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Ethnicity, Violence, and Khmer-Vietnamese Relations: the Signicance of the Lower Mekong Delta, 1757–1954
The Journal of Asian Studies http://journals.cambridge.org/JAS Additional services for The Journal of Asian Studies: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Ethnicity, Violence, and Khmer-Vietnamese Relations: The Signicance of the Lower Mekong Delta, 1757–1954 Shawn McHale The Journal of Asian Studies / Volume 72 / Issue 02 / May 2013, pp 367 - 390 DOI: 10.1017/S0021911813000016, Published online: 19 March 2013 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0021911813000016 How to cite this article: Shawn McHale (2013). Ethnicity, Violence, and Khmer-Vietnamese Relations: The Signicance of the Lower Mekong Delta, 1757–1954. The Journal of Asian Studies, 72, pp 367-390 doi:10.1017/S0021911813000016 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/JAS, IP address: 128.164.150.96 on 16 Sep 2013 The Journal of Asian Studies Vol. 72, No. 2 (May) 2013: 367–390. © The Association for Asian Studies, Inc., 2013 doi:10.1017/S0021911813000016 Ethnicity, Violence, and Khmer-Vietnamese Relations: The Significance of the Lower Mekong Delta, 1757–1954 SHAWN MCHALE This essay argues that to understand twentieth-century Khmer-Vietnamese ethnic antag- onism, the contest for the lower Mekong Delta (in today’s Vietnam) since the mid- eighteenth century has been key. It argues, however, that while this pre-1945 background can explain antagonism, it cannot sufficiently explain the violence between Khmer and Vietnamese that occurred after 1945. For that, the First Indochina War (1945–54) and decolonization marked a turning point. This period saw the creation of a dynamic of vio- lence between Khmer and Vietnamese that hardened ethnic antagonisms, shaped the character of the war, and affected arguments over sovereignty. -
February 15, 1963 Memorandum of Chairman Mao Zedong's
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified February 15, 1963 Memorandum of Chairman Mao Zedong’s Conversation with Prince Sihanouk Citation: “Memorandum of Chairman Mao Zedong’s Conversation with Prince Sihanouk,” February 15, 1963, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, PRC FMA 204-01509-03, 70-74. Translated by Neil Silver. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117953 Summary: Mao Zedong and Norodom Sihanouk exchange views on capitalist and imperialist countries, particularly on India, the US, Thailand, Yemen, and Iraq. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the MacArthur Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation Memorandum of Chairman Mao Zedong’s Conversation with Prince Sihanouk (Not yet checked and approved by the Chairman) Time: February 15, 1963 at 1:15 p.m. Place: Qinzheng Hall, Zhongnanhai [leadership compound] Present on our side: President [of the People’s Republic of China] and his wife, Peng Zhen and his wife, He Long and his wife, Luo Ruiqing and his wife, Ji Pengfei and his wife, Yang Lin (Assistant Bureau Director, General Bureau for [Foreign] Economic Relations), Ambassador Chen Shuliang and his wife, Director-general [of the Foreign Ministry] Zhou Qiuye Present on the Cambodian side: Madame Sihanouk, [Private Adviser to Prince Sihanouk] Penn Nouth, [Private Adviser to Prince Sihanouk] Son Sann, [Member of the High Council of the Throne and Commander of the Royal Air Force General] Ngo Hou and his wife, [Secretary of State for Home Affairs] Phurissara and his wife, [Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs] Huot Sembath, [Director of Public Services] Sisowath Essaro and his wife, Princess Mom, Ambassador Sirik Matak and his wife, Princess Mom, [Director of the Protocol Department of the Cambodian Foreign Ministry Nay] Valentin Interpreter: He Zhenliang; Notetakers: Zhang Duanji, Feng Kexiang Chairman Mao: How are you? Sihanouk: Very well. -
Sangkum Reastre Niyum of King Norodom Sihanouk 1955-1970
[email protected] The History of Cambodia from 1st Century to 20th Century [10] Sangkum Reastre Niyum of King Norodom Sihanouk 1955-1970 SLK 11/12/2008 Prince Norodom Sihanouk who built so many schools everywhere in Cambodia for his Khmer children to enjoy learning whatever they wanted to, but mostly they learnt only how to irrigate water into the fields. His Khmer children were not allowed to learn any political sciences…. However, his ordinary people seemed to enjoy their lives under his Sangkum Reastre Niyum Regime, even if his country was also completely under siege being already engulfed in wars with the two young-warmongering nations-Siam and Yuon again. And, his people seemed being kept in a dark pond like a frog that knew nothing what was happening during his reign of Sangkum Reastre Niyum? His ordinary Khmer people did not also really know much about any Vietnamese secret agents/Vietcong living in Cambodia during a little dictatorial Sangkum Niyum of his? Why did he become a little dictator who gave a drastic order to his secret police to secretly kill his own Khmer educated men? SLK v.2 [10] Sangkum Reastre Niyum of King Norodom Sihanouk 1955-1970 Absolute Monarchy ABSOLUTE monarchy is an idealized form of government, a monarchy where the ruler has the power to rule his or her country and citizens freely with no laws or legally-organized direct opposition telling him or her what to do, although some religious authority may be able to discourage the monarch from some acts and the sovereign is expected to act according to custom. -
