrastively na- Given that all laryngeals were dropped altogether salized. Aspirated segments were lost in two ways in the from the 11th to the 14th century in the central and wes- different Basque dialects (Egurtzegi, 2014, section 4.3): tern dialects (in Michelena, 1977/2011, p. 169; Salaberri, 1 Aquitanian roots such as seni– (Gorrochategui, 1984) still show the intervocalic nasal stop absent in its more recent forms, cf. Archaic Bizkaian sẽĩ (> modern sein) ‘boy’ and Lapurdean and Low Navarrese sehi ‘servant’. Loquens, 2(1), January 2015, e017. eISSN 2386-2637 doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/loquens.2015.017 Different distributions of contrastive vowel nasalization in Basque • 3 2013; see Egurtzegi, 2014, section 4.3.1), these varieties Table 3. Contrastively nasalized vowels and diphthongs in possibly possessed nasalized vowels in any syllable. On Roncalese. the other hand, eastern dialects only lost aspirates from the second syllable on (see Egurtzegi, 2014, section Roncalese Trans. Std. Basque Gloss 4.3.2), so that vowel nasalization could only develop ãr /ãr/ har ‘worm’ within that domain in that area. õl /õl/ ohol ‘board’ As a consequence, two different patterns of nasaliza- tion evolved independently in different Basque dialects (i)ĩze /ˈĩ.s̻e/ ehiza ‘hunt’ depending on the context where laryngeals were lost. ãĩzto /ˈãĩ̯s̻.to/ aizto ‘knife’ While Roncalese lost laryngeals altogether, the neighbo- ardãũ /ar.ˈdãũ̯/ ardo ‘wine’ ring Zuberoan dialect maintained both laryngeals /h/ and ẽũr inor ‘somebody’ nasalized /ɦ̃/, the former in the first two syllables of the /ẽũ̯r/ word (Table 2) and the latter in the second syllable only sũ, sĩ /s̺ũ/, /s̺ĩ/ suhi ‘son-in-law’ (Table 1). Thus, Roncalese vowels can contrast in nasali- ty in any part of the word and appear in both monosylla- bic and disyllabic/polysyllabic words, while the same Table 4. Contrastively nasalized vowels and diphthongs in contrast is only found in the stressed syllable of oxytonic Archaic and Old Bizkaian.2 disyllabic/polysyllabic words in Zuberoan, and it is thus absent from word-initial syllables (see Hualde, 2003, p. Archaic/Old Trans. Std. Basque Gloss 31). Each distribution is discussed in turn in the following Bizkaian sections. burdĩã /bur.dĩ.ã/ burdina ‘iron’ sardĩã / s̺ar.dĩ.ã/ sardina ‘sardine’ mĩ /mĩ/ mihi ‘tongue’ 2.1.
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