Chapter One Phonetic Change
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Syllable Structure Into Spanish, Italian & Neapolitan
Open syllable drift and the evolution of Classical Latin open and closed syllable structure into Spanish, Italian & Neapolitan John M. Ryan, University of Northern Colorado ([email protected]) Introduction, Purpose, and Method 1. the distribution of open and closed syllables in terms of word position; 2. what factors, both phonological (e.g,, coda deletion, apocope, syncope, Syllable structure is the proverbial skeleton degemination,) and extra-phonological (e.g., raddoppiamento sintattico or template upon which the sounds of a given and other historical morphosyntactic innovations as the emergence of language may combine to make sequences articles), might explain the distribution of the data. and divisions that are licit in that language. 3. whether the data support or weaken the theory of ‘open syllable drift’ Classical Latin (CL) is known to have exhibited proposed by Lausberg (1976) and others to have occurred in late Latin both open and closed syllable structure in word or early Proto Romance. final position, as well as internally. The daughter Figure 1 shows the breakdown of words, syllables and syllable/word ratio languages of Spanish, Italian and Neapolitan, for all four texts of the study: however, have evolved to manifest this dichotomy to differing due to both phonological and extra-phonological realities. Figure 1 Purpose: to conduct a comparative syllabic analysis of The Lord’s Prayer in Classical Latin (CL), modern Spanish, Italian and Neapolitan in order to determine: Data and Discussion 4) Historical processes producing reversal effects on CL open and closed syllable structure 1) Polysyllabic word-final position in The Lord’s Prayer Figure 5 shows five phonological Figure 5 Figure 2 shows that in word-final position, Latin overwhelmingly favors closed processes affecting the evolution of LATIN syllables at 72%, while Spanish only slightly favors open syllables at 55%. -
(1'9'6'8'""159-83 and in Later Publica- (1972 539
FINAL WEAKENING AND RELATED PHENOMENA1 Hans Henrich Hock University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 1: Final devoicing (FD) 1.1. In generative phonology, it is a generally accepted doctrine that, since word-final devoicing (WFD) is a very common and natural phenomenon, the ob- verse phenomenon, namely word-final voicin~ should not be found in natural language. Compare for instance Postal 1968 184 ('in the context----'~ the rules always devoice rather than voice'), Stampe 1969 443-5 (final devoicing comes about as the result of a failure t~ suppress the (innate) process of final devoicing), Vennemann 1972 240-1 (final voicing, defined as a process increasing the complexity of affected segment~ 'does not occur.')o 1.2 One of the standard examples for WFD is that of German, cf. Bund Bunde [bUnt] [bUndeJ. However Vennemann (1'9'6'8'""159-83 and in later publica- tions) and, following him, Hooper (1972 539) and Hyman (1975 142) have convincingly demonstrated that in Ger- man, this process applies not only word-finally, but also syllable-finally, as in radle [ra·t$le]3 'go by bike' (in some varieties of German). The standard view thus must be modified so as to recognize at least one other process, namely syllable-final devoicing (SFD). (For a different eA""Planation of this phenomenon compare section 2.3 below.) 2· Final voicing (or tenseness neutralization) 2 1 A more important argument against the stan- dard view, however, is that, as anyone with any train- ing in Indo-European linguistics can readily tell, there is at least one 5roup, namely Italic, where there is evidence for the allegedly impossible final voicing, cf PIE *siyet > OLat. -
The Phonology, Phonetics, and Diachrony of Sturtevant's
Indo-European Linguistics 7 (2019) 241–307 brill.com/ieul The phonology, phonetics, and diachrony of Sturtevant’s Law Anthony D. Yates University of California, Los Angeles [email protected] Abstract This paper presents a systematic reassessment of Sturtevant’s Law (Sturtevant 1932), which governs the differing outcomes of Proto-Indo-European voiced and voice- less obstruents in Hittite (Anatolian). I argue that Sturtevant’s Law was a con- ditioned pre-Hittite sound change whereby (i) contrastively voiceless word-medial obstruents regularly underwent gemination (cf. Melchert 1994), but gemination was blocked for stops in pre-stop position; and (ii) the inherited [±voice] contrast was then lost, replaced by the [±long] opposition observed in Hittite (cf. Blevins 2004). I pro- vide empirical and typological support for this novel restriction, which is shown not only to account straightforwardly for data that is problematic under previous analy- ses, but also to be phonetically motivated, a natural consequence of the poorly cued durational contrast between voiceless and voiced stops in pre-stop environments. I develop an optimality-theoretic analysis of this gemination pattern in pre-Hittite, and discuss how this grammar gave rise to synchronic Hittite via “transphonologization” (Hyman 1976, 2013). Finally, it is argued that this analysis supports deriving the Hittite stop system from the Proto-Indo-European system as traditionally reconstructed with an opposition between voiceless, voiced, and breathy voiced stops (contra Kloekhorst 2016, Jäntti 2017). Keywords Hittite – Indo-European – diachronic phonology – language change – phonological typology © anthony d. yates, 2019 | doi:10.1163/22125892-00701006 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC-BY-NCDownloaded4.0 License. -