Cambogia=Cambodia=Campucea= Kampuchea=Cambodge=Khmer
CAMBOGIA CAMBOGIA=CAMBODIA=CAMPUCEA= KAMPUCHEA=CAMBODGE=KHMER Roat Kampuchea Regno di Cambogia Phnum Penh=Phnom Penh 400.000 ab. Kmq. 181.035 (178.035)(181.000)(181.040) Compreso Kmq. 3.000 di acque interne Dispute con Tailandia per: - Territorio di Preah Vihear (occupato Cambogia) - Poi Pet Area (occupato Tailandia) - Buri=Prachin Buri Area (occupato Tailandia). Dispute con Vietnam per: - Cocincina Occidentale e altri territori (occupati Vietnam) - alcune isole (occupate Vietnam): - Dak Jerman=Dak Duyt - Dak Dang=Dak Huyt - La Drang Area - Baie=Koh Ta Kiev Island - Milieu=Koh Thmey Island - Eau=Koh Sep Island - Pic=Koh Tonsay Island - Northern Pirates=Koh Po Island Rivendica parte delle Scarborough Shoals (insieme a Cina, Taivan, Vietnam, Corea, Malaisia, Nuova Zelanda). Dispute con Tailandia per acque territoriali. Dispute con Vietnam per acque territoriali. Movimento indipendentista Hmon Chao Fa. Movimento indipendentista Khmer Krom. Ab. 7.650.000---11.700.000 Cambogiani=Cmeri=Khmer (90%) - Cmeri Candali=Khmer Kandal=Cmeri Centrali=Central Khmers (indigeni) - Cmeri Cromi=Khmer Krom (cmeri insediati nella Cambogia SE e nel Vietnam Meridionale) - Cmeri Surini=Khmer Surin (cmeri insediati nella Cambogia NO e nelle province tailandesi di Surin, Buriram, Sisaket - Cmeri Loeu=Cmeri Leu=Khmer Loeu (termine ombrello per designare tutte le tribù collinari della Cambogia)(ca. 100.000 in tutto): - Parlanti il Mon-Cmero=Mon-Khmer (94%) - Cacioco=Kachok - Crungo=Krung - Cui=Kuy - Fnongo=Phnong - Tampuano=Tampuan (nella provincia di Ratanakiri NE) -
U.S.-Cambodia Relations (PDF: 9.28
President Obama’s Letter to His Majesty King Norodom Sihamoni on the Occasion of the 60th Anniversary of Diplomatic Relations between the United States and Cambodia Your Majesty: On behalf of the American people, I wish to congratulate the Kingdom of Cambodia on the Occasion of the 60th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between our two countries. This important milestone presents us with the opportunity to reflect on our shared past and to plot a course for the future based on the strong foundation we have built together. Both Cambodia and the United States have changed immensely since July 11, 1950, when our first Ambassador to your country presented his credentials to King Sihanouk. As with any bilateral relationship, there have been times when we have not agreed, but the overall growth in the depth and breadth of our engagement reflects a maturing partnership. Over the last several years, for example, we have seen many positive developments, including the establishment of the Peace Corps program in Cambodia, the creation of the Extraordinary Cambers of the Courts in Cambodia and completion of its first trial, and the inauguration of Cambodia’s peacekeeping force, a truly momentous achievement for a coutry that was the beneficiary of peacekeepers less than two decades before. The United States is now the top market for Cambodia’s garment exporters, forming a pillar for the country’s economic growth. Military-to-military and counterterrism cooperation between our two countries has grown as well, creating a safer environment for both Americans and Cambodians. In the coming years, we look forward to taking advantage of the positive momentum that has been created and to see the patnership between our two nations grow stronger and deeper in areas such as food security, climate change, health, education, human rights, and strengthening democratic institutions. -
Thailand's Response to the Cambodian Genocide
Thailand’s Response to the Cambodian Genocide Puangthong Rungswasdisab Independent Researcher Introduction In January 1999, Cambodian Prime Minister Hen Sen proposed that the Khmer Rouge’s foreign backers be brought to justice. His proposal was an act of retaliation against the international community who condemned his warm welcome of two defected Khmer Rouge leaders, Khieu Samphan and Nuon Chea. His remark prompted the Thai leaders to distance the country from its past involvement with the murderous regime. The then Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai asserted that Thailand was not involved and had even objected and disagreed with the genocide. He reiterated that a trial was a matter for Cambodia alone. But the Cambodian problem was rarely regarded by its neighbors as an internal affair. The rise of the communist regime in Cambodia, together with those in Laos and Vietnam in 1975, was perceived as a threat for Thailand. But ironically, soon after its fall, the Khmer Rouge became Thailand’s military ally in fighting against the Vietnamese and the new Cambodian regime. Later on, a new dimension was added to the relationship between Thailand and the Khmer Rouge. Though a policy of turning Indochina from a battlefield into a market place of the Chatichai Choonhavan government was initially aimed at breaking a decade-long impasse of the Cambodian conflict, the Thais nevertheless enjoyed having the Khmer Rouge as their business partner. This chapter examines the development of Thailand’s policy towards the genocidal regime between 1975 and the mid 1990s. And as the friendly relationship with the regime was widely supported by the Thais, this chapter also sheds light on the perspectives of various Thai political groups on the crimes committed by the Khmer Rouge. -
