In the Puerto Rican Spanish : a Phonological Study of the Latency of the /S/ in Coda Position

Home , Central American Spanish, Compensatory lengthening, Debuccalization, Hiatus (linguistics), Liaison (French), Nicaraguan Spanish

Griselle M. Calderón Morales

The laryngealized /s/ in the Puerto Rican Spanish : a phonological study of the latency of the /s/ in coda position

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CALDERÓN MORALES Griselle M. . The laryngealized /s/ in the Puerto Rican Spanish : a phonological study of the latency of the /s/ in coda position, sous la direction de Michela Russo. - Lyon : Université Jean Moulin (Lyon 3), 2017. Mémoire soutenu le 04/07/2017.

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JEAN MOULIN UNIVERSITY – LYON 3

Linguistics Department

Master of Arts in Linguistic and Dialectology

THE LARYNGEALIZED /S/ IN THE PUERTO RICAN SPANISH:

A PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF THE LATENCY OF THE /S/ IN CODA POSITION

Griselle M. CALDERÓN MORALES

Advisor Michela RUSSO Professor of Linguistics at the Jean Moulin University – Lyon 3, Structure Formelles du Langage (UMR 7023 CNRS – Paris 8) 2016-2017

THE LARYNGEALIZED /S/ IN THE PUERTO RICAN SPANISH:

A PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF THE LATENCY OF THE /S/ IN CODA POSITION

Master’s degree thesis

Romance Linguistic and Dialectology

Jean Moulin University

Year 2016-2017

Griselle M. CALDERÓN MORALES

Advisor Michela RUSSO Professor of Linguistics at the Jean Moulin University – Lyon 3

Thesis Committee: Maria-Rosa LLORET, Professor of Linguistics at the Universitat de Barcelona & Violeta MARTÍNEZ-PARICIO, Principal Investigator at the Universitat de València & Shanti ULFSBJORNINN,

Researcher, University College London

Abstract

The /s/ in a coda position has always been one of the most studied aspects of Hispanic linguistics. In this work, we will present once again this aspect but in the Puerto Rican Spanish variation, which is considered one of the most innovative variations within the Caribbean and coastal dialects. In Puerto Rico, the /s/ in a coda position is debuccalized or deleted depending on the environment of it: /s/ + voiceless consonant, voiced consonant, nasal stop or liquids in a word-medial and cross-boundaries context, and /s/ + vowel across boundaries. After the examination of spectrograms from the spontaneous speech recordings made on the Island, we found that, in fact, the /s/ is not pronounced the majority of the time. The outcomes when the /s/ in a coda position gets debuccalized or deleted in spontaneous speech in word-medial or across boundary context are final devoicing of the preceding vowel plus gemination of the following consonant, complete gemination of the following consonant, and deletion before a pause or utterance-final position. In a cross-boundary context, when the /s/ in a coda position was followed by a vowel we have a glottal constriction that preserves the syllable structure after the resyllabification process. To explain the phonological processes which undergo the /s/ we used an autosegmental approach followed by an Optimality theory analysis.

Resumen

La /s/ en posición de coda silábica siempre ha sido uno de los aspectos más estudiados en la Lingüística Hispánica. En este trabajo, presentaremos una vez más este aspecto, empero dentro del español de Puerto Rico, considerado uno de los dialectos hispánicos más innovadores del Caribe y la zona costera de América Central. En Puerto Rico, la /s/ en posición de coda pasa por el proceso de lenición o se elimina dependiendo de los segmentos que estén a su alrededor: /s/ seguida de consonante sorda, consonante sonora, nasal o líquida a mitad o frontera de palabra, y /s/ seguida de vocal en frontera de palabra. Luego de examinar los espectrogramas de las grabaciones de habla espontánea hechas en la Isla, encontramos que, en efecto, la /s/ en coda silábica no es pronunciada la mayor parte de las veces. Los resultados de los procesos de lenición o la eliminación de la /s/ a mitad o frontera de palabra son: ensordecimiento de la parte final de la vocal precedente más la geminación de la consonante siguiente, geminación completa de la consonante siguiente, y eliminación ante pausa o final de frase. Sin embargo, cuando la /s/ en coda se elide frente a vocal en frontera de palabra, obtenemos una constricción glotal que ayuda a mantener la estructura silábica luego de la resilabificación. Los procesos fonológicos por los cuales transcurre la /s/ en coda silábica se explicarán desde la perspectiva de la fonología autosegmental y luego con un análisis dentro de la teoría de la Optimidad.

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank my professor Michela Russo for the guidance and support during the accomplishment of this degree and thesis work. Also, to Shanti Ulfsbjorninn (post-doc and researcher) and Professor Ioana Chirotan for the extra comments and guidance during the research process. To God, to my family and friends back in Puerto Rico, to my friends in France and in the US, thank you.

Agradecimientos

Quisiera agradecer a mi profesora Michela Russo por guiarme y brindarme su apoyo en este proceso de investigación y a lo largo de la maestría. Además, quisiera extender este agradecimiento a Shanti Ulfsbjorninn, investigador y post-doc, y a la profesora Ioana Chitoran por sus consejos y sus comentarios durante el proceso de investigación. Por último, pero no menos importante, a Dios, mi familia y mis amigos dentro y fuera de Puerto Rico, simplemente gracias por todo el apoyo brindado.

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... i

Resumen ...... ii

Acknowledgements ...... iii

Agradecimientos...... iii

Introduction ...... 1

1. Spanish and its variations...... 3

1.1. Spanish varieties in the world ...... 4

1.2. The Puerto Rican Spanish ...... 6

2. The Porto Rican /s/ and its phonetic representation...... 8

2.1. Weakening and allophones of the /s/...... 9

3. Methodology, corpus, and data set ...... 13

4. Corpus description and formalization ...... 15

5. The spectrographic analysis ...... 26

5.1. Aspirated sounds or laryngealized sounds? ...... 26

5.2. The comeback of the geminates? ...... 31

6. Overview of previous phonological studies of the coronal fricative /s/ in the Puerto Rican Spanish ...... 39

7. Codas and phonological processes...... 42

7.1. Lenition ...... 42

7.2. Deletion ...... 43

7.3. Phonological representations in Spanish ...... 44

8. Templatic (multi-linear) representation ...... 45

8.1. Compensatory lengthening ...... 46

9. Our analysis ...... 49 ii

9.1. Optimality analysis ...... 53

9.1.1. The syllable in OT ...... 54

9.1.2. OT in Puerto Rican Spanish ...... 55

9.1.3. Definition of the constraints...... 56

9.1.4. Tableaux ...... 57

10. Conclusion ...... 61

10.1. Recommendations: ...... 62

11. Appendix: Corpus ...... 64

Table of Figures ...... 78

List of Tableaux ...... 79

Bibliography ...... 80

Spanish ...... 80

Phonetics and Acoustics ...... 81

Phonology...... 83

Introduction

The Puerto Rican Spanish is one of the innovative varieties from the Spanish languages in the Caribbean. Some of its characteristics are the velarization of the /r/ in attack or coda position, the lateralization of the /r/ in coda position and among others, what it is known as the debuccalization (aspiration) of the /s/ in coda position. The latter is one of the common characteristics between the Caribbean and coastal varieties of Spanish. However, for the Puerto Rican Spanish, we could see how this debuccalization affect the phonation of the vowels in cross boundaries as in los elefantes [loḛ lefanteØ] ‘the elephants’, resulting in a laryngealized vowel instead of the aspiration, as recent studies have shown. Another realization is the compensatory lengthening of the following consonant in word-medial position or across boundaries; when the following consonant is a voiceless plosive, the preceding vowel has final aspiration in as in este [eht:e] ‘so’, and just the lengthening of the following consonant when it is a voiced plosive, nasal stop or liquid. At the end of an utterance or before a pause the word-final /s/ achieves deletion.

In this study, we aim to explain the following: is the /s/ in a coda position produced during the spontaneous speech? If not, what type of phoneme is produced? Are the vowels always laryngealized when the /s/ is aspirated or elided across boundaries? What type of phonological process takes place for what the phonetic realization has shown? What happens with the segment, inside the word and word-final across boundaries during the speech chain? For it, we will present a corpus of spontaneous speech recollected by the researcher in Puerto Rico during the summer of 2016. The corpus will contain lexical items, determinant phrases, and adjective phrases to see the behavior of the /s/ in a cross-boundary and word-internal context. This corpus has been analyzed in Praat for a better insight of the /s/ production. Furthermore, we will present a phonological analysis within the autosegmental framework using a templatic representation of the phonological process that undergoes the /s/ in a syllable-final position. In addition, we will present the results of our autosegmental analysis within an Optimality Theory framework. We will demonstrate that the Puerto Rican Spanish variation prefers to stay faithful with its syllabic structure. Yet, even if the coda is a 2 marked position, the Puerto Rican Spanish choose a less marked phoneme like the [ʔ] instead of the [h] when to maintain the syllabic structure after resyllabification in a speech chain.

1. Spanish and its variations

The Spanish language or Castilian is one of the Romance Languages that developed from the varieties of Latin spoken in the northern region of the Iberian Peninsula, after the establishment of the Roman Empire in 218 AC. Castilian was the language of one of the most powerful kingdoms of the Northern Peninsula, the Kingdom of Castile. Even after the Kingdom of Castile and the Kingdom of Leon joined, Castilian stayed the privileged language. Later, Castilian, who will be referred henceforth as Spanish, became in contact with “Mozarabic”, the language spoken by the Moorish population in the southern part of the Peninsula, known as Al-Andalus, today Andalusia. This contact could have begun when some of the Moorish seek refuge in the northern part of the Peninsula, or later by the time of the Reconquista of the south by the Northern Christians. Nevertheless, this have been difficult to prove (Pountain 2012).

The first sign of the Spanish language was discovered around the Tenth Century with the Glosas Emilianenses, from the San Millán de la Cogolla monastery, and Glosas Silenses, from the Silos monastery. Later, the replacement of Latin as an official language, used in chancery, to Spanish was around the Thirteen Century when Fernando III (who reigned 1217-1252) followed the steps of Afonso III of Portugal. The first sights of a standardization are present in the scriptoria of Alfonso X, who reigned 1252-1284. The first Gramática de la lengua castellana was created by Antonio de Nebrija in 1492, the same year that Christopher Columbus discovered America. Then the same year, Nebrija published the Diccionario latino-español and his Vocabulario español-latino in 1495. These books were the base for Covarrubia’s Tesoro de la lengua castellana o Española in 1611, and then for the series of dictionaries of the Real Academia Española. A treaty for grammar was included in Reglas de orthographia en la lengua castellana in 1517. These are the “cornerstones of language standardization” (Pountain 2012). Two centuries later, Philip V of the Bourbon family, established the Real Academia Española in 1713, under the model of the Académie Française.

1.1. Spanish varieties in the world

The Spanish language is intelligible wherever it is spoken. Nonetheless, there are differences that distinguish the dialect of a determinate space either at a phonetics, lexical or semantic level. In Spain, the most noticeable division is between the north and the south, or rather Castile and Andalusia. The strongest differences are phonetic. For example, Lipski (2012) mentions the aspiration or elision of the word-final /s/ as in “vamos pues [ˈba.moh.ˈpu̯ e] ‘let’s go, then’”, loss of word-final /ɾ/ as in “por favor [po.fa.ˈβo] ‘please’”, and the pronunciation of preconsonantal /l/as [ɾ] as in soldado [soɾ.ˈða.o] ‘soldier’”.

In Latin America, the picture is broader. Before the Spanish crown colonized the Caribbean Region, Central and South America, Indigenous people populated the lands. Different tribes, different countries, different languages. During the process of colonization, the Spanish crown and the Church sent evangelists to convert the Indians to Christianity and to teach them the Spanish language. In the process were also presents African languages from the slaves, however, in the majority of the cases no creole language was created.1 In the present, only in the countries where indigenous people still exists and speaks their language, we can see results of language contact. Some are in Central and South America, for example with Quechua and Guaraní in the Andean region and Paraguay.

Due to the vast territorial that comprehends Latin America, dialects are often divided in Mexico (except for coastal areas) and the southwestern United States; Caribbean Region: Cuba, Puerto Rico, Dominican Republic, Panama, Caribbean coast of Colombia and Venezuela, Caribbean coast of Mexico, and also Mexico’s Pacific coast; Guatemala, parts of the Yucatan (Mexico), and Costa Rica; El Salvador, Honduras

1 There are only three creole languages based on Spanish: Palenquero in Colombia, Papiamentu in Curaçao and Zamboangueño in the Philippines. (Clements 2012).

5 and Nicaragua; Colombia (interior) and neighboring highland areas of Venezuela; Pacific coast of Colombia, Ecuador and Peru; Andean regions of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, northwest Argentina, and northeast Chile; Chile; Paraguay, northeastern Argentina, and eastern Bolivia; Argentina (except the extreme northwest and northeast) and Uruguay (Lipski 2012).

The variations between Spanish dialects are mostly phonetic and phonologic. The Spanish language, in general,, share the same inventory of vowels and consonants phonemes. The major contrast between dialects is the distribution of the voiceless interdental fricative /θ/ and the palatal lateral /ʎ/. Their geographic distribution is delimited and is absent in most of the varieties of Spanish (Lipski 2012). The /s/-/θ/ opposition is one of the principal differences in the Peninsula, for example [kasa] casa ‘house’ and [kaθa] / caza ‘hunt’. The neutralization of / s/-/θ/ towards /s/ is known as seseo, which typifies the Western and Central Andalusia. On the other side, the neutralization towards /θ/, known as ceceo, can be found in rural areas and small towns of Andalusia. As in the Canary Islands, in Latin America, the opposition does not exist in favor of the seseo. As for the palatal lateral, there are few Spanish speaking areas that maintain the distinction, been the neutralization towards /j/ favored. This is known as yeísmo, which began as an erosion of the lateral pronunciation by the “few minimal pairs to its credit” (Lipski 2012). Another great variation trigger is the pronunciation of consonants in post-nuclear position. The most affected consonants are /s/, /ɾ/, /l/ and /n/. The variations of these consonants varies from dialect to dialect, but the concurrent realizations are the weakening of the /s/ to an aspirated version [h] or elision as in [ˈkasas] ~ [ˈkasah] ‘house, houses’, the lateralization of the /ɾ/ as in [koˈmeɾ] ~ [koˈmel] ‘to eat’, and the velarization of the /n/ as in [ˈbenga] ~ [ˈbeŋga] ‘come’. These variations are well spread among all Spanish dialects. In addition, it has been found that in some post-nuclear /s/ aspirated dialects, there is the aspiration of the word initial /s/ as in [laheˈmana] la semana ‘the week’. Although this is not the norm, it is present in the vernacular speech of El Salvador, much of Honduras and the traditional Spanish of New Mexico. The word initial /s/ aspiration is always attested in varieties with word-final aspiration, not alone (Lipski 2012; Morales 2000).

