Ready Been Forced to Marry
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
No Leaves Embattled Cambodia
Lon NoNol leaves embattled Cambodia By Frederick B. Marks B overwhelming military advantage now held byby- bassy the insurgents PHNOM PENH UPI A government operation to insurgents Cambodian Presi- Lon Nol spent what was expected to his clear dent Lon Nol said farewell to be from the 8 kilometers miles his cabinet and day in Cambodia receiving his rocket belt 5 doseclose associates Monday last associates northwest of Phnom Penh was reported stall- Government sources and cabinet members giving gifts of money stall said behe expected to to leave Tuesday for a selfself- friends the sources said He taped a farewell ed exileape the government hoped At Neak Luong the Mekong River town which would lead message to the nation which was to be broad- to peace talks with the broad which has been under siege for two Communist insurgents cast after his departure MondaMonday night months Insurgent forces battered away cabinet the situation was described as very at the members and diplomats attended dinner at- serious tenuous defense a at by a U.S. embassy pack- perimeter of the capital AA. the palace US source Neak Luong packpack- barrage of about 50SO rockets fell on ed with refugees has been under con- trip to Indonesia with Lon Nol gave con airport where the American planes tinuous shelling plane continued rise to speculation about possible negotiations to ferry in food fuel and At the provincial capital of bang in- ammunition Indonesia has been actively involved in bringbring- Batta in Governmentnt sourcesSources said Lon Nol would the northwestern -
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia Geographically, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam are situated in the fastest growing region in the world, positioned alongside the dynamic economies of neighboring China and Thailand. Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia compares the postwar political economies of these three countries in the context of their individual and collective impact on recent efforts at