Tell Them That I Want to Kill Them” Two Decades of Impunity in Hun Sen’S Cambodia
HUMAN “Tell Them That I Want RIGHTS to Kill Them” WATCH Two Decades of Impunity in Hun Sen’s Cambodia “Tell Them That I Want to Kill Them” Two Decades of Impunity in Hun Sen’s Cambodia Copyright © 2012 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-963-1 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org NOVEMBER 2012 ISBN: 1-56432-963-1 “Tell Them That I Want to Kill Them” Two Decades of Impunity in Hun Sen’s Cambodia Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 I. The Paris Agreements and Developments Since 1991 ....................................................... 7 II. Illustrative Cases of Impunity since the Paris Agreements ............................................ 13 UNTAC and A-Teams .................................................................................................................. 13 S-91 and Chhoeu Khmao, 1992-94 ............................................................................................ -
Issue Date: February 02, 1966
Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 13, September, 1967 Cambodia, Cambodia, Page 22283 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. General Elections. - Cabinet Changes. - Communist Revolt, - Recognition of Cambodia's Frontiers by Foreign Governments. - Incidents on South Vietnamese and Thai Frontiers. A political crisis in Cambodia was caused by a rising in Battambang province in April, which the Chief of State,Prince Norodom Sihanouk, attributed to Communist subversion. The right-wing Government led by Lieut.-General Lon Nol, which had taken office in the previous October, resigned in consequence, and Prince Sihanoukformed a new Government containing left-wing representatives on May 2. Although the revolt collapsed in Junethe political situation remained tense; Prince Sihanouk dismissed two of the left-wing Ministers on Sept. 11, and accused the Chinese Government of encouraging subversive activities inside Cambodia. Details of these and other recent developments are given below. In general election held on Sept. 11, 1966, all the 82 seats in the National Assembly were won by the ruling Party, the Sangkum Reastr Niryum (Popular Socialist Community). The elections differed from those previously held in that the candidates had not been personally approved by Prince Sihanouk, and the successful candidates, although all claiming to support his nationalist and neutralist foreign policy, represented a wide range of opinions from conservatives to Chinese sympathizers. Lieut.-General Lea Nol (the Army C.-in-C., who had previously been Defence Minister) was elected Prime Minister by the Assembly on Oct. 18, 1966, in place of Prince Norodom Kantol, and formed a Government onOct. -
Writing the Postcolonial City: Phnom Penh and Modernity During Sangkum Reastr Niyum, 1955-1970
Writing the Postcolonial City: Phnom Penh and Modernity during Sangkum Reastr Niyum, 1955-1970 by Siti Galang Keo A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Peter B. Zinoman, Chair Professor Kerwin Klein Professor Penelope Edwards Summer 2019 Abstract Writing the Postcolonial City: Phnom Penh and Modernity during Sangkum Reastr Niyum, 1955-1970 by Siti Galang Keo Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Berkeley Professor Peter B. Zinoman, Chair This dissertation examines novels, essays, films and songs of the Sangkum Reastr Niyum period, 1955-1970, to explore the layers of meanings Cambodians held of Phnom Penh. After the Geneva Accords in 1954, Phnom Penh emerged as the capital city of a newly independent nation-state, the Kingdom of Cambodia. The city under French colonial rule was secondary to Hanoi and Saigon, but once Indochina dissolved, its population exponentially increased. Phnom Penh was at the center of Cambodia’s road networks, its banking system, and was home to the best universities and schools. The many jobs and opportunities attracted rural migrants to the city. The population boom was one of the many ways Phnom Penh transformed. Norodom Sihanouk, then the head of state, made Phnom Penh the epicenter of government modernization projects. Under his watch, the capital transformed from being a marshy, provincial hub into an exciting scene of cosmopolitan innovation. Urban Cambodians combined ideas from Le Corbusier with traditional Khmer architectural details to design their “modern” buildings. -
The Cambodia Peace Settlement