1.2. The Puerto Rican Spanish

The Spanish crown discovered Puerto Rico on November 19, 1493, a year after of the discovering of the Dominican Republic. However, it was in the sixteen century when the colonization was begun and with it, the Spanish Language arrived. According to Vaquero (1996) most of the Spaniards that arrived and stayed on the Island were from Andalusia and the Canary Island and at the time 67% of the female population were Andalusians. This explains why the Antillean Spanish have the same phonetics from the Andalusian and Canary Island Spanish. The most relevant example is the weakened final consonants, which studies have been conducted since the beginning to establish the connection with the Andalusians and Canarians. Later, after the Hispanic-American War in 1898, as Puerto Rico passed from the Spanish Crown to the United States of America, the English language arrived at the Island. After many years, the contact between these two languages and attempts to completely Americanized Puerto Ricans, English have only generated some influence in the Puerto Rican Spanish, but nothing major. Most of the influence is lexical.

The Puerto Rican Spanish have also influence from other parts of Spain as more Spaniards begin to move to the Island. Nevertheless, the southern variation of the peninsula was who established the norms for our variation. Different from the rest of Latin America, Puerto Rico has very little influence from the Taíno language, from the native people that live in the Island, and from the African languages, that arrived with the slaves during the colonization period. Most of this influence is lexical other than phonetic. Phonetically, it presents the same characteristics from the rest of the Caribbean: the seseo, the yeísmo, the velarization of the /r/, the neutralization of l/r in coda position and the weakening of the implosive /s/.

In morphosyntax, the popular and rural uses of the lexicon can create disagreement with some words that are not permitted in educated speech, like using yerna in female (the correct form is yerno ‘son-in-law’), or ovejo or cabro in masculine (these words designed the female animals oveja ‘sheep’ and cabra ‘goat’). It uses frequently personal pronouns that are not necessary for Spanish (this has been attributed to the English-Spanish contact in the Island). It also places, generally, the personal

7 pronouns in front of an infinitive verb, as in al yo venir ‘when I come’, of after, as in al dercirme tú ‘when you told me’. Recently, Puerto Ricans have begun to use the pronoun le as a direct object complement as in Le Saluda ‘Greetings to’. This, known as leísmo is well accepted in educated speech. However, it does not use it as a reference to a thing, leísmo de cosa, as in el libro, le dejé allí ‘the book, I left it there’. This form is also used generally for singular and plural, even if the form is in singular, as in Le entregué los papeles a los empleados ‘I gave the papers to the employees’. Pronominal forms like siéntensen/siéntesen ‘to sit’; súbansen/súbasen ‘get in’, delen ‘move’, demen ‘give me’ are used in popular speech but rejected in educated speech. Other syntactic phenomena like the breaking of verbal phrases, we find the use of gerundive with adjectives of nominal functions, the use of infinitive verbs in subordinated phrases without the subjunctive, the lack of the subjunctive in any form the employment of the verbs in the passive form attributed to the contact with the English Language. The Hispanic, Taíno and African Lexicon compose the vocabulary of the Puerto Rican Spanish. The English language is also present in the lexical aspect with a lot of loanwords since its arrival in 1898, along with the American colonialism. (Vaquero 2001)

According to Morales (2000), the Puerto Rican Spanish is the most conservative variation of the Caribbean in front of, for example, the Dominican Republic when we compare the levels of elision of the alveolar fricative /s/. In the latter Island, the /s/ is elided almost 90 % in Santo Domingo, whereas in San Juan is only the 38%, both are the capital cities (Amparo 2000). Others classify it as one of the innovative dialects with the rest of Latin America, Southern Spain, and the Canary Island judging the phonetic, syntactic and semantic changes (Vaquero 2001). This could be moving even further with realizations like the glottal constrictions in the place of the /s/ in Puerto Rico (Valentín- Márquez 2006; Tellado 2007). We will come back to these glottal constrictions in the next chapter.

2. The Porto Rican /s/ and its phonetic representation

The /s/ is a coronal voiceless fricative consonant and its sound comes from the turbulent airflow that passes by constricted vocal track (Johnson 2003). This fricative is classified as a sibilant because the airflow before being completely released passes by some obstruction, in this case, the teeth as Ladefoged and Maddieson (1996) explained in their book The Sound of the World’s Languages. The phonological features used to describe this sound are [-sonorant] [+continuant] [+coronal] [+strident]. Acoustically, this sound is identified by aperiodic waves in the waveform and has a high frequency, over 5,000 Hz, when shown in a spectrogram, alongside with /z/ its voiced counterpart in comparison with other fricatives.

In Spanish, the /s/ have different articulation points, depending on the dialect. We have the apicoalveolar for Castilian and a predorsal-alveolar or lamino-alveolar for Andalusia, the Canary Islands, and Latin America variations (Campos-Astorkiza 2012; Almeida and Pérez Vidal 1991). Inside the Latin American variations, the Antilles have predominantly the apical-dental articulation and the predorsal convex articulation (Vaquero, Antillas 1996).

In the Puerto Rican variation, we have different points of articulations throughout the Island. According to the Linguistic Atlas of Puerto Rico, made by Tomás Navarro Tomás (1974), a Spanish phonetician, with the data he collected by making palatograms during 1927-1928 in Puerto Rico, the articulation points are the predorsal convex in Rio Piedras, the predorsal flat in Aibonito, the apico-alveolar in Lares and the apical-dental “ceceante”in Ponce. This is the most extensive linguistic study made about the Puerto Rican Spanish at the present.

http://www.alpr.info/

Figure 1Map of Puerto Rico

2.1. Weakening and allophones of the /s/

The /s/ in Andalusia, in the Canary Islands, and in Latin American varieties has different allophones in coda position due to weakening of the segment, usually reduced to [s], [h], [ɦ] or [ (Navarro 1974; Almeida and Pérez Vidal 1991; Vaquero, Antillas 1996; Quilis 2000; Luna 2014). We said ‘usually reduced to these four’ because when the pronunciation is analyzed using a spectrogram, we can find other realizations, like glottal constrictions2. This phoneme can be word-medial, and word-final or phrase-final. The /-s/ in a word or phrase final positions is a morpheme that indicates the number in a noun, number and person in a verb, or it can be just lexical.

In Puerto Rican Spanish, according to Hammond (1982) cited by Luna (2014), the preferred allophone is the voiceless glottal fricative [h] before a consonant in a cross- boundary context, followed by lenition in word-final before a pause (utterance-final) or cross boundaries in front of a vowel.

The most common and studied allophone has been the debuccalization of the /- s/, the /h/ (Campos-Astorkiza 2012; Almeida and Pérez Vidal 1991; Marrero 1990; Luna

2 We adopted this terminology instead of “glottal stop” from Chappell (2015), because as she says not all realizations are complete stops, we also have creak phonation, which is categorized as a glottal constriction too.

2014). The voiceless glottal fricative, according to Johnson (2003) is the turbulence created when a high rate of airflow passes through the relatively narrow vocal folds. Ferrari Disner and Ladefoged (2012) add that the origin of the sound is “deep within the vocal tract” rather than in the front of the mouth, the resonance is more prominent, so the sound will be “more like that of a noisy vowel”. Acoustically, the spectrum of the glottal fricative is very variable and its frequencies can coincide with those of the vowels presents in the environment, or sometimes it can appear completely in blank in a more “mate” spectrum according to Almeida and Pérez Vidal (1991) in their acoustic study for the fricatives from the Canary Islands.

The weakening process of the /s/ in coda position is actually a common phonological process in that given context. The debuccalization of the /s/ in the Spanish Language has been traced to the Middle Ages according to Torreblanca (1989), so it is not a recent phenomenon. Nevertheless, recent studies have shown a less attested allophone for the Puerto Rican variation, a glottal stop [ʔ] in a cross-boundary context, when the second word begins with a vowel (Valentín-Márquez 2006; Tellado González 2007). Even if the allophone is new in the Puerto Rican variation, it is not in other varieties of Spanish. The glottal stop has been attested in Spain, Argentina, Philippines, in Northern Costa Rica and in Nicaragua, even if the environments where the glottal constriction appears is different (Mack 2011; Quesada Pacheco 1996). However, the environment where the glottal constriction appears in the Nicaraguan Spanish is almost the same as in the Puerto Rican variety (Chappell 2015). According to Chappell (2015) the glottal constriction in Nicaraguan Spanish surfaces in a cross-boundary context as a fortition of the elided /s/ and as a resolution for the hiatus formed in a V#V context. We will further explain when this happens in the Puerto Rican variation.

Other variations shown for the weakening of the coda-positions /s/, especially in a –s +/t/ context, is the lenition of the /s/ compensated with post-aspiration in the occlusive, specifically in the Andalusian Spanish (Lloret and Martínez-Paricio 2017; Parrell 2011; Terrell 2007). Terrell (2007) presents that when the aspirated /s/ is in front of a voiceless stop, the stop “is accompanied by consistent post aspiration”. In another study presented by the same author, the same year, he compared the Western Andalusian Spanish with the Puerto Rican and Porteño (Spanish dialect of Buenos Aires, Argentina)

11 variations, where the latter two variations present pre-aspiration but not post-aspiration as the Andalusians. Another sign of weakening was presented while explaining their segmentation measures: breathiness at the end of the vowel. Terrell explained that they include in the vowel duration the period of aspiration because it was difficult to set the boundaries between both. Also, because some speakers did not produce the voiceless aspiration “but rather different degrees of breathiness towards the end of the vowel”. A most recent study for the /s/ weakening in the Andalusian Spanish variation, Lloret and Martínez-Paricio (2017) found different realizations resulting from the weakening process under a feature geometry framework based on an acoustic analysis. In their study, they concentrated in the /s/ + voiceless stop and in the /s/ + sonorant context in a word-medial position. The realizations for the first context include aspiration, complete gemination, deletion, deletion with postaspiration, aspiration with postaspiration, affrication and preaspirated geminates. Meanwhile for the second, they only include aspiration, complete gemination, deletion, and partially devoiced geminate. The breathiness at the end of the vowel from Terrell, or the preaspirated geminate as Lloret and Martínez-Paricio (2017) describe it also is recurrent in our variety for the /s/ + voiceless plosive, as shown in our spectrograms. In the majority of the cases is the breathiness at the end of the vowel what Puerto Ricans could perceive as an aspiration, following the statement from Ferrari Disner and Ladefoged (2012) mentioned above. For example, we found este [ˈḛ ht:e] ‘this’ said by a female speaker. Here we could perceive the creak phonation in the first part of the vowel and the second part of it has lost amplitude, hence is devoiced. As we can see the Andalusian variation and the Puerto Rican still have common characteristics.

ˈḛ e̥ t: e

Figure 2 este [ˈḛ ht:e] ‘this’

3. Methodology, corpus, and data set

For our research, we have recorded 23 conversations during our stay in Puerto Rico in summer 2016. The speakers, 15 females and 8 males, are Puerto Ricans born on the Island and their age range from18 to 40 years old. They were from different municipalities, but mostly from the metropolitan area, or at least work or study there. The municipalities are Carolina, Guaynabo, Toa Alta, Guayama, Cataño, Gurabo, Aguada, San Juan and Florida (PR). They all have finished high school and the majority are enrolled in undergraduate studies or have finished them already and are working professionals. The speakers identified themselves as bilinguals Spanish-English, except two who said they understood and could speak English but they do not identify themselves as bilinguals. No test was made to confirm their level of bilingualism. They all have Spanish as their first language.

The speakers were engaged in a conversation between 8 to 14 minutes with the interviewer or between a couple (as one of the cases), without full knowledge of the purpose of the study. The total of hours is 3 hours 58 minutes and 24 seconds. They were told that the recordings were going to be used for a phonological analysis. After the conversation ended, the interviewer explained more about the research if requested by the interviewees. Not all of the speakers were total strangers, at least half of them are friends with the researcher/interviewer; this did not interfere whatsoever with the purpose of the research, instead, it was easier to obtain the spontaneous speech data. The others, even if they were strangers, were engaged as well in an amicable conversation. In addition, the recordings were made in common places such as cafes or the university grounds. Not in soundproof areas. In this way, none of the speakers had to feel pressured in speaking “correctly” by the formality of a soundproof cabin, which could have altered the results of our study.

The recorder used to record the conversations is an Olympus Digital Recorder WS-853 with settings in MP3 128kbps and with the “noise cut” feature in high level. Then we selected the parts of the audio were the words with /s/ in coda position were produced. Later, the recordings were analyzed using Praat, version 6.0.04. We only segmented the parts were the /s/ was supposed to be pronounced and its environment,

14 the preceding vowel and the vowel or consonant that followed. The view range of our spectrograms is up to 10,000 Hz to make sure if the /s/ was present or not. To classify a segment as a full glottal stop [ʔ] in a coda position inside the word, I adopted the measures used by Chappell (2015) in her study of the Nicaraguan Spanish. Therefore, if the waveform flattened for more than 30 milliseconds during the closure part for the plosives, we will tag the silence as a full glottal stop. This method helped us to identify a glottal stop as an allophone of /s/. Since the waveform did not flatten before nasal stops and liquids, we measure the consonants and compared them with nasal stops and liquids that were not preceded by /s/. In the text grid in Praat, we will have four tiers: lexical word, sentence, phonemic transcription, and the orthographic transcription. For phonemic transcriptions, we will use the IPA symbols.

