An Effort-Based Approach to Consonant Lenition
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Effects of Phonetic and Inventory Constraints in the Spirantization of Intervocalic Voiced Stops: Comparing Two Different Measurements of Energy Change
Effects of Phonetic and Inventory Constraints in the Spirantization of Intervocalic Voiced Stops: Comparing two Different Measurements of Energy Change. Marta Ortega-LLebaria University of Northern Colorado E-mail: [email protected] This paper extends the same hypothesis to the phenomenon ABSTRACT of spirantization by investigating the interaction of phonetic factors with inventory constraints. First, it This paper examines the effect of inventory constraints and examines whether the phonetic factors of stress and vowel the phonetic factors of stress and vowel context in the context, which had an effect in the lenition of Spanish lenition of English and Spanish intervocalic voiced stops. intervocalic /g/ [3], had also an effect in English Five native speakers of American English and five native intervocalic /g/ and in Spanish and English intervocalic /b/. speakers of Caribbean Spanish were recorded saying Secondly, this paper studies the interaction of inventory bi-syllabic words containing intervocalic /b/ and /g/. The constraints with phonetic factors. Inventory constraints intervocalic consonants were evaluated according to two were aimed to preserve the system of sound contrasts of a measures of energy, i.e. RMS ratio, and speed of consonant language while phonetic factors provided contexts that release. Repeated Measures ANOVAS in each measure favored consonant lenition. Hypothetically, a consonant indicated that for both languages, /b/ and /g/ were most will become lenited in a favorable context only if the lenited in trochee words, and that /g/ was most spirantized resulting sound will not impair a contrast of the language. when flanked by /i/ and /u/ vowels. Inventory constraints For example, in English, /b/ contrasts with the voiced moderated the degree of consonant lenition displayed in the fricative /v/ while in Spanish, it does not. -
Chapter 6: Trademark
Trademark 6 Trademark 5 The Trade-Mark Cases ............... 5 A Subject Maer ........................ 6 1 Use as a Mark ...................... 6 Lanham Act § 45 (“trademark”) ......... 6 In re Schmidt .................... 6 Drug Stamps Problem .............. 9 2 Distinctiveness ..................... 9 a Words and Phrases ................ 9 Zatarains, Inc. v. Oak Grove Smokehouse, Inc. .. 9 Innovation Ventures, LLC v. N.V.E., Inc. ..... 15 TMEP § 1202 .................... 16 Elliot v. Google Inc. ................. 16 TMEP § 1209.03 .................. 23 b Designs ....................... 24 Star Industries, Inc. v. Bacardi & Co. Ltd. ..... 24 Melting Bad Problem ............... 26 B Ownership .......................... 27 1 Priority at Common Law . 27 Galt House Inc. v. Home Supply Company .... 27 United Drug Co. v. Theodore Rectanus Co. .... 29 Planetary Motion, Inc. v. Techsplosion, Inc. .... 32 Dudley v. HealthSource Chiropractic, Inc. ..... 34 Bilgewater Bill’s Problem ............. 36 2 Federal Registration . 36 a Registration .................... 36 Lanham Act §§ 1(a), 7 ............... 36 Burger King of Florida, Inc. v. Hoots ....... 37 Bilgewater Bill’s Problem, Redux ........ 38 b Intent-to-Use Applications . 38 Lanham Act § 1(b) ................. 38 Kelly Services, Inc. v. Creative Harbor, LLC [I] .. 39 Kelly Services, Inc. v. Creative Harbor, LLC [II] . 43 Bilgewater Bill’s Problem, Re-Redux ...... 44 3 Collaborations ..................... 44 Boogie Kings v. Guillory .............. 44 TRADEMARK 2 New Jersey Truth in Music Act -
Chapter One Phonetic Change