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE Simulation on The Cambodia Peace Settlement This simulation aims at providing participants with a deeper understanding of how societies in conflict have to confront issues of war crimes and human rights violations. Participants role-play negotiators at a peace settlement conference in Cambodia, where, due to international pressure, a weakened government has agreed to negotiate with opposition leaders. Questions that must be dealt with include implementation of the peace settlement and issues of past accountability for genocide and war crimes. Other participants will be asked to role-play a task force composed of representatives from Cambodian and international organizations that has been established to work out recommendations for the negotiators on how to how to proceed with the war crimes and human rights issues. The range of possible recommendations includes convening international or domestic war crime tribunals, limited or blanket amnesties, or the establishment of a truth commission or commission of inquiry. Simulation on The Cambodia Peace Settlement Simulation on The Cambodia Peace Settlement 1 Table of Contents Introduction ...................................................................................... 3 Materials............................................................................................ 5 Scenario ............................................................................................ 6 Background ..................................................................................... -
Ready Been Forced to Marry
10qñaMEsVgrkkarBitedIm,IkarcgcaMnigyutþiFm’³1997-2007Ten Years of Independently Searching for the Truth: 1997-2007 mCÄmNÐlÉksarkm<úCaDocumentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) P.O. Box 1110, Phnom Penh, Cambodia Tel.: + 855 (23) 211-875 Fax.: + 855 (23) 210-358 E-mail: [email protected] Homepage: www.dccam.org A HISTORY OF DEMOCRATIC KAMPUCHEA (1975-1979) Rbvtþisa®A History of sþkm<CaRbCaFibetyü¬1975-1979 Democratic Kampuchea 1. Cambodia-History-1975-1979 I. Dy, Khamboly II. Chandler, David III. Cougill, Wynne Funding for this project was generously provided by the Soros Foundation's Open Society Institute (OSI) and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). Support for DC-Cam's operations is provided by the US Agency for International Development (USAID) and Swedish International Development Agency (Sida). Disclaimer: The views expressed in this book are those of the author only. This text was submitted to the Government Working Commission to Review the Draft of the History of Democratic Kampuchea. On January 3, 2007, the Commission decided that, "the text can be used as supplementary discussion material [for teachers] and as a base to write a history lesson for high school students.” Copyright © 2007 by the Documentation Center of Cambodia. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Concept and book design: Stacy Marchelos, in conjunction with Double Happiness Creations, Inc., and Youk Chhang. Cambodians working on an irrigation project. Dam "January 1st," Chinith River, Kampong Thom Province, 1976. -
Abstract Son Ngoc Thanh, the United States, and The
ABSTRACT SON NGOC THANH, THE UNITED STATES, AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF CAMBODIA Matthew Jagel, PhD Department of History Northern Illinois University, 2015 Kenton Clymer, Director The Khmer Rouge period of Cambodia’s history is one of the most scrutinized in studies of modern Southeast Asia. What has yet to be examined in sufficient detail is the period leading up to Democratic Kampuchea and the key players of that era, aside from Cambodia’s King (later Prince) Norodom Sihanouk. The story of Son Ngoc Thanh, one of Cambodia’s modern heroes, has yet to be told in detail, and will be a goal of this project. This is not a traditional biography, but instead a study of how Cambodian nationalism grew during the twilight of French colonialism and faced new geopolitical challenges during the Cold War. Throughout Son Ngoc Thanh is the centerpiece. Following a brief stint as Prime Minister under the Japanese, Son Ngoc Thanh’s influence pushed Sihanouk toward a hard-line stance with respect to independence from France, resulting in a free Cambodia by 1953. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, Thanh and his group the Khmer Serei (Free Cambodia) exacerbated tensions between Cambodia and its Thai and South Vietnamese neighbors as he attempted to overthrow the Sihanouk government. Thanh also had connections to both American Special Forces and the CIA in South Vietnam. He was involved with the coup to unseat Sihanouk in 1970, and returned to the new Khmer Republic government later that year, only to be pushed out by 1972. NORTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY DEKALB, ILLINOIS MAY 2015 SON NGOC THANH, THE UNITED STATES, AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF CAMBODIA BY MATTHEW JAGEL ©2015 Matthew Jagel A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY Doctoral Director: Kenton Clymer ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.