4. Corpus description and formalization

Our corpus was selected from the recordings made for this work. The corpus is divided into three sections: sentences, lexical items, and verbs. The first section, the sentences, includes determinant phrases, prepositional phrases, adjectival phrases, and short phrases or enumerations made by the speakers. The second section, the lexical items, includes common nouns, proper nouns, adjectives, and interjections. The third section, the verbs, includes all conjugations and persons. The glosses of the corpus were made according to Leipzig Glossing Rules3.

The context presented in the corpus are /s/ + consonant, whether in a word-medial position or in word-final, and /s/ + vowel. The latter context was only considered when the /s/ was in a coda position, hence only in a cross-boundary position, even if after the resyllabification the /s/ moved to an onset position. The consonants that followed /s/ were /p, t, b, d, m/ in word-medial and cross-boundary position, and /n, l, r/ only in a cross-boundary position. We most state that in Spanish intervocalic /b, d/ become /β, ð/. This is important because the plosives could have become fricatives when the /s/ was deleted as they were now in an intervocalic position inside a word, but not in cross boundaries.

As the corpus shows, the pronunciation of our speakers varies a lot. Nonetheless, as we mentioned in our analysis the general characteristics are the deletion of the /s/ and the lengthening of the following consonant.

In the IPA transcription of our corpus, the reader will note that there is an [h] in exponential form following a vowel. This notation means that the vowel has suffered devoicing. We took this decision for the vowels who also presented creakiness; hence, we could not put both diacritics (creaky and devoiced) under the same vowel. In the transcription that accompanies the spectrogram in the examples given in our analysis, we did add another vowel with the voiceless diacritic to delimit the devoiced part of the

3 http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/pdf/Glossing-Rules.pdf To the list we added NOUN for nouns, PREP fo prepositions, LOC for locution and CONJ for conjunctions.

16 vowel in the spectrogram. We did not make the same in our corpus to prevent a vowel lengthening confusion. For example, we have este [ˈḛ ht:e] ‘this’, but under the spectrogram we put [ˈḛ e̥ ʔte], or la pasta [laˈpḁ )t:a] ‘the pasta’, but under the spectrogram to delimit the devoiced part we put [laˈpaḁ t:a].

For a better presentation of our corpus, we will present examples of it with their spectrograms by context. As it will be noted the weakening and deletion of the /s/ is a segmental issue, it does not have any correlation with the phonological and morphological grammar.

(1) /s/ deletion in an intervocalic position cross boundaries (short sentences and determinant phrase)

eʝ oˈa̰ s e k:e r e ˈk: a t a n

Figure 3 ellos hacen es que rescatan [eʝoˈʝa̰ sek:ereˈk:atan] ‘what they do is that they rescue’

Here we have the glottal constriction between ellos hacen. After we present two glottal stops that indicates a longer closure after the /s/ deletion, the first one is of 0.11ms, and the second is 0.14ms. Meanwhile, the closure for the [t] in rescatan is only 0.08ms, almost the half of the milliseconds of the other two closures.

l a̰ ˈṵ l t i m a l

Figure 4 las últimas [la̰ ˈṵ ltimal] ‘the last ones’ Here we also have the creakiness across words. The closure for the [t] is 0.09ms, which is pretty close to the closure of the post-vocalic [t] in our previous example (0.08ms). Therefore, even if they are different speakers the closures for the voiceless plosives who are not preceded by /s/ are pretty much the same length.

(2) /s/ deletion before voiceless plosives (cross boundaries and word-medial)

l ḁ ) ˈt je n e

Figure 5 las tiene [lḁ )ˈtjene] ‘they have them’ The closure for [t] is 0.11ms, still in the same range of the previous lengthened consonants. As this is the same speaker of the preceding example, we can compare the contexts for the voiceless plosives. Here after, it is indeed longer than when the [t], in this case, is preceded by a present consonant, the [l] in las últimas.

l a m: i m: ḁ ) k a ɾ a Ø d e

Figure 6 las mismas caras de [laˈm:im:ḁ )ˈkaraØˈde] ‘the same faces of’

The closure for [k] is 0.11, still in the same range for lengthened voiceless plosives in our variety. Also, we have examples of the lengthen of nasals like [m], which are both 0.09ms and both were after the /s/ las mismas. However, the [d] has, when compared with the [k], a normal closure length (0.06ms). Even if one is voiceless and the other is voiced, both are in the same context, across words after a deleted /s/.

l a ˈp a ḁ t: a

Figure 7 la pasta [laˈpḁ )t:a] ‘the pasta’

The closure for [p] is again normal, 0.05ms. On the other hand, the [t] has a length of 0.12ms.

(3) /s/ deleted before voiced plosive

d e Ø d e

Figure 8 desde [ˈdeØde] ‘from’

In a word-medial position, after the /s/ deletion, the [d] still have a closure of 0.06ms, like the cross-boundary [d] in figure 6.

l i b: o a

Figure 9 Lisboa [lib:oa] ‘Lisbon’

In this case, the [b] has a closure of 0.10ms, which is not that long in comparison with [d] in figures 6 and 8. However, considering that is in a word-medial position, the [b], and [d] from figure 8 stayed as plosives, which is an indication that the segment is of the deleted /s/ is still present, otherwise, they could have become fricatives like they normally do in an intervocalic position.

(4) /s/ deleted before nasals and liquids

k o ˈm: e t i k o

Figure 10 cosmético [koˈm:etiko] ‘cosmetic’ The [m] is 0.13ms long, which is even longer than the ones in figure 5 (0.09ms).

l o n i ˈβ e l e Ø

Figure 11 los niveles [loniˈβeleØ] ‘the levels’

The [n] here is not that long either (0.07ms), still is longer than the intervocalic [n] from figure 5 who is 0.03ms.

l o l i b r o o̥ Ø

Figure 12 los libros [loˈlibro̥ )Ø] ‘the books’

l o r e ˈk o h a Ø

Figure 13 los recojas [loreˈkohaØ] ‘to pick them up’

l a ˈi l: a Ø

Figure 14 las islas [laˈil:aØ] ‘the islands’

In figure 12, even if the /s/ is deleted in a final position, the [l] is 0.05ms long. Almost, as long as the intervocalic [l] in figure 25 (0.03ms). Nevertheless, in figure 14 we have the second intervocalic [l] lengthened with 0.12ms. On the other side, the [r] in figure 13 is 0.05ms, which is a little shorter compared to [r] in figure 3 (0.08ms).

These items showed the variety in the spontaneous speech of our interviewees. Nonetheless, there are patterns of consonant lengthening, as we have explain in our spectrogram analysis section, that take place after the /s/ deletion.

5. The spectrographic analysis

5.1. Aspirated sounds or laryngealized sounds?

Our corpus4 is composed of lexical items, divided into nouns and verbs, and short sentences extracted from the interviews made for this project. The items do not have any semantic correlation because each speaker talked about different subjects, as the recorded conversations were spontaneous. The diversity of topics in the conversations let us have mostly all the contexts for the /s/ in word-medial position. These contexts are voiceless plosives /p, t, k/, voiced plosives /b, d/, /m/ and /l/. The rest of /s/ realizations were in word-final position and could be followed by any type of consonant. We have selected 240 items from our corpus, between the lexical items and the short sentences. In the lexical items, we will see what the production of the /s/ was and under which context, if it was followed by a voiced or voiceless stop, nasal stops or liquids. In the short sentences, we will see the behavior of the phoneme in a cross-boundary context, whether the second word (W2) begins with a consonant or vowel.

As we have seen so far, the debuccalization of the /s/ has been studied for a long time and the results usually found are the three allophones ([s, h, ø]). The novelties are the finding of the glottal stop in Puerto Rican Spanish (Valentín Márquez 2006; Tellado González 2007), the post-aspirated voiceless stop followed by [h], which included some breathiness in the preceding vowel, and the preaspirated geminate, complete gemination, and partially devoiced geminates in the above mentioned varieties from Lloret and Martínez-Paricio (2017) in Western Andalusian (Torreira 2007; Parrell 2012).

Even if all of the studies present the debuccalization, [h], as the allophone preferred by Puerto Ricans for the /s/, our study, as Valentín Márquez (2006) and Tellado González (2007) have also presented, shows quite the contrary. Almost all of our tokens presented a glottal constriction when the /s/ is elided in a V#V in a cross- boundary context. In front of plosives, nasals, and liquids, the /s/ is just deleted, without

4 The selection of the corpus is presented as an appendix.

27 aspiration or laryngealization present in the spectrogram. Instead, we can perceive the lengthening of the following consonant. In these cases, we could see some final devoicing in the preceding vowel however it is not systematic. For example, in a cross- boundary context when the second word begins with a vowel, we can see a glottal constriction, as in to’(todos) los elefantes [toloˈ (ḛ leˈfanteØ] ‘all the elephants’. When the /s/ is elided, the two vowels form a hiatus, like in the Nicaraguan variety the first half of the second vowel is laryngealized (creaky phonation) because of a glottal constriction. Nevertheless, we have some discrepancies with the Nicaraguan study of Chappell (2015) and Valentín Márquez (2006) because they said that the glottal constriction appears mostly when the V2 is a stressed vowel but in our data, we have laryngealization in every V#V context, no matter if the V2 is stressed or unstressed. Here it is a spectrogram of a female speaker uttering the above-mentioned example:

t o l o ḛ e l e ˈf a n t e Ø

Figure 15 to’(todos) los elefantes [tolo (ḛ lefanteØ] ‘all the elephants’ In the transcription, we emphasize the part of the vowel with the creaky phonation by writing it double, one with the diacritic and the second part without it. This action should not be interpreted as a sign of a long vowel since Spanish does not have vowel length contrast.

The following example comes from a male speaker who has a deep voice saying francés-español [franˈsḛ )paˈɲol] "French-Spanish".

f r a n ˈs e ḛ p:a ˈɲ o l

Figure 16 francés-español [franˈsḛ )paˈɲol] ‘French-Spanish’ As we can see in this second example, we have no /s/, which is lexical in this case, for francés neither for español. We have a continuum of the vowels until the end when it becomes creak, and then we have a long closure for the /p/. The creakiness of the vowel and the long closure of the /p/ are even more noticeable in the waveform.

Figure 17 francés-español [franˈsḛ )paˈɲol] ‘French-Spanish’(waveform)

In addition, in some realizations, when it is the same vowel, as in diez estudiantes nuevos [ˈdjeḛ htuˈðjantḛ hˈnweβoØ] ‘ten new students’, we observe a little vowel shortening, shown in the waveform and with less amplitude in the spectrogram. Here there is an example of a male speaker. The red rectangle marks the place where the amplitude is reduced, mostly in the higher frequencies.

ˈd I e ḛ h t u ˈð I a n t ḛ h ˈn u e β oØ

Figure 18 diez estudiantes nuevos [ˈdjehḛ htuˈðjantḛ hˈnweβoØ] ‘ten new students’

Figure 19 diez estudiantes nuevos [ˈdjeḛ htuˈðjantḛ hˈnweβoØ] ‘ten new students’ (waveform)

We could say that this serves as a boundary marker because it is the same vowel at the end of the previous word and at the beginning of the next one. Nevertheless, this reduction is not systematic and the creakiness is still present at the end of the V2. This does not happen in a word-medial position or cross boundaries where there is no /s/ originally because Spanish allows diphthongs and hiatus without interruptions. Even if a hiatus, described as a sequence of two low vowels, is never syllabified in the same nucleus (Hualde, et al. 2010), it would not suffer a vowel shortening during its production. For example, in the sequence las nueve horas [laˈnweβeˈoɾa] ‘the nine hours’, uttered by a male speaker, we can see in the spectrogram and in the waveform that there is no vowel shortening between the cross-boundary hiatus [e.o].

l a n we β e o ɾ a

Figure 20 las nueve horas [laˈnweβeˈoɾa] ‘the nine hours’

Figure 21 las nueve horas [laˈnweβeˈoɾa] ‘the nine hours’ (waveform) Two reasons for this vowel shortening or the appearance of the glottal constriction are that, first, Spanish do not have phonologically long vowels, and second, this could be a sign for the segment of the deleted /s/. Therefore, this reduction or glottal constrictions serve as a prosodic boundary, as Chappell (2015) mentions for the Nicaraguan Spanish.

Valentín Márquez (2006) has presented the glottal constriction in a V#V cross- boundary context as a result of language contact with the American English in Puerto Rico and mostly between the young. This is reasonable because Puerto Ricans begin to learn English since primary school, and the American English language produces glottal stops before a vowel-initial word, especially when it is stressed and serves as a boundary mark to prevent ambiguity in the spoken language and as a hiatus resolution (Davidson and Erker, 2014). However, since we are not working with a sociolinguistic approach, we will look if this glottal constriction is phonetically motivated within the Puerto Rican Spanish, as Chappell found it was for the Nicaraguan Spanish, which does not have contact with another language.

5.2. The comeback of the geminates?

In our previous section, we analyzed our spectrograms for the cross-boundary context when the /s/ is deleted and the W2 began with a vowel. For this context, the most systematic realization was the glottal constriction, present mostly in the first part of the V2. For us, the glottal constriction is an indication that the segment of the /s/ could still be there and that its appearance in the first part of the V2 is a result of the

32 resyllabification process. But, what happened when the deleted /s/ was in front of another consonant in a word-medial and cross-boundary position?

In a word-medial position where the /s/ is in front of a voiceless plosive, we can appreciate some devoicing or breathiness at the end of the vowel that precedes the elided /s/. As we have already mentioned, this could be what it is perceived as the [h] allophone, but in some realizations, we did saw a little bit of aspiration after the vowel. Since our recordings were not made in a soundproof cabin, we detected the same sound, [h], in other positions to compare it and see if what we saw in the place of the /s/ was aspiration or background noise. We could be able to do this because, luckily, in Puerto Rican Spanish we use the voiceless glottal fricative [h] for the or sounds, whereas in Spain and other varieties they use voiceless velar fricative [x]. For example, we used the word monjes [ˈmonhes] ‘monks’. Here it is the spectrogram from a female speaker. In this spectrogram, we can appreciate the voiceless glottal fricative, [h], which has a high frequency and compare it with the [s] at the end of the word. In addition, we can perceive the propagation of the noise (or breathiness) into the following vowel at the higher frequencies.

ˈm o n h e s

Figure 22 monjes [ˈmonhes] ‘monks’

The following is a spectrogram showing a little bit of aspiration in a mid-word position, as an example of the variations that we found within our speakers. This is a male speaker saying the word este [ˈḛ ht:e] ‘so’, which is used as an interjection in Spanish.