CHAPTERONE PHONETICCHANGE The investigation of the nature and the types of changes that affect the sounds of a language is the most highly developed area of the study of language change. The term sound change is used to refer, in the broadest sense, to alterations in the phonetic shape of segments and suprasegmental features that result from the operation of phonological process es. The pho- netic makeup of given morphemes or words or sets of morphemes or words also may undergo change as a by-product of alterations in the grammatical patterns of a language. Sound change is used generally to refer only to those phonetic changes that affect all occurrences of a given sound or class of sounds (like the class of voiceless stops) under specifiable phonetic conditions . It is important to distinguish between the use of the term sound change as it refers tophonetic process es in a historical context , on the one hand, and as it refers to phonetic corre- spondences on the other. By phonetic process es we refer to the replacement of a sound or a sequenceof sounds presenting some articulatory difficulty by another sound or sequence lacking that difficulty . A phonetic correspondence can be said to exist between a sound at one point in the history of a language and the sound that is its direct descendent at any subsequent point in the history of that language. A phonetic correspondence often reflects the results of several phonetic process es that have affected a segment serially . Although phonetic process es are synchronic phenomena, they often have diachronic consequences. -
Syllable Structure Into Spanish, Italian & Neapolitan
Open syllable drift and the evolution of Classical Latin open and closed syllable structure into Spanish, Italian & Neapolitan John M. Ryan, University of Northern Colorado ([email protected]) Introduction, Purpose, and Method 1. the distribution of open and closed syllables in terms of word position; 2. what factors, both phonological (e.g,, coda deletion, apocope, syncope, Syllable structure is the proverbial skeleton degemination,) and extra-phonological (e.g., raddoppiamento sintattico or template upon which the sounds of a given and other historical morphosyntactic innovations as the emergence of language may combine to make sequences articles), might explain the distribution of the data. and divisions that are licit in that language. 3. whether the data support or weaken the theory of ‘open syllable drift’ Classical Latin (CL) is known to have exhibited proposed by Lausberg (1976) and others to have occurred in late Latin both open and closed syllable structure in word or early Proto Romance. final position, as well as internally. The daughter Figure 1 shows the breakdown of words, syllables and syllable/word ratio languages of Spanish, Italian and Neapolitan, for all four texts of the study: however, have evolved to manifest this dichotomy to differing due to both phonological and extra-phonological realities. Figure 1 Purpose: to conduct a comparative syllabic analysis of The Lord’s Prayer in Classical Latin (CL), modern Spanish, Italian and Neapolitan in order to determine: Data and Discussion 4) Historical processes producing reversal effects on CL open and closed syllable structure 1) Polysyllabic word-final position in The Lord’s Prayer Figure 5 shows five phonological Figure 5 Figure 2 shows that in word-final position, Latin overwhelmingly favors closed processes affecting the evolution of LATIN syllables at 72%, while Spanish only slightly favors open syllables at 55%. -
Consonant Gradation in Estonian and Sámi: Two-Level Solution TROND TROSTERUD and HELI UIBO
14 Consonant Gradation in Estonian and Sámi: Two-Level Solution TROND TROSTERUD AND HELI UIBO 14.1 Introduction Koskenniemi’s two-level morphology was the first practical general model in the history of computational linguistics for the analysis of morphologi- cally complex languages. In this article we will reconsider one of the key innovations in Koskenniemi (1983), namely the treatment of consonant gra- dation in finite state transducers. We will look not at Finnish, but at two lan- guages with a more extensive consonant gradation system, namely Estonian and Sámi. The goal of the paper is to demonstrate two different ways of mod- eling consonant gradation in a finite state morphological system - lexical and morphophonological. We will also compare the resulting systems by their computational complexity and human-readability. Consonant gradation is rare among the languages of the world, but stem al- ternation in itself is not, and the treatment of consonant gradation can readily be transferred to other stem alternation phenomena. Koskenniemi’s original idea was to see stem alternation as an agglutinative phenomenon. Consider the example (14.1), showing a two-level representation of stem alternation. ehT e$:ehe (14.1) Here the $ sign is a quasi-suffix, introduced to trigger consonant grada- tion in the stem. Two-level rules decide the correspondence of T to surface phonemes t or 0 (empty symbol), based on the context, specifically, according to the presence or absence of the symbol $ in the right context. Another type of rules for handling stem alternations that can be compiled Inquiries into Words, Constraints and Contexts. -