ˈḛ h t: e

Figure 23 este [ˈḛ ht:e] ‘so’ This devoicing or breathiness only occurs in front of voiceless plosives. As Campos-Astorkiza (2012) appointed, vowel devoicing “is highly favored by a contiguous /s/ but reduced vowels also occur preceding or following other voiceless consonants”, therefore it should not be a surprise in our context. However, all of the flattened space in the waveforms and blank space in our spectrograms were of less than 30 ms, hence we could not say that there was a full glottal stop in a /s/ + voiceless plosive environment. Consequently, we proceeded with the same measurement criteria used for nasals and liquids.

According to Ladefoged and Maddieson (1996), “the most widely used measure of the length of a stop is the closure duration as measured from acoustic records”. Even if these measures should be done with careful speech recording to determine if the language has or not long consonants, the closure duration in our spectrograms were

34 longer that what it would be in a context where there never was a /s/. Therefore, in a context where the /s/ was followed by a consonant, we found the following consonant lengthened. This has been noted before but as a variation within speakers in previews studies (Luna 2014). In our study, the compensatory lengthening after the /s/ deletion is regular.

According to the definition from Ladefoged and Maddieson (1996) “geminate stops in many languages are limited to word-medial positions where they usually close the preceding syllable, shortening its vowel to some degree, as well as serving as the onset of the following syllable”. In addition, they state, “In languages with phonological contrast between long and short consonants, long stops have between one and a half to three times the acoustic closure duration of the short stops in careful speech.” (Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996).

The first definition can be applied to the obtained results after /s/ deletion, noting that the /s/ was in a coda position and the preceded vowel get shortened, most of the times by devoicing. However, the Spanish language does not have geminates. It is worth remembering that the data come from spontaneous speech, therefore the closure timing will vary. Nonetheless, after the /s/ deletion, the lengthening of the following consonants are clear. For example, in mismo, así mismo [ˈmim:o(a̰ siˈmim:o] ‘just like that, just like that’, the second [m] (0.093ms), which followed the deleted /s/, is notably longer than the first one (0.049ms). The same happens when she said repeat the word the second time, C2 (0.082ms) is longer than the C1 (0.040ms).

ˈm i m: o (a̰ s i ˈm i m: o

Figure 24 mismo, así mismo [ˈmim:o(a̰ siˈmim:o] ‘just like that, just like that’ Here we have an example but with the voiceless plosive [t]. In both words, we have the same vowel and the same plosive uttered by a male speaker. First, we have católica [kaˈtolika] ‘catholic’ where the vowel [a] (0.11ms), and the closure for the [t] (0.10ms) have a very similar length.

k a̰ ˈt o l i k a

Figure 25 católica [ka̰ ˈtolika] ‘catholic’

The second word is hasta [ˈa̰ t:a] ‘until’, where the /s/ is also deleted. Therefore, the vowel length resulted in 0.05ms and the closure in 0.12ms.

ˈa̰ t: a

Figure 26 hasta [ˈa̰ t:a] ‘until’ The comparison of both words shows us that the vowel preceding the voiceless plosives in hasta is significantly shorter than the one from católica. The closure length for the [t], however, is practically the same. This example agrees with the above- mentioned description for long consonants segments, given by Ladefoged and Maddieson, regarding the effects on the preceding vowel. In addition, in the word hasta, we can spot some devoicing at the end of the vowel, a normal effect in a vowel followed by /s/ or in front of plosives as stated Campos-Astorkiza.

Here is an example of liquids. We have la lengua [laˈlenɣwa] ‘the language’, and las lenguas [laˈl:enɣwaØ] ‘the languages’, uttered by the same female speaker. According to the measures, the vowel from the singular form is 0.077ms and the [l]5 is 0.036ms. In the plural form, the vowel got shorter, 0.052ms, and the [l] got longer, 0.068ms. Therefore, liquids are also lengthened after /s/ deletion.

5 We measured the [l] from the downfall of the F3 after the vowel.

l a ˈl e n ɣ w a

Figure 27 la lengua [laˈlenɣwa] ‘the language’

l a ˈl: e n ɣ w a Ø

Figure 28 las lenguas [laˈl:enɣwaØ] ‘the languages’

In sum, we could say that in spontaneous speech production, the /s/ in coda position is elided. This may differ with careful speech, but we did not include it in this study nor have recordings of it. The modalities in which the /s/ segment appear in a cross-boundary context are:

 If V#V: S→/ __ #; therefore V2: V→(V̰ / #__

 If the following onset is a voiceless or voiced plosive: S→/ __ #, V→V̥ )/__#C  If the following onset is a nasal stop or liquid: S→/ __ #  When /s/ is the phonological object coda vCØ, within the CVCV phonological framework (Sheer 2004), the following onset becomes a geminate: C→ CC/ __C For example: /este/ → [ˈḛ h t:e]

The production modalities in word-medial positions are the same, but the vowels stay usually with modal phonation and partially devoiced. We did not find any full glottal stop, any of 30 ms or longer, in a word-medial position nor cross-boundaries. Although, the following consonants lengthened at least half of the length of intervocalic consonants, according with the comparisons made. Hence, the Puerto Rican Spanish have in common the preaspirated with gemination and complete gemination outcomes with the results from Lloret and Martínez-Paricio (2017). The questions are whether the apparent allophone [h] has been fortified towards a glottal constriction and if we still have an underlying /s/ segment. Hence, if we have the underlying segment /s/, then the glottal constriction just appears to maintain the syllable structure, and in a /s/ + consonant context, the following consonant lengthened to fill the place of the deleted phoneme.

6. Overview of previous phonological studies of the coronal fricative /s/ in the Puerto Rican Spanish

The Puerto Rican Spanish has been studied for a long time and is denominated as an innovative variation of the Spanish language (Vaquero 2001). Regarding our subject, the syllable final /s/, some of the most recent studies, are Quilis (2000), Valentín Márquez (2006), Tellado González (2007) and Luna (2014). Also, Chappell (2015), mentions the Puerto Rican Spanish variation while comparing it with the Nicaraguan Spanish, where she found that both share the innovative practice of producing a glottal constriction instead of the fricative /s/ in a word-final intervocalic position. In this part, I will highlight the most relevant point of these works so we can see later if we agree with them or not based on our findings.

According to Quilis (2000), Los estudios fonológico-fonéticos en Puerto Rico, the weakening of the fricative /s/ is due to a process of lenition, the loss of its place of articulation features, so we ended up with the aspirated allophone [h]. He, also, presents the distribution of the different realizations of the segments from a phonological study carried out in San Juan, Puerto Rico’ s capital city, by Humberto Morales in 1983. These numbers show as the dominant allophone the [h] with a 51.1%, followed by the loss of it with 38.2%. Only 9% of the speakers kept the /s/ and 1.5% assimilated it to the following segment. The aspiration was produced mostly in a word-inside the context and the loss in a word-final position; prevocalic /s/ was maintained, but the aspiration dominated again in a pre-consonantal context and the loss before a pause. Usually, the tonic syllable kept the /s/ in comparison with the atonic counterpart. Finally, Morales said that the grammatical function does not influence the behavior of the segment.

The glottal constriction begins to surface in the Valentín Márquez (2006) study, La Oclusión Glotal y la Construcción Lingüística de Identidades Sociales en Puerto Rico. He cites the observation of Makoto Hara (1989), Una perspectiva de fonología diacrónica española, where it is exposed a glottal stop instead of the aspiration of the implosive /s/ and assimilation of the following segment, favoring a resurgence of the

40 geminates in the Spanish language6. Even if the Hara study is over 20 years old, Valentín Márquez claims that it is the first time that this behavior is seen in Puerto Rico. He proposes that the glottal constriction is preferred as a default consonant for an empty onset position, unlike elided segments, because the occlusive preserves the universal syllable structure CV. In addition, Valentín Márquez inclines for the language contact theory for the realization of the glottal constriction, considering that this glottal constriction occurs frequently in a vowel-initial word in the English language, language that has been in Puerto Rico besides the Spanish for centuries.

Tellado González (2007), in Variación alofónica de la /s/ implosive en el español de Puerto Rico: el fenómeno de oclusión glotal, studied the /s/ only in a word-final intervocalic environment. She proposed for the allophone variation the [s], [h], [ʔ] and the assimilation of the following segment. According to her, the glottal stop avoids the diphthongization in a word boundary context through synalepha. Doing so, it maintains the universal syllable structure CV, as Valentín Márquez proposed. In an overview of these two last studies, Chappell (2015), who found a glottal constriction in the same environment in the Nicaraguan Spanish, pointed that neither of these two found a glottal stop in a word-internal environment as presented by Tracy Terrell in 1977. However, Terrell analysis presented [h] and [Ø] as principal allophones for the /s/ and only mentioned at the beginning “gemination occurs frequently in syllable final position […] as does glottal stop”, giving some examples for gemination and one for the glottal stop “esconder [eʔkonder]”.

In a diachronic comparison, using studies from Navarro (1948) and Hammond (1982) and his own data, Luna (2014), in La evolución fonética y fonológica del español de Puerto Rico: de Tomás Navarro a nuestros días, presented a preference towards a glottal fricative [ɦ] allophone regardless the following segment. This allophone was historically present only when the following segment was a voiced one, because of the

6 It is important to remember that the Spanish language never had geminates. These were lost in the evolution from Vulgar Latin to Spanish, except for –LL- and –NN- who were palatalized and the – RR-, who reinforced its pronunciation with more vibrations (Frajedas Rueda 2000), leaving us with the [ɾ]/[r] distinction like in caro [kaɾo] “expensive” and carro [karo] “car”, pero [peɾo] “but” and perro [pero] “dog”.

41 sonority assimilation. In addition, he found the glottal stop in a word-final position when the next word begins with a vowel. On the other hand, regarding the assimilation process that occurs as the /s/ is elided, it results in compensatory lengthening and he said that the Puerto Rican Spanish prefers to lengthen the following segment. He presented this in the moraic theoretical framework, as in Spanish codas bears a mora.

Since a lenition process may interfere with the preceding or the following segment, it is important to mention the nature of tonic and atonic vowels in the Puerto Rican variation. According to a phonetic analysis of the Puerto Rican vowels carried by Vaquero and de la Fuente (1992), the general tendency is that tonic vowels are made longer than atonic vowels, high vowels are shorter, women tend to produce longer vowels than men do, and in a nasal context, vowels tend to be longer. The study was made as a response to the “phonological unfolding” hypothesis motivated by the elision of the final /s/. This hypothesis, created by Navarro, designated a phonetic zero to the final /s/ before pause leaving morphological number opposition to a vowel aperture contrast. The hypothesis is no longer considerable because results from dialectal spectrograms showed that the vowel aperture is not systematic nor exists minimal pair that differences singulars from plurals in this manner (Vaquero 1996).

As far as we have seen in our findings, we agree with Valentín Márquez (2006), Tellado González (2007) and Luna (2014) in that at a word-final position and before the pause, the /s/ is elided, and in the appearance of a glottal constriction in intervocalic position cross-boundaries. In a word-internal position, we see the assimilation process, also agreeing with Luna (2014) in that we have a compensatory lengthening of the following segment. However, we found this process also in a word-final position when the second word begins with a consonant. Moreover, concerning the effects on the preceding vowel, some of them presented breathiness, as we mentioned in our phonetic description, nevertheless is not systematic. This appears before plosives. We will further explain better this process of lenition, deletion and compensatory lengthening which end up producing a geminate as Hara (1989) predicted.

7. Codas and phonological processes

The coda position, as we have mentioned before, is considered the weak position in the syllable structure. It is where most of the phonological process, like lenition, deletion or devoicing take place, and most of the time, when the language permits it, they become syllabified as the onset of the following syllable. Not all consonants are allowed to be finals or codas, it depends on the language’s phonotactic rules. For example, in Spanish there is the same set of permissible codas for the word-medial and final position and it includes any consonantal category, sometimes followed by [s] as explained Côte (2011), citing Harris (1983). For our study, we will only examine the /s/ in the word-medial and final position, which could be lexical or a morphological marker of number and person. Based in our samples (spontaneous speech), we will try to explain why the /s/ disappears. For us, the /s/ undergoes debuccalization, leaving the segment in the timing tier intact resulting in a compensatory lengthening of the following segment, in word-medial and final position; and the emergence of a glottal constriction in a word- final cross-boundary context when the second word begins with a vowel stressed or unstressed. This can be represented in an autosegmental framework using the skeletal tier fashion.

7.1. Lenition

Lenition is a phonological process that aims the simplification of a segment and it is very common cross-linguistically. This process mostly occurs during relax, fast and normal speech and can, later on, become materialized in the phonology of a language. For example, Gurevich (2011) present “the bulk of process” that applies in an intervocalic position following a sequence for the products of degemination and deaspiration, which undergoes voicing and, commonly, spirantization, flapping, debuccalization or gliding. Diachronically, Spanish underwent this process too, that is the reason for intervocalic /β, ɣ, ð/ instead of /b, g, d/, for example. The /s/ in syllable- final position is not exempt from this process. Here the /s/ undergoes debuccalization, it loses its place of articulation features, “preserving only glottal constriction, resulting most commonly in either [h] or [ʔ].” (Gurevich 2011). Recently in the Puerto Rican

Spanish, we have noted a glottal plosive [ʔ], instead of the traditional believe of a glottal fricative [h] as an allophone for /s/. This could be due as part of the evolution of the language, from /s/ toward [Ø], as has happened for example in the capital of the Dominican Republic (Morales 2000), or even in the French language (Blevins 1996), the most innovative from the romance languages. In our case, we are in front of a simplification process toward the unmarked, as Gurevich appointed “an element is considered marked by definition if it is less natural or more complex than another”.

7.2. Deletion

Another phonological process worth considering for our case is deletion. According to Harris (2011) “there is less than general agreement about where this erasure occurs”. The two possibilities are either in the “phonological grammar or in phonetics”. These two views are presented as phonological erasure, where “unsyllabified segments are absent from phonological output”, and phonetic erasure (containment), where “all input segments are present in the phonological output; unsyllabified segments are phonetically erased.” (Harris 2011). Harris also states that the former predicts that the deleted segment will leave no trace in the output, while the latter predicts that since the unlinked segment is present in the output, it could influence or trigger processes affecting linked segments. It is important to have in mind that “a segment can sometimes leave its mark on output forms even in its absence” as Harris put it. Martínez-Gil (2011) explained that the floating [+spread glottis] specification, set free by /s/ deletion, is reassociated to the laryngeal features of the following consonant.” This reassociation also manifests by “exerting a lowering (laxing) effect on the preceding vowel.” This will help us understand the reason for the breathiness in the final part of the vowel when we have a /s/ + plosive context in our data. For us, the most competent is the phonetic erasure since we still have the segment in the phonological input. So, the erased phoneme, the [s], is replaced in the output by compensatory lengthening, which is a common process after one consonant is erased before another. Here, the segment will make up for the deleted phoneme. In compensatory lengthening, either the preceding vowel or the following consonant can compensate for the erased

44 segment. We will continue to discuss the compensatory lengthening process later on within the Autosegmental framework.

7.3. Phonological representations in Spanish

In the Spanish language, one of the most studied cases is the complete assimilation that results from the debuccalization of the syllable final /s/ or its deletion in some dialects (Martínez-Gil, 2012). Martínez-Gil, citing Hualde (1989), explains the gemination process from a Mora theory perspective. Gemination, as he noted, “is straightforward”, it is the spreading and delinking operation, where the mora associated to a coda /s/ “is linked to the Root node of a following consonant; /s/ deletion is factored into the rule by simultaneous dissociation of this segment from its original mora”. In another word, this type of gemination arises as compensatory lengthening (Martínez- Gil, 2012). The examples that he gives is from the Andalusian Spanish, where the aspiration or deletion of the final /s/ gives a preaspirated voiceless geminate and if it is a sonorant, a partially voiced geminate. He explains that the aspiration is generated when the supralaryngeal features of the /s/ are simultaneously spread from both: the preceding vowel and the following consonant onto the aspirated segment.

8. Templatic (multi-linear) representation

Autosegmental phonology, “a modification of the theory of generative phonology”, initially devised for tones, introduces parallel tiers of segments or autosegments. This approach is interested in how structures relate to phonetic features or segments and complex syllabic structure (Fox 2000).

McCarthy in his Formal Problems in Semitic Phonology and Morphology (1979) originated the CV tier for the representation of prosodic structure, but later Levin (1985) proposed the replacement of the C and V symbols by X temporal positions, which corresponds to the same type of C and V linearity. So, the elements of this “X-tier” are distinguished from each other by their organization into fairly rich syllable structure, which includes a nucleus node. Hayes (1989) characterizes both approaches as segmental theories of the prosodic tier: “the number of prosodic elements in an utterance corresponds intuitively to the number of segments it contains.” The segmental positions that include the phonetic material are therefore timing units and the CV or X slots in the skeletal tier can also represent length. The two parts of the representation, the CV or X slots and the vocalic and consonantal material are represented in separate tiers. The length of the segments is associated with the number of slots to they are attached to (Fox 2000). Therefore, if a segment is considered long, as geminates are, the same material will extend to two contiguous slots, at least within the autosegmental frameworks where constituency is not reduced only to lateral relations (see Lowenstamm 1996 or Scheer 2004): a long vowel is represented in a many-to-one relationship. If it is a short segment, it will be a one-to-one position. The representations are in (1):

(1) C C V V C V Timing tier

[t:] [a:] [t a] Melodic tier (Phonetic material)

However, a representation of two contiguous identical segments (two slots associated with two identical segments), like in (2),

(2) C C

[t t] are excluded in the Autosegmental Phonology because of the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP), “which rules out a sequence of identical elements on a specific tier, unless these belong to different morphemes” (Fox 2000). Because of OCP, we can distinguish between “proper” geminates and a sequence of identical features, if the latter belong to different morphemes (Fox 2000).

8.1. Compensatory lengthening

We suggested that the interpretation of the /s/ loss in some Spanish varieties can be interpreted as what Hayes (1989) defines as compensatory lengthening, “the lengthening of a segment triggered by the deletion or shortening of a nearby segment”, meaning that adjacent phonetic material will fill the empty slot by a process of autosegmental spreading (Prince 1999; Broselow 1996). Examples of this process are given by Harris (2011): one is the development of earlier Romance to Italian like in [nokte] > [not:e] “night”, and the other is from earlier to later English [nixt] > [ni:t] “night” (later diphthongized to [najt]). In syllable structure, Prince (1999) states that long consonants “behave like heterogeneous clusters, closing one syllable and beginning the next.” Long consonants can arise from morphemic concatenation, which brings together two identical segments (Prince 1999).

Another example, presented by Szigetvári (2011), shows the lengthening of a segment in the forms of the first singular copula in two variety of Ancient Greek, Attic [e:mi] and Aeolic [em:i] ‘I am’, “which suggests a simple shift in the host of the alleged feature [+long].” Here the loss of the [s] triggers the lengthening of a neighbor segment, the preceding vowel in Attic and the following consonant in Aeolic. He argues that if the length were encoded by a feature, a pair of rules should apply simultaneously to undergo the change: deletion of the coda and lengthening of the next segment. Even if both rules are clearly interrelated, usually “open syllable lengthening is not attested in

Attic, nor is intervocalic gemination in Aeolic”. These changes “occur in tandem” which it is difficult to understand why the two rules commonly co-occur. He states that if the quantity of the segment is stored separately from their quality, it is only the quality, the melody, of the [s] that is lost, precisely its association with the skeleton. However, the place in the timing tier is kept, and it is this position that the lengthened segment will fill. Szigetvári (2011) present this as the stability of the skeleton. Here are the structures that he presented with his analysis.

(1) Attic Aeolic

x x x x x x x x

e s m i e s m i

Another example of compensatory lengthening, given by Hayes (1989), is the /s/ deletion before anterior sonorants in Latin. He presented the example using the X-bar theory applied to the skeleton.

(2) *kanus → ka:nus7

σ σ σ σ σ σ

O N C O N C O N C O N C O N O N C

x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x

k a s n u s → k a n u s → k a n u s

Here the output has undergone a readjustment in the syllable structure; in this way, the new long vowel can be syllabified as a long nucleus instead of as a nucleus and coda sequence.

Other languages like Lesbian and Thessalian Greek, fill the deleted segment by spreading the following consonant to the left creating geminate (Hayes 1989). Hayes

7 Hayes suppressed the Rhyme node in his article to save space.

48 argues that compensatory lengthening occurs immediately following every deletion rule, implying that this is not an ordinary, linearly ordered phonological rule. He believes that compensatory lengthening form part of the syllabification principals of individual languages, in which “empty prosodic positions are provided with segmental content forms part of the syllabification.” Syllable-forming rules of an individual language may specify that empty prosodic positions are syllabified by the spreading from the preceding vowel, the following consonant or not at all, or even variable depending if the following consonant is allowed as a geminate (Hayes 1989). He adds that the two properties from syllabification that we should attribute to compensatory lengthening are “syllabification rules apply whenever their structural description is met” and “syllabification rules are language specific, within certain universally determined limits”. Therefore, he continues, “it is pervasive within an individual language, but the mechanism that yields it is not universal.”

9. Our analysis

As we saw in the phonetic description of our data, the /s/ in the Puerto Rican Spanish is deleted. In this part, we will demonstrate the phonological process that undergoes the /s/ deletion or lenition and its consequences. The /s/ that we analyzed was always in a syllable-final position. First, the /s/ undergoes debuccalization, delinking of the places of articulation features, which in our data results in a glottal constriction in an intervocalic cross boundary context. We must take into account what Martínez-Gil presented about the floating [+spread glottis] feature, who reassociates with a neighbor segment, in this case, the preceding vowel, giving a “lowered effect”. It is important because, in a /s/ + voiceless plosive context, the preceding vowel shows signs of final devoicing (or breathiness) or is a little laryngealized at the end. This reassociation could have happened during the process of derivation at the moment of the delinking and spread of the features. For the other contexts, sonorants or voiced plosives, the vowels do not present this type of reassociation. For example, we have, los delfines [loddelfineØ] ‘the dolphins’ and victimas de [ˈbiktimaØde] ‘victims of’ with a delinking of the consonantal root node for the /s/ [+cons] and the spreading of the root node /d/ to the left, in terms for instance of Features Geometry, giving a geminate. After the deletion, we have therefore the relinking process of the following consonant, agreeing with Luna (2014) when he said that in Spanish, this was the preferred neighbor to compensate the loss of the /s/ segment, in a word-medial position and in cross- boundaries. The fact is that in the Puerto Rican Spanish, the compensatory lengthening shows that there has been only a phonetic erasure instead of a phonological erasure (both mentioned above, § 7.2 Deletion). Therefore, the /s/ segment is gone but we still have the slot in the timing tier. Otherwise, we would have a Stray Erasure (unsyllabified segments are deleted) (Blevins 1996) and not the compensatory lengthening. Nevertheless, the Stray Erasure could apply in an utterance-final position, as mentioned before when the /s/ is lost in front of a pause or utterance-final position. The resyllabification process, after the compensatory lengthening, results in an intervocalic geminate in word-medial position, or in the sequence of two identical segments that are permissible in a cross-boundary context. This example, demonstrate the delinking and

50 reassociation process in an autosegmental framework using the CV template. Here we could see the whole process including the Stray Erasure in the right skeleton, for the final /s/.

(1) los delfines [lohddelfineØ] “the elephants”

C V C C V C C V C V C C V C C V C C V C V C

= =

l o s d e l f i n e s l o d e l f i n e Ø

(2) victimas de [ˈbiktimaØde] “victims of”

C V C C V C V C C V C V C C V C V C C V

v i k t i m a s d e v i k t i m a d e

(3) las manos [lam:ano] “the hands” C V C C V C V C C V C C V C V C

= =

l a s m a n o s l a m a n o Ø

(4) este [ˈḛ ht:e] “so” V C C V V C C V

e s t e e t e

(5) bastante [bat:ante] “quite” C V C C V C C V C V C C V C C V =

b a s t a n t e b a t a n t e

(6) mismo [mim:o] “same” C V C C V C V C C V

m i s m o m i m o

On the other hand, in a cross-boundary position when the second word (W2) begins with a vowel, we have the emergence of the glottal constriction after the /s/ deletion in the first word (W1). For example, in docientos escalones h [dosiento(ḛ kaloneØ] “two hundred steps”, the first part of the vowel in W2 presents the glottal constriction, more like a laryngealization or creaky voice, which is how it would normally appear between vowel (Ladefoged and Maddieson, 1996). Therefore, we could say that the latent glottal stop get associated in the W2. In this case, the floating phoneme chose the W2 instead of the vowel in the W1 as it would happen with the /s/ segment in a resyllabification process. Hence, we could interpret that in this scenario the glottal resurfaces to occupy the skeletal slot, which is free in comparison with the other contexts where has been occupied by a following consonant, and maintain the input syllabification. As Tranel (1996) presents them, “latent consonants ought to be viewed as connective elements inserted between words under certain conditions.” In other words, to maintain the CVCV structure of the two words once it is resyllabified, which is a natural process in Spanish. h (7) doscientos escalones [dosiento(ḛ kaloneØ] “two hundred steps”

C V C V C C V C V C C V C V C V C

= = =

d o. s je n. t o. s e s. k a. l o. n e s

C V C V C C V C V C C V C V C V C

d o. s je n. t o. ʔ e . k a. l o. n e Ø

(8) los elefantes fueron [lo(ḛ lefanteØfueron] “the elephants went”

C V C V C V C V C C V C C V C V C

= =

l o. s e. l e. f a n. t e s. f ue r o n

C V C V C V C V C C V C C V C V C

l o. ʔ e. l e. f a n. t e. Ø f ue. r o n

In the scenarios presented above, whether it is compensatory lengthening and gemination or the emergence of the glottal constriction, the skeletal or timing tier is unchangeable. The changes only occur in the segmental tier, hence, we have the debuccalization of the /s/ by phonetic erasure as we have already mentioned and a Stray Erasure or complete loss of the segment before pause or utterance-final. As for the emergence of a glottal constriction, we think that the Puerto Rican Spanish system is moving towards the unmarked, whether it is for the economy or simply to maintain the CV universal structure as mentioned before, agreeing once again with Valentín Marquez and Tellado González. These findings agree with the predictions made by Hara (1989), who said that, the Spanish language has a reappearance of the geminates that connects with the realization of the glottal stop, a phonetic revolution that has happened in the twentieth century.

9.1. Optimality analysis

According to Kager (2004), in Optimality Theory (OT) framework (Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1993) the “surfaces forms of language reflect resolutions of conflicts between competing demands or constraints.” An “optimal” surface is the one that “incurs the least serious violations of a set of variable constraints”. The constraints are universal and encode markedness statements and principals imposing the preservation of contrast. Languages have their specific ranking, giving priorities to some constraints over another. This ranking is the source of cross-linguistic variation. The rankings “are based on ‘strict’ domination”, if one constraint outranks another, the higher-ranked constraint has priority, “regardless of violations of the lower- ranked one.” Nonetheless, the violation “must be minimal, which predicts the economy property of grammatical processes.”

Universal principals can only be universal if they are inviolate in every language. If a universal principle is violated in the output of the grammar, a way to explain this is to set up an intermediate level of representation at which this violated principal is satisfied. Therefore, each grammatical principal holds a specific level of description and may be switch off at other levels. One of the forces of OT is MARKEDNESS “which embodies universality in a ‘soft’ sense”. This notion involves two values. The first is ‘unmarked’ that are cross-linguistically preferred and basic in all grammars; the second is the ‘marked’ value, cross-linguistically avoided and only use to create contrast. (Kager 2004)

MARKEDNESS is a general denominator for the grammatical factors that “pressure toward unmarked types of structure”; and it is counterbalanced by FAITHFULNESS, “understood here as the combined grammatical factors preserving lexical contrasts.” Faithfulness is important to preserve contrasts. In phonology, the faithfulness of “lexical contrasts are carried by oppositions between sounds, as well as their combinations.”

These two forces, MARKEDNESS and FAITHFULNESS are inherently in conflict because when lexical contrast is preserved, there will be some cost associated in terms of markedness “since in every opposition one member is marked.”

9.1.1. The syllable in OT

The syllable is a prosodic category that organizes segments in sequences according to their sonority values. It has a sonority peak, which is the nucleus, and segments of lower sonority as onset and/or coda could surround it (Kager 2004). In the world languages, onsets are universal, meaning, “If a language has syllables that lack an onset, then it also has syllables that have an onset.” Therefore, onsets are unmarked as opposed to its absence. The structural well-formedness constraint ONSET states:

ONSET

*[σ V (‘Syllables must have onsets.’)

This requires that syllables must not begin with vowels, consequently, it is satisfied by syllables that begin with a consonant or onset. ONSET is also “grounded” in articulatory and perceptual systems, stating, “the best starting point for a vowel is a preceding consonant (rather than another vowel)” (Kager 2004). On the other hand, the “lack” of consonants at the right edge of the syllable, codas, are universally preferred, hence are marked. The well-formedness constraint is:

NO-CODA

*C ]σ (‘Syllables are open.’)

The implicational universal states, “if a language has closed syllables, then it also has open syllables”. Codas are also “grounded” in the perceptual system. Codas in a preconsonantal position “tend to be unreleased”, and “lack perceptual cues that are present in prevocalic consonants, which are released.” These two syllable form constraints let us conclude that CV is the “perfect” and unmarked syllable shape, while the “less perfect” ones have a coda or lack an onset. It is to achieve the “perfect” syllable that single intervocalic consonants are universally syllabified as onsets, rather than stay as codas (Kager 2004). However, as languages allow simple onsets or simple codas, they also allow their complex counterparts “under the duress of faithfulness.”

Syllables are the bases “in stating phonological generalizations.” Within the phenomena, which they play a major role, we have the phonotactics of coda consonants.

In this phonological process, we see the interaction of markedness and faithfulness constraints, where changes overrule faithfulness constraints in order to avoid the violations of high ranked well-formedness constraints. These changes could be deletion, epenthesis or featural change. For our Spanish variation, our main concern is the featural change because when the /s/ loses its features, the segment either becomes a glottal constriction, from [spread glottis] to [constricted glottis] or adopts the features of the following segment, resulting in a geminate. The former change occurs only across boundaries before the resyllabification process in Spanish (Colina 2006). The latter, across boundaries and word-internal.

9.1.2. OT in Puerto Rican Spanish

In the Puerto Rican Spanish we have mostly four allophones for the /s/ in a syllable final position: the /s/ described by phonological features as [+ coronal], [+ continuant], [+ consonantal], [+ strident], [- voiced]; the /h/, described as [+ continuant], [+ spread glottis]; the recent /ʔ/, described as [+ consonantal], [+constricted glottis]; and the phonetic zero (Hayes 2009). As we saw in the autosegmental representations of our phonetic analysis, in our variation the weakening of the /s/ in syllable-final position incurs two changes depending on the context. First, when the word-final /s/ is in a cross- boundary context followed by a vowel, the /s/ loses its mayor class, manner and place features and change its laryngeal feature to [+constricted glottis] undergoing fortition into the glottal constriction (in form of a partially laryngealized vowel), instead of a fricative, as in los elefantes [loḛ lefanteØ] ‘the elephants’. This shows a movement towards a less marked phoneme [ʔ], preferred by many languages. The [coronals] and fricatives like the /s/ are also considered less marked, but a stop is less marked according with the sonority scale (Colina 2006). The rarity of the glottal constriction is that it is not part of the consonant inventory of Spanish, as for example, a voiceless glottal fricative [h] is. On the other hand, the presence of the glottal constriction helps to maintain the structure of the input and after resyllabification; it forms the ‘preferred’ and unmarked syllable CV that would have been still present if the /s/ would have stayed.

The second change is gemination, which can occur with or without the aspiration in the final portion of the preceding vowel. This process develops in word-medial and

56 cross-boundaries positions. In a /s/ + voiceless plosive context, we have the gemination with the aspiration or breathiness at the end of the preceding vowel. As mentioned before, this result is normal when the vowel is contiguous by /s/ or precedes a voiceless plosive. In our case, we can argue, like Matínez-Paricio and Lloret (2017) for the Andalusian Spanish, that the /s/ lost its place feature, [coronal], and manner features but spread its laryngeal feature, [spread glottis] to the preceding vowel. Nonetheless, its place in the skeleton it is still available for the following consonant to occupy it, resulting in the geminate. On the other hand, the aspiration or breathiness at the end of the vowel does not happen with voiced plosives, nasals or liquids. In these cases, the /s/ delinks all its features.

Therefore, to achieve these preliminary outcomes, we have constructed the following ranking of constraints where the markedness constraint *CODA/Cman [op], [op] means ‘open’ (which is equivalent to the [continuant] feature) must occupy the higher position to prevent a [+continuant] segment to resurface. Then we have the faithfulness constraint CONTIG-IO to protect the /s/ segment in a word-medial position and permitting the elision in utterance-final or before pause. Then we have the markedness constraint *Cpl[cor] Clar[s.g.], where [s.g] means [spread glottis] (Martínez-Paricio and Lloret 2017), and faithfulness constraints DEPLINK-Clar-[s.g.] and MAXLINK-Clar-[s.g.] to prevent the /s/ from resurfacing in the output. The ranking for this preliminary analysis will be *CODA/Cman [op] >> CONTIG-IO >> *Cpl[cor] Clar[s.g.] >> DEPLINK-Clar-[s.g.] >> MAXLINK-Clar-[s.g.].

In the ranking for either the aspiration plus gemination or gemination only, the

CONTIG-IO constraint will maintain the coda segments word-inside and let the utterance- final or before pause codas to be eliminated. This constraint does not protect the edges of the word because if a segment on the edge gets eliminated it will not affect the morpheme continuity (Broś 2013).

9.1.3. Definition of the constraints

Faithfulness:

MAXLINK-Clar-[s.g.] Assign one violation mark for every feature [spread glottis] associated to Claryngeal node in S1 that does not have a correspondent in S2.

DEPLINK-Clar-[s.g.] Assign one violation mark for every feature [spread glottis] associated to a Claryngeal node in S2 that does not have a correspondent in the

S1.

CONTIG-IO Assign one violation mark for every element adjacent in the output that does not have a correspondent in the input.

Markedness:

*Cpl[cor] Clar[s.g.] Assign one violation mark to a structure with both Cplace [coronal] and Claryngeal [spread glottis].

*CODA/Cman [op] Assign one violation mark to a structure with a Cmanner [open] in the coda.

9.1.4. Tableaux

(1) /s/→ [ʔ]/ Vs#V (As in /loselefantes/: [loḛ lefanteØ])

*CODA/Cman [op] >> CONTIG-IO >> *Cpl[cor] Clar[s.g.] >> DEPLINK-Clar- [s.g.] >> MAXLINK-Clar-[s.g.]

Vs#V *CODA/Cman CONTIG- *Cpl[cor] DEPLINK- MAXLINK-

[op] IO Clar[s.g.] Clar-[s.g.] Clar-[s.g.] a. VØ#V *! * b. Vh#V *! c. Vʔ#V ☞ * d. V#__ *! * e. __#V *! * f. Vs#V *! * Table 1 Glottal constriction as /s/ allophone. For example /os#e/:[oḛ ] In tableau (1) c is the optimal candidate because it only violates one low ranked constraint, therefore it satisfies the higher ranked ones. The second most optimal

58 candidates are a, d and e, but because they violate a higher ranked constraint, they are ruled out. The rest lose because they violate the highest constraint because each of them have a segment with the Cmanner [open], or [continuant] in the terminology used before.

(2) /Vs.tVs/ → [Vh t.tVØ] (As in /estos/: [ehttoØ])

*CODA/Cman [op] >> CONTIG-IO >> *Cpl[cor] Clar[s.g.] >> DEPLINK-Clar- [s.g.] >> MAXLINK-Clar-[s.g.]

/ s.tVs/ *CODA/C CONTIG- *Cpl[cor] DEPLINK MAXLINK-

man [op] IO Clar[s.g.] -Clar-[s.g.] Clar-[s.g.] a. s.tVs **! ** b. h.tVh **! c. s.tVØ *! * d. Vht.tVØ * ☞ e. Vht.tVh *! * f. Vht.tVs *! * g. __.tVs *! * * * h. __.tVØ *! i. __.tVh *! * * j. ʔt.tVØ *! * Table 2 Vowel shortening and regressive assimilation of the consonant. For example /es.tos/:[eht.to] In tableau (2) the most harmonic output is d because does not violate any higher constraint in comparison with h, who deletes a segment, and j who add a segment violating the continuity of the input.

(3) /s.d/ → [d.d] (As in /desde/ [dedde] or /mismo/ [mimmo])

*CODA/Cman [op] >> CONTIG-IO >> *Cpl[cor] Clar[s.g.] >> DEPLINK-Clar- [s.g.] >> MAXLINK-Clar-[s.g.]

/s.d/ *CODA/ CONTIG- *Cpl[cor] DEPLINK MAXLINK-

Cman IO Clar[s.g.] -Clar-[s.g.] Clar-[s.g.] [op] a. s.d *! * b. h.d *! c. __.d *! d. d.d ☞ * Table 3 Complete gemination. For example /s.d/:[d.d] In tableau (3), the most harmonic is d because it only violates one constraint and it is a low ranked one. A sub-optimal candidate could be c but it violates constraint

CONTIG-IO, an anti-deletion constraints.

The results of this preliminary analysis with an optimality approach showed us how universal constraints can “conspire” to the weakening of the syllable-final /s/ in the Puerto Rican Spanish, whether word-medial, word-final or utterance-final position. In tableau (1) we presented the [ʔ] as an allophone of /s/ in an intervocalic cross-boundary context. The choice of this allophone over deletion helps maintain the universal syllable CV as preferred by the resyllabification process that undergoes this type of context in the Spanish language, even if in other contexts Spanish does allow the lack of onsets. In tableau (2), we demonstrated why the word-final /s/ can get deleted in an utterance-final or before pause by using the CONTIG-IO constraint. In a word-medial position, the /s/ delink its features, spreading only the laryngeal feature [spread glottis] to the preceding vowel. However, breathiness or final aspiration in a vowel preceding a /s/ or a voiceless plosive is a recurrent phenomenon, as we have exposed. Because the /s/ segment is now empty, the following consonant assimilates it, resulting in a geminate and respecting the faithfulness of the input. In tableau (3), it has presented the case concerning voiced plosives, nasals and liquids. Here the /s/ undergoes complete deletion of its features;

60 therefore, there is no final breathing or aspiration in the preceding vowel, only the gemination of the following consonant.

10. Conclusion

Most of the studies of the Puerto Rican Spanish have shown that the /s/ in a word- final position and before a consonant is debuccalized (aspirated). Nevertheless, the most recent ones have presented a new allophone for it, a glottal stop in a cross-boundary context when the second word begins with a stressed vowel (Valentín-Márquez 2006; Tellado González 2007). On the other hand, Luna (2014) presented the compensatory lengthening of the following consonant as a result of the debuccalization of the /s/ in a word-medial position, but as part of the variety of realizations that also included the glottal fricative [h] allophone. According to our results, we found that the /s/ in front of a voiceless plosive is undergone debuccalization and not complete deletion, therefore, it spreads its laryngeal feature [spread glottis] to the preceding vowel resulting in devoicing or breathiness at the end of it. As mentioned in our analysis, this can occur when the vowel is contiguous to a /s/ or a voiceless plosive. As for the /s/ segment, now empty, the following consonant spreads to it taking both segments in the skeleton, resulting in a phonological geminate, even if phonetically the consonant only lengthened half of it. When the following consonant is a voiced plosive, a nasal or a liquid, the /s/ undergoes deletion and lengthening of the following consonant. In this case, without altering the preceding vowel nor the following consonant, the voiced plosives /b,d/, as they could have become fricatives / β, ð/ like they normally do when in an intervocalic position. Both of the word-internal outcomes are comparable with the results obtained by Martínez-Paricio and Lloret (2017) for the Andalusian Spanish. In their study, /s/ before a voiceless plosive undergoes the same process that we have for the Puerto Rican variation. The difference between their results and ours is the outcome for the nasals because they found that the first part of the geminate was devoiced and in our case, we did not found devoicing in the consonant. As for the voiced plosives, Martínez-Paricio and Lloret (2017) specified that they would be studied in the future; therefore, we could not compare it.

In a cross-boundary context, when the /s/ was followed by a consonant, it applied the aforementioned changes. In contrast, when the /s/ was a followed by a word that begins with a vowel, stressed or unstressed, the /s/ appeared as a glottal constriction

62 when the two words resyllabified. Here we could argue that the /s/ underwent debuccalization but instead of leaving its [spread glottis] specification, the phonology chose the [constricted glottis], a less marked phoneme to preserve the syllabic structure. In addition, as we saw in the preliminary OT analysis, the Puerto Rican Spanish prefers a coda without the [spread glottis] feature.

In sum, we agree with Valentín-Márquez and Tellado González with the realization of a glottal constriction instead of the /s/ across boundaries. Although, we found it equally in stressed and unstressed vowels. The proposal from Tellado González, that the glottal constriction prevents the process of synalepha, goes in hand with our proposal that the glottal constriction appears to keep the syllable structure after resyllabification. We, also, agreed with Luna for the compensatory lengthening and with Hara, who predicted the comeback of the geminates in Spanish. Nonetheless, for us, the compensatory lengthening is a common phonological process of the Puerto Rican Spanish; therefore, it is more than just part of the variety of results when the /s/ is not produced as Luna presented. Hence, in the spontaneous speech used in this study, we did not found a glottal fricative [h] as a realization for the /s/. The closer we got was the final devoicing of the preceding vowel as a residue of the debuccalization process in front of a voiceless plosive. Finally, it is worth precising that our variety undergoes these processes to maintain its underlying syllable structure, not to move to a CV strict template because otherwise, we would not have the gemination of the consonants, only deletion of the segment.