Phonological Domains Within Blackfoot Towards a Family-Wide Comparison
Phonological domains within Blackfoot Towards a family-wide comparison Natalie Weber 52nd algonquian conference yale university October 23, 2020 Outline 1. Background 2. Two phonological domains in Blackfoot verbs 3. Preverbs are not a separate phonological domain 4. Parametric variation 2 / 59 Background 3 / 59 Consonant inventory Labial Coronal Dorsal Glottal Stops p pː t tː k kː ʔ <’> Assibilants ts tːs ks Pre-assibilants ˢt ˢtː Fricatives s sː x <h> Nasals m mː n nː Glides w j <y> (w) Long consonants written with doubled letters. (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 4 / 59 Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ /a+o/ ! [ɔː] Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ ! /a+o/ [ɔː] (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Contrastive mid vowels Some [ɛː] and [ɔː] are morpheme-internal, in overlapping environments with other long vowels JɔːníːtK JaːníːtK aoníít aaníít [ao–n/i–i]–t–Ø [aan–ii]–t–Ø [hole–by.needle/ti–ti1]–2sg.imp–imp [say–ai]–2sg.imp–imp ‘pierce it!’ ‘say (s.t.)!’ (Weber 2020) 6 / 59 Syntax within the stem Intransitive (bi-morphemic) vs. syntactically transitive (trimorphemic). Transitive V is object agreement (Quinn 2006; Rhodes 1994) p [ root –v0 –V0 ] Stem type Gloss ikinn –ssi AI ‘he is warm’ ikinn –ii II ‘it is warm’ itap –ip/i –thm TA ‘take him there’ itap –ip/ht –oo TI ‘take it there’ itap –ip/ht –aki AI(+O) ‘take (s.t.) there’ (Déchaine and Weber 2015, 2018; Weber 2020) 7 / 59 Syntax within the verbal complex Template p [ person–(preverb)*– [ –(med)–v–V ] –I0–C0 ] CP vP root vP CP ◦ Minimal verbal complex: stem plus suffixes (I0,C0). -
The Grammar of Coarticulation Edward Flemming Department of Linguistics & Philosophy, MIT
The Grammar of Coarticulation Edward Flemming Department of Linguistics & Philosophy, MIT 1. Introduction It is well established that coarticulatory patterns are language-specific and therefore must be specified in the grammars of languages (e.g. Beddor, Harnsberger & Lindemann, 2002, Clumeck, 1976, Huffman, 1988, Keating & Cohn, 1988, Magen, 1984, Manuel, 1990, Manuel & Krakow, 1984, Oh, 2002), but there is less consensus on the nature of the grammar of coarticulation. Here we use evidence from the typology of coarticulatory patterns to argue for a model based on weighted constraints. Through two case studies we see that coarticulation shows typological variation that is parallel in many respects to phonological typology: there are common or universal cross-linguistic patterns, such as F0 transitions between adjacent tones, that point to universal constraints, such as physiological limitations on rates of F0 change, but language- specific variation in the details of coarticulation, e.g. variation in the timing of F0 transitions, shows that languages differ in their responses to these constraints. I propose that this is due to interaction between conflicting constraints: constraints on rate of change interact with perceptually motivated constraints requiring the realization of phonetic targets. These constraints can conflict, with conflicts being resolved by constraint prioritization. The relative priority of constraints can differ from language to language resulting in language-specific patterns of coarticulation. This is essentially the same approach to the analysis of typology that has been successful in Optimality Theoretic analyses of phonology (Prince & Smolensky, 2004). This account of coarticulation has implications for analyses that attempt to explain phonological generalizations in terms of phonologization of coarticulation. -
Consonant Gradation in Finnish Dialects