10.1. Recommendations:

For further studies of the /s/ realization in the Puerto Rican Spanish and its phonological process, we recommend recordings of careful and spontaneous speech done in a noise-proof cabin for clearer spectrograms to evaluate. This way it will be much more viable to identify any aspiration or other fricative noises. On the other hand, because the glottal occlusive can be a result of language contact with English, as Valentín-Márquez suggested, it should be considered to evaluate all vowel-initial words, preceded or not by /s/, from bilingual and not bilingual speakers. This way we could

63 see if this is, in fact, a /s/ allophone or it is indeed because of the language contact, considering the history of both languages in the Island.

11. Appendix: Corpus

Sentences and gloss Phonetic transcription los delfines [loh d:elˈfineØ] DET.PL SBJ.PL ‘the dolphins’ Los recojas [loreˈkohaØ] PRO. ACC.PL 2P.SBJV ‘to pick them up’ Los libros [loˈlibro̥ )Ø] DET.PL. NOUN.PL ‘the books’ Las últimas [la̰ ˈṵ ltimal] DET.PL ADJ.F.PL ‘the lasts’ Los niveles [loniˈβeleØ] DET.PL NOUN.PL ‘the levels’ la pasta [laˈpḁ )t:a] DET.F NOUN ‘the pasta’ Las tiene [laˈtjene] PRO.ACC 2P.PRS ‘they have them’ antes de [a̰ nteØde] ADV PREP ‘before of’ (lo que) ellos hacen es que [eʝoˈʝa̰ seØeˈkereˈk:atan] PRON.PL 3 PRS.IND.PL 3 PRS.IND CONJ rescatan 3 PRS.IND.PL ‘what they do is that they rescue’ víctimas de [ˈbiktimaØde] SBJ.F.PL PREP ‘victims of” empleados de [empleˈadoØde] SBJ.M.PL PREP ‘employees of’ además de [aðeˈmaØde] ADV PREP “also” circos, en tours [ˈsirkosenˈturs] SBJ.PL PREP SBJ.PL ‘circus, in tours’ h quedes ahí [ˈkḛ ð(ḛ aˈi] 2PRS.SBJV ADV.DEM ‘stay there’ fuimos y [ˈfwimoi] 1PST.IND.PRF.PL CONJ ‘we went and’ ellos, me [ˈeʝoˈme] 3PRO.PL 1PRO.ACC

‘them, I’ todos los elefantes [tolo(ḛ leˈfanteØ] PRO.INDF.M.PL ART.DEF.M.PL SBJ.PL ‘all the elephants’ entonces, tú ves los elefantes [enˈtonseØˈtuˈβeØˈlo(ḛ leˈfanteØ] ADV.DEM 2PRO 2PRS.IND ART.DEF.M.PL OBJ.PL ‘So, you see the elephants elefantes, los monos [eleˈfante̥ )loØˈmonoØ] SBJ.PL ART.DEF.M.PL SBJ.M.PL ‘elephants, the monkeys’ tigres, de todos los animales, [ˈtigre̥ )detolo(a̰ niˈmaleØloØˈma(a̰ gresiβoˈ( SBJ.PL PREP ADJ.INDF.M.PL ART.DEF.M.PL SBJ.PL ḛ ranloØˈmonoØ] los más agresivos eran los ART.DEF.M.PL ADV ADJ.M.PL 3PST.IND.IPFV.PL ART.DEF.M.PL monos SBJ.M.PL ‘tigers, of all the animals, the most aggressive were the monkeys’ los elefantes fueron [lo(ḛ leˈfanteØˈfweron] ART.DEF.M.PL SBJ.PL 3 PST.IND.PRF.PL ‘the elephants were’ tienes que [ˈtjenesˈke] 2PRS.IND CONJ ‘you have to’ h doscientos escalones [doˈsjento(ḛ kaloneØ] ADJ.M.PL SBJ.PL ‘two hundred steps’ …los monos. Entonces ellos… [loˈmono̰ ḛ nˈtonsḛ ʝo̰ Ø] ART.DEF.M.PL SBJ.M.PL ADV.DEM. 3 PRO.PL ‘…the monkeys. Then they…’ … guineos, o sea… [giˈneoˈsea] SBJ.PL COMP ‘… bananas, I mean…’ … guineos y… [giˈneoi] SBJ.PL CONJ ‘… bananas and…’ ... los dientes, me (enseñó) [lo̥ )ˈdjente me] ART.DEF.M.PL SBJ.PL 1PRO.ACC ‘…the teeth, he showed me…’ los dientes [loØˈdjenteØ] ART.DEF.M.PL SBJ.PL ‘the theeth’ los demás [loØdeˈmaØ] ART.DEF.M.PL ADJ ‘the rest’ ellos los cogían [ˈeʝoloØkoˈhian] 3PRO.PL ART.DEF.M.PL 3 PST.IPFV.IND.PL ‘they took them’ unos escalones [uno̥ )eʔkaˈloneØ] ART.INDF.M.PL SBJ.PL ‘some steps’ … es todo… [eØˈto] 3PRS.IND ADJ.M ‘… is everything …’ monos, hay [ˈmonoˈai]

SBJ.M.PL 3 PRS.IND ‘monkeys, there is’ unos que… pues que [ˈunok:eˈp:weˈk:e] ADJ.M.PL CONJ LOC CONJ ‘some that… well that’ votos de [ˈbotoØde] N.PL PREP ‘vows of’ hˈ los vi que estaban [loØˈbikḛ ) taβan] ART.DEF.M.PL 1 PST.PRF.IND CONJ 3 PST.IPFV.IND ‘I saw them that they were’ esos eran los del [ˈesoˈ(ḛ ranloØˈdel] DET.DEM.M.PL 3 PST.IND.IPFV.PL ART.DEF.M.PL DET ‘those were the ones of the…’ otros que… [ˈotroØˈke] SBJ.M.PL CONJ ‘others that…’ tatuaje, te (tatuaban) [taˈtwaheØte] SBJ 2PRO.ACC ‘tattoo, they tattooed you’ y ellos sienten… [ieʝoˈsjenten] CONJ 3SBJ.PL 3 PRS.IND.PL ‘and they feel…’ ellos te (dicen) [ˈ(ḛ ʝoØˈte] 3PRO.M.PL 2PRO.ACC ‘they say to you’ pues, de esos yo escogía [ˈpwed:eˈesoØˈʝoe̥ )koˈhia] COMP PREP DET.DEM.M.PL 1 PRO 1 PST.IND.IPFV ‘so I chose from those’ sitios de [ˈsithjoØˈde] SBJ.PL PREP ‘sites of’ buscas los [ˈbu̥ )k:aˈloØ] 2PRS.IND ART.DEF.M.PL ‘look for the…’ las fotos y… [laØˈfoto(ḭ ] ART.DEF.F.PL SBJ.PL CONJ ‘the pictures and…’ cosas que [ˈko̰ saØˈke] N.PL CONJ ‘things that’ a través de [ˈatraˈβed:e] ADV. ‘through’ es que [ˈe̥ )ˈk:e] 3PRS.IND CONJ ‘is that esas personas y yo… [ˈesahperˈsonaˈiˈʝo] DET.DEM.F.PL SBJ.PL CONJ PRO ‘those people and I…’ h varias ciudades [ˈbarja̰ sjudade̥ )Ø] ADJ.INDF SBJ.PL ‘some cities’ estuve dos semanas [esˈtuβedo̥ )seˈmanḁ )] 1PST.IND.PRF ADJ N.PL

‘I stayed two weeks’ sabes qué son los “tuktuks”? [ˈsaβeØˈkeˈsonˈloˈt:uktuks] 2PRS.IND ADJ 3 PRS.IND ART.DEF.M.PL SBJ.PL ‘do you know what ‘tuktuks’ are?’ unas bicicletas, motoras… [ˈunaØbisiˈkletḁ ) Ø m:oˈtorḁ )Ø] ART.INDF.F.PL SBJ.PL SBJ.F.PL ‘some bicycles, motorcycles…’ (así) Mismo, así mismo [ˈmim:oaˈsiˈmim:o] ADJ.M ADV ADJ.M ‘just like that, just like that’ unas bicicletas [ˈunaØbisiˈkletaØ] ART.INDF.F.PL SBJ.PL ‘some bicycles’ unos techitos [ˈunoØteˈʃito(o̰ ] ART.INDF.M.PL SBJ.PL ‘some little roofs’ es (abierto) [ˈḛ )(a̰ ] 3PRS.IND ADJ.M ‘is open’ es (como) [ˈḛ Øˈkom] 3PRS.IND ADV ‘is like’ hasta los taxis [ˈat:aloØˈtaksiØ] PREP ART.DEF.M.PL SBJ ‘even the taxis’ es que [ˈe̥ )Øˈke] 3PRS.IND CONJ ‘is that’ los permisos y [loØperˈmiso̥ )i̥ ] ART.DEF.M.PL SBJ.PL CONJ ‘the licenses and’ y además de [iadeˈmaØde] CONJ ADV ‘and besides’ comerciales. ¿Entiendes? [koˈmersjalḛ ØenˈtjendeØ] N.PL 2PRS.IND ‘commercials. Get it?’ los seguros de carro [loseˈɣuroØdeˈkaro] ART.DEF.M.PL SBJ.PL PREP NOUN ‘the car insurances’ lo estás (usando) [lo̰ ta(ṵ ] 3SBJ.M 2PRS.IND PRS.PROG ‘you are using it’ fines comerciales [ˈfine̥ )Økomerˈsjale̥ )Ø] SBJ.PL ADJ.PL ‘commercial purposes’ es que no están [ˈeskeˈnoˈtan] 3PRS.IND CONJ ADV.NEG 3PRS.IND.PL ‘is that they are not’ las transportaciones [laØtranportaˈsjoneØ] ART.DEF.F.PL SBJ.PL ‘the transportations’ Entonces, están [enˈtonsḛ ʔˈtan] ADV.DEM. 3 PRS.IND ‘So, they are’

h los taxis tú tienes que [lo̥ ) ˈtaksisˈtuˈtjeneØˈke] ART.DEF.M.PL SBJ 2PRO 2PRS.IND CONJ ‘the taxis you have to’ turismo y [tuˈrimo(ḭ ] NOUN CONJ ‘tourism and’ fines comerciales [fiˈneØkomerˈsjale̥ )Ø] SBJ.PL ADJ.PL ‘commercial purposes’ gustó estar [ɣuʔˈtoØˈtal] 2PST.PRF.IND INF ‘did you liked been…’ es aquí [ˈḛ (a̰ ˈki] 3PRS.IND ADV.DEM ‘is here’ hoy es mi [oiḛ ˈmi] ADV.DEM 3 PRS.IND 1 ADJ.POSS ‘today is my’ portugués por [poltuˈɣḛ Øˈpol] NOUN PREP ‘portuguese in’ español-inglés, inglés-español [ḛ p:aˈɲolingleˈingle̥ )p:aˈɲol] NOUN NOUN ‘spanish-english, english-spanish francés-español [franˈsḛ )p:aˈɲol] NOUN NOUN ‘french-spanish’ puedes elegir [ˈpweðe(ḛ leˈhil] 2 PRS.IND INF ‘you can choose’ lo más normal [loˈma̰ nolˈmal] 3ART.N ADV ADJ ‘the most normal’ lo más normal es español-inglés, inglés- [loˈma̰ nolˈmaˈḛ )Øe̥ )p:aˈɲolingleˈingle̥ )p:aɲ ART.N ADV ADJ 3 PRS.IND NOUN ol] español NOUN ‘the most normal is spanish-english, english- spanish’ estudios interdisciplinarios [ḛ ˈt:udjoḭ nterdisipliˈnarj̰ o̰ Ø] NOUN.P ADJ.P ‘interdisciplinary studies’ estudios franceses y francófonos [ḛ ˈt:udjo̰ Øfranˈsesḛ Øfranˈkofono̰ Ø] NOUN.P ADJ.P CONJ ADJ.P ‘french and francophone studies’ (nada) más el de estudios [ˈmaḛ ldḛ hˈtudjointisipliˈnarjoˈme] ADV ADV ART.DEM.M PREP NOUN.P interdisciplinarios, me (faltaba)… ADJ 1PRO.ACC ‘only the interdisciplinary studies one, I lacked’ créditos na’(nada) más de francés [ˈkreditoˈnaˈmad:efranˈseØ] SBJ.P ADV ADV PREP NOUN ‘only French credits’

h estudios franceses y francófonos [ḛ )t udjoØfranˈseseifranˈkofonoØ] NOUN.P ADJ.P CONJ ADJ.P ‘french and francophone studies’ lenguas y de estudios interdisciplinarios [lengwa(ḭ de̥ )ˈt:udjointerdisipliˈnarjoØ] NOUN.P CONJ PREP NOUN.P ADJ.P ‘languages and from interdisciplinary studies’ portugués, era lo más [portuˈɣeˈ(ḛ raˈloˈmaØ] NOUN 3 PRT.IPFV ART.N ADV ‘Portuguese, it was the most’ portugués y [poltuˈɣe(ḭ ] NOUN CONJ ‘Portuguese and’ dónde está [ˈdondḛ hˈt:a] ADV 3 PRS.IND ‘where is it’ es como [ˈḛ k:omo] 3PRS.IND ADV ‘is like’ las mismas cara de [laˈm:im:ḁ )ˈkaraØde] ART.DEF.F.PL ADJ.F.PL NOUN PREP ‘the same faces of’ te sientes como [teˈsjenteØˈkomo] 2PRO.ACC 2 PRS.IND ADV ‘you feel like’ te sientes… es (otra) [teˈsjente̥ )ˈḛ o] 2PRO.ACC 2 PRS.IND 3 PRS.IND ADJ ‘you feel… is (another)’ pues sí [ˈpw̰ ḛ ˈsi] COMP “so yes” francés-español [franˈsḛ ʔpaˈɲol] NOUN ‘french-spanish’ que español-inglés, inglés-español [ˈkeØˈdeinˈglea̰ e̥ )p:aˈɲole̥ )p:aˈɲolinˈgle̥ )] CONJ NOUN NOUN ‘that spanish-english, english-spanish’ sintaxis española [sinˈtaksiØep:aˈɲola] NOUN ADJ ‘Spanish syntax’ que es de esas clases, esos [ˈkehdesaØˈklasesoØˈkursoØke] CONJ 3 PRS.IND PREP PRO.DEM.PL NOUN.PL PRO.DEM.M.PL cursos que SBJ.PL CONJ ‘that is of those classes, those lessons’ sabes quién es [ˈsabeØˈkjenˈeØ] 2 PRS.IND PRO.INT 3 PRS.IND ‘do you know who is’ (Ella) no ‘tá (está) ahí [ˈnoˈtaˈi] 3PRO ADV.NEG 3 PRS.IND ADV.DEM she is not there” qué más [ˈkheˈmas] ADJ ADV ‘what else” Las islas [laˈil:aØ] DET.PL.F NOUN.PL

‘the islands’ estuve ahí [ḛ hˈt:uβeaˈi] 1PST.PRF ADV.DEM ‘I was there’ mientras estábamos de [ˈmjentraˈt:aˈβamo̥ )de] ADV 1 PST.IPFV.IND.PL COMP ‘while we were in’ ella misma, ella misma [ˈeʝaˈm:im:aˈḛ ʝaˈm:im:a] SBJ ADJ SBJ ADJ ‘the same, the same’ todas haciendo maestría [ˈtoða̰ ˈsiendomaeˈt:ria] SBJ.PL 3 PRS.PROG.PL SBJ ‘all doing a master’s degree’ jamás en ADV PREP [haˈmahen] ‘never in’ me gustó [ˈmeɣṵ ˈt:o] 1PRO. 1 PST.PRF.IND ‘I liked’ es que [ˈḛ hØˈke] 3 PRS.IND CONJ ‘is that’ es más [ˈḛ ˈmaØ] 3 PRS.IND ADV ‘is more’ es una [ˈ(ḛ ˈuna] 3 PRS.IND ART.INDF.F ‘is one’ es enorme [ˈe(ḛ ˈnolme] 3 PRS.IND ADJ ‘is huge’ es más bien [ˈḛ ˈmaØbien] 3 PRS.IND ADV ADJ ‘is more like’ cosas que hacer, es [ˈkosaØˈkeaˈselˈ(ḛ ] SBJ.PL CONJ INF 3 PRS.IND ‘things to do, is’ no es [ˈnoˈehØ] ADV.NEG 3 PRS.IND ‘is not’ sientes que [ˈsienteØˈke] 2 PRS.IND CONJ ‘you feel that’ dos días [ˈdo̰ Øˈdia̰ Ø] ADJ SBJ.PL ‘two days’ y es [ˈḭˈḛ ] CONJ 3 PRS.IND ‘and is’ pues yo [ˈpwḛ ˈʝo̰ ] COMP 1 SBJ ‘so I’ en España [ene̥ )ˈp:aɲa] PREP SBJ

‘in Spain’ bastante, especialmente [bḁ )ˈt:antep:esjalˈmente] ADJ.INDF ADV ‘enough, specially’ que es en [ˈkḛ en] CONJ 3 PRS.IND PREP ‘that is in’ más abajo de [ˈma̰ :ˈβahoðe] ADJ ADV CONJ ‘the lowest of’ me gustó [meɣṵ hˈt:o] 1PRO 1 PST.PRF ‘I liked’ me gusta [meˈɣu̥ )t:a] 1PRO 1 PRS.IND ‘I like’ cuantas horas son [ˈkwantaˈo̰ raˈson] ADJ.REL SBJ.PL 3 PRS.IND.PL ‘how many hours’ unas cinco horas y [ˈunaˈsinkˈoraˈḭ ] ART.INDF.PL ADJ SBJ.PL CONJ “like five hours and” seis horas, si [ˈseiˈ̰(o̰ rasi] ADJ SBJ.PL CONJ “six hours, if” seis horas [ˈseiˈ̰(o̰ ra̰ ] ADJ SBJ.PL ‘six hours’

Lexical Word and gloss Phonetic transcription Elefantes [eleˈfanteØ] SBJ.PL ‘elephants’ Católica [ka̰ ˈtolika] NOUN ‘catholic’ Este [ˈḛ ht:e] COMP ‘so’ Esta [ˈḛ t:ha] ADJ.DEM.F ‘this’ Cosmético [koˈmetiko] NOUN ‘cosmetic’ Desde [ˈded:e] PREP ‘from’ Hasta [ˈat:a] PREP ‘until’ Personas [perˈsonaØ] NOUN.PL

‘people’ Elefantes [(ḛ leˈfantes] NOUN.PL ‘elephants’ Entonces [enˈtonseØ] ADV.DEM ‘so’ Zoológicos [soˈlohiko̰ Ø] NOUN.PL ‘zoos’ Agresivos [agreˈsiβoØ] ADJ.M.PL ‘aggressive’ Este [ˈehthe] COMP ‘so’ Bastante [baˈt:ante] ADV.INDF ‘quite’ Turista [tuˈrit:a] NOUN ‘tourist’ h Hasta [ˈ(a̰ t:a] ADV ‘until’ Monjes [ˈmonhes] NOUN.M.PL ‘monks’ Otros [ˈotro̰ Ø] PRO.M.PL ‘others’ Esquina [ehˈkhina] NOUN.F ‘corner’ Pues [ˈpwe Ø] COMP ‘well’ Cosas [ˈkosaØ] NOUN.PL ‘things’ Sitios [ˈsitjoØ] NOUN.PL ‘places’ Viajes [ˈbjahes] NOUN.PL ‘voyages’ h Esta [ˈ(ḛ t: a] ADJ.DEM.F ‘this’ Motoras [moˈtorḁ )Ø] NOUN.F.PL ‘motorcycle’ Baratos ADJ.M.PL [baˈrato̥ )Ø] ‘cheap’

Cosas [ˈkosaØ] NOUN.PL ‘things’ Fines [ˈfines] NOUN.M.PL ‘purposes’ Entonces [enˈtonseØ] ADV.DEM ‘so’ Entiendes [enˈtjendeØ] 2 PRS.IND ‘you get it’ bastante [ba̰ ˈt:ante] ADJ.INDF ‘enough’ este [ˈe̥ )t:ḛ )] COMP ‘um’ francés [franˈsḛ Ø] NOUN ‘French’ franceses [franˈs(ḛ zḛ Ø] NOUN.P ‘the French’ pues [ˈpw̰ ḛ Ø] COMP ‘so’ maestría [ma̰ ḛ ˈt:ria] NOUN ‘master’s degree’ este [ˈe̥ )t:e] COMP ‘um’ portugués [poltuɣe̥ )Ø] NOUN ‘Portuguese’ portugués [poltuɣe̥ )Ø] NOUN ‘Portuguese’ este [ˈḛ t:e] COMP ‘um’ este [ˈḛ ste] COMP ‘um’ escritura [ˈḛ k:riˈtura] NOUN ‘writing’ francés [franˈse Ø] NOUN ‘French’ pues [ˈpwe̥ )Ø] COMP ‘well’

74 mismo [ˈmihm:o] ADJ.M ‘same’ portugués [poltuˈɣe̥ )] NOUN ‘Portuguese’ este [ˈest:e] COMP ‘um’ esto [ˈḛ t:o] ADJ.N ‘this’ pues [ˈpw̰ ḛ Ø] COMP ‘well’ maestría [ma̰ ḛ hˈtria] NOUN ‘master’s degree’ este [ˈḛ st:e] COMP ‘um’ francés [franˈseØ] NOUN ‘French’ Cristina [krihˈtina] SBJ ‘Christina’ este [ˈḛ hte] COMP ‘um’ maestría [mae̥ )ˈt:ria] NOUN ‘master’s degree’ maestría [maḛ hˈt:ria] NOUN ‘master’s degree’ maestría [maḛ ˈt:ria] NOUN ‘master’s degree’ jamás [haˈmas] ADV ‘never’ Cádiz [ˈkaði̥ )] SBJ ‘Cadiz’ España [ḛ hˈp:aɲa] SBJ ‘Spain’ España [e̥ )ˈp:aɲa] SBJ ‘Spain’ París [paˈrḭ h] SBJ ‘Paris’ Lisboa [lḭ ˈb:oa]

SBJ ‘Lisbon’ este [ˈeht:e] COMP ‘um’ más [ˈma̰ Ø] ADV ‘more’ costa [ˈko̰ ht:a] NOUN ‘coast’ este [ˈḛ hte] COMP ‘um’ Marruecos [maˈrwekoØ] SBJ ‘Marocco’ París [paˈrḭ h] SBJ ‘Paris’ este [ˈeste] COMP ‘um’

Verb and gloss Phonetic transcription Gusta [ˈɣusta] 1 PRS.IND.TR ‘I like’ Gusta [ˈɣut:a] 1 PRS.IND.TR ‘I like’ Estén [eˈt:en] 3 PRS.SBJV.PL ‘be there’ Es [ˈes] 3 PRS.IND ‘is’ Rescatar [ˈrek:atar] INF.TR ‘to rescue’ Estuvieron [(ḛ t:uβjeron] 3 PST.PRF.IND.PL ‘they were’ Gustó [ɣuhˈto] 1 PST.PRF.IND ‘I liked’ Fuimos [ˈfwimoØ] 1 PST.PRF.IND.PL ‘we went’ Estuve [ˈtuβe] 1 PST.PRF.IND ‘I was’ Tienes [ˈtieneØ] 2 PRS.IND

‘you have to’ Están [ḛ ˈt:an] 3 PRS.IND.PL ‘they are’ Está [ḛ ˈt:a] 3 PRS.IND ‘is there’ Es [ˈes] 3 PRS.IND ‘is’ Puedes [ˈpwedḛ Ø] 2 PRS.IND ‘you can’ Estaban [eht:aβan] 3 PST.IPFV.IND.PL ‘they were’ Podías [poˈdiaØ] 2 PST.IPFV.IND ‘you could’ h Escoger [(ḛ koˈher] INF.TR ‘to choose’ Estar [ˈehtar] INF.COP ‘to be’ Tienes [ˈtjenḛ Ø] 2 PRS.IMP ‘you have to’ Sabes [ˈsaβe̥ )] 2 PRS.IND ‘you know’ Gustó [gusˈto] 1 PST.PRF.IND ‘I liked’ Recorrimos [rekoˈrimo̥ ) Ø] 1 PST.PRF.IND.PL ‘went across’ Está [ehˈta] 3 PRS.IND ‘is there’ hiciste [ḭˈsḭ t:e] 2 PST.PRF.IND ‘you did’ costó [ko̥ )ˈt:o] 2 PST.PRF.IND ‘cost’ ‘toy (estoy) [ˈtoi] 1 PRS.IND ‘I am’ ‘toy (estoy) [ˈtoi] 1 PRS.IND ‘I am’ ‘perar (esperar) [peˈral] INF ‘to wait’

‘tás (estás) [ˈta̰ Ø] 2 PRS.IND ‘you are’ ‘tá (está) [e̥ )ˈt:a] 3 PRS.IND ‘it is’ ‘tá (está) [eˈt:a] 3 PRS.IND ‘it is’ ‘tá (está) [eˈt:a] 3 PRS.IND ‘it is’ estaba [e̥ )ˈt:aβa] 1 PST.IPFV.IND ‘I was’ es [ˈes] 3 PRS.IND ‘is’ es [ˈḛ ] 3 PRS.IND ‘is’ está [ḛ hˈt:a] 3 PRS.IND ‘it is’

Table of Figures

Figure 1Map of Puerto Rico ...... 9 Figure 2 este [ˈḛ ht:e] ‘this’ ...... 12 Figure 3 ellos hacen es que rescatan [eʝoˈʝa̰ sek:ereˈk:atan] ‘what they do is that they rescue’ ...... 16 Figure 4 las últimas [la̰ ˈṵ ltimal] ‘the last ones’ ...... 17 Figure 5 las tiene [lḁ )ˈtjene] ‘they have them’ ...... 18 Figure 6 las mismas caras de [laˈm:im:ḁ )ˈkaraØˈde] ‘the same faces of’ ...... 19

Figure 7 la pasta [laˈpḁ )t:a] ‘the pasta’ ...... 20 Figure 8 desde [ˈdeØde] ‘from’ ...... 21 Figure 9 Lisboa [lib:oa] ‘Lisbon’ ...... 22 Figure 10 cosmético [koˈm:etiko] ‘cosmetic’ ...... 23 Figure 11 los niveles [loniˈβeleØ] ‘the levels’ ...... 23 Figure 12 los libros [loˈlibro̥ )Ø] ‘the books’ ...... 24 Figure 13 los recojas [loreˈkohaØ] ‘to pick them up’ ...... 24 Figure 14 las islas [laˈil:aØ] ‘the islands’ ...... 25 Figure 15 to’(todos) los elefantes [tolo (ḛ lefanteØ] ‘all the elephants’ ...... 27 Figure 16 francés-español [franˈsḛ )paˈɲol] ‘French-Spanish’ ...... 28 Figure 17 francés-español [franˈsḛ )paˈɲol] ‘French-Spanish’(waveform) ...... 28 Figure 18 diez estudiantes nuevos [ˈdjehḛ htuˈðjantḛ hˈnweβoØ] ‘ten new students’ ...... 29 Figure 19 diez estudiantes nuevos [ˈdjeḛ htuˈðjantḛ hˈnweβoØ] ‘ten new students’ (waveform) ...... 29 Figure 20 las nueve horas [laˈnweβeˈoɾa] ‘the nine hours’ ...... 30 Figure 21 las nueve horas [laˈnweβeˈoɾa] ‘the nine hours’ (waveform) ...... 31 Figure 22 monjes [ˈmonhes] ‘monks’ ...... 32 Figure 23 este [ˈḛ ht:e] ‘so’ ...... 33

Figure 24 mismo, así mismo [ˈmim:o(a̰ siˈmim:o] ‘just like that, just like that’ 35 Figure 25 católica [ka̰ ˈtolika] ‘catholic’ ...... 35 Figure 26 hasta [ˈa̰ t:a] ‘until’ ...... 36

Figure 27 la lengua [laˈlenɣwa] ‘the language’ ...... 37 Figure 28 las lenguas [laˈl:enɣwaØ] ‘the languages’ ...... 37

List of Tableaux

Table 1 Glottal constriction as /s/ allophone. For example /os#e/:[oḛ ] ...... 57 Table 2 Vowel shortening and regressive assimilation of the consonant For example /es.tos/:[eht.to] ...... 58 Table 3 Complete gemination. For example /s.d/:[d.d] ...... 59

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