Consonant Gradation in Finnish Dialects Consonant gradation is a lenition process common to most of the Finnic languages. In Finnish it is now only partly productive phonologically in that it rarely affects recent loans and neologisms. However, it is still pervasive in the lexicon and is very much a part of Finnish phonology. Gradation in Finnish affects geminate and singleton voiceless stops preceding a short vowel in a closed syllable. The geminates shorten (quantitative gradation) and the singletons undergo various lenition processes (qualitative gradation), depending on the environment, the dialect, and a range of sociolinguistic factors (see 1). However, within the Finnish dialects, there is much variation within qualitative gradation, especially for the coronal (see 2). The goal of this paper is to provide an account of qualitative gradation that takes into consideration the kind of variation that exists between dialects as shown in Kettunen’s (1940) dialect atlas. There are five main patterns in the data, as shown in table 1. In all cases /p/ lenites to [ʋ]. The /t/ may lenite, take on place features from an adjacent vowel, or delete while /k/ may either assimilate to place features of an adjacent vowel or delete. That deletion is disfavoured for either segment suggests that there is a strong requirement to retain the consonant. Finally, the lenition of /t/ simply needs to result in a non-nasal coronal if there is not assimilation to a vowel. In this paper I provide an account of the conditions for assimilation to vowels. Assimilation is most likely to occur when the sequence of vowels that would result from deletion would create hiatus. -
The Phonetics-Phonology Interface in Romance Languages José Ignacio Hualde, Ioana Chitoran
Surface sound and underlying structure : The phonetics-phonology interface in Romance languages José Ignacio Hualde, Ioana Chitoran To cite this version: José Ignacio Hualde, Ioana Chitoran. Surface sound and underlying structure : The phonetics- phonology interface in Romance languages. S. Fischer and C. Gabriel. Manual of grammatical interfaces in Romance, 10, Mouton de Gruyter, pp.23-40, 2016, Manuals of Romance Linguistics, 978-3-11-031186-0. hal-01226122 HAL Id: hal-01226122 https://hal-univ-paris.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01226122 Submitted on 24 Dec 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Manual of Grammatical Interfaces in Romance MRL 10 Brought to you by | Université de Paris Mathematiques-Recherche Authenticated | [email protected] Download Date | 11/1/16 3:56 PM Manuals of Romance Linguistics Manuels de linguistique romane Manuali di linguistica romanza Manuales de lingüística románica Edited by Günter Holtus and Fernando Sánchez Miret Volume 10 Brought to you by | Université de Paris Mathematiques-Recherche Authenticated | [email protected] Download Date | 11/1/16 3:56 PM Manual of Grammatical Interfaces in Romance Edited by Susann Fischer and Christoph Gabriel Brought to you by | Université de Paris Mathematiques-Recherche Authenticated | [email protected] Download Date | 11/1/16 3:56 PM ISBN 978-3-11-031178-5 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-031186-0 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-039483-2 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. -
Dear Supervisors- Attached Please Find Our Letter of Opposition to the SCA Ordinance for Sleepy Hollow As Drafted by Our Attorne
From: Andrea Taber To: Rice, Katie; Kinsey, Steven; Adams, Susan; Arnold, Judy; Sears, Kathrin Cc: Dan Stein; Thorsen, Suzanne; Lai, Thomas Subject: Sleepy Hollow Homeowners Association Letter of Oppostion to the SCA Ordinance Date: Wednesday, May 22, 2013 8:12:53 PM Attachments: Document4.docx Dear Supervisors- Attached please find our letter of opposition to the SCA Ordinance for Sleepy Hollow as drafted by our attorney Neil Moran of Freitas McCarthy MacMahon & Keating, LLP. Sleepy Hollow Homeowners Association May 3, 2013 Board of Supervisors of Marin County 3501 Civil Center Drive San Rafael, CA 94903-4157 Re: Stream Conservation Area (SCA) Proposed Amendments to the Development Code Honorable Members of the Board of Supervisors: INTRODUCTION The Sleepy Hollow Homes Association (SHHA) objects to the proposed changes to Chapters 22.33 (Stream Protection) and 22.63 (Stream Conservation Area Permit) as they would apply to the residents of the unincorporated portion of San Anselmo known as Sleepy Hollow. We ask that the County exempt and/or delay implementation of any changes to Chapters 22.33 and 22.63 as to the city-centered corridor streams, including Sleepy Hollow. The SHHA supports implementation of the proposed amendments to the San Geronimo Valley, to protect wildlife habitat in streams where Coho Salmon currently exist. The SHHA supports regulations to ensure the health and survival of the species in these areas. The SHHA recognizes the urgency of this matter to the San Geronimo Valley, both for the survival of the endangered and declining Coho population and for the property rights of the affected residents who are currently subject to a building moratorium. -
A Comparative Analysis of Consonants in Chinese and Arabic Phonetics
Journal of Literature and Art Studies, November 2019, Vol. 9, No. 11, 1188-1193 doi: 10.17265/2159-5836/2019.11.010 D DAVID PUBLISHING A Comparative Analysis of Consonants in Chinese and Arabic Phonetics FAYROUZ ABDELSAMIE ELSAYED MOHAMED School of International Chinese Studies (SICS) of East China Normal University (ECNU), Shanghai , China Arabic and Chinese are one of the most difficult languages to learn in the world. The mark of Arabic is Pinyin characters plus pinyin symbols. On the other hand, the mark of Chinese is ideographic square shaped characters; each pronunciation of a Chinese character is generally a syllable. There are great differences between Arabic and Chinese consonants, so this paper mainly discusses the similarities and differences between the two languages and their respective characteristics through the comparative analysis of Chinese and Arabic consonants. Keywords: Chinese, Arabic, pronunciation, consonant, comparison A Comparative Analysis of Chinese and Arabic Consonants In order to make a comparative analysis of Chinese and Arabic consonants, first of all, we need to have a quite comprehensive and clear understanding of the features of each consonant pronunciation of the two languages. All consonant phonemes in Chinese and Arabic are included in Table 2 below. The Chinese phonetic symbol is Pinyin, which uses the International Latin alphabets. It has both consonant and vowel letters, while Arabic is phonetic alphabets transcription and the phonetic symbol of consonants is Arabic letters itself. Chinese language has 22 consonant phonemes; among them [ŋ] can only be used as a tail vowel, [n] can be used as both initial and final, and the rest can only be used as initials. -
Formal Grammar, Usage Probabilities, and English Tensed Auxiliary Contraction (Revised June 15, 2020)
Formal grammar, usage probabilities, and English tensed auxiliary contraction (revised June 15, 2020) Joan Bresnan 1 At first sight, formal theories of grammar and usage-based linguistics ap- pear completely opposed in their fundamental assumptions. As Diessel (2007) describes it, formal theories adhere to a rigid division between grammar and language use: grammatical structures are independent of their use, grammar is a closed and stable system, and is not affected by pragmatic and psycholinguis- tic principles involved in language use. Usage-based theories, in contrast, view grammatical structures as emerging from language use and constantly changing through psychological processing. Yet there are hybrid models of the mental lexicon that combine formal representational and usage-based features, thereby accounting for properties unexplained by either component of the model alone (e.g. Pierrehumbert 2001, 2002, 2006) at the level of word phonetics. Such hybrid models may associate a set of ‘labels’ (for example levels of representation from formal grammar) with memory traces of language use, providing detailed probability distributions learned from experience and constantly updated through life. The present study presents evidence for a hybrid model at the syntactic level for English tensed auxiliary contractions, using lfg with lexical sharing (Wescoat 2002, 2005) as the representational basis for the syntax and a dynamic exemplar model of the mental lexicon similar to the hybrid model proposals at the phonetic word level. However, the aim of this study is not to present a formalization of a particular hybrid model or to argue for a specific formal grammar. The aim is to show the empirical and theoretical value of combining formal and usage-based data and methods into a shared framework—a theory of lexical syntax and a dynamic usage-based lexicon that includes multi-word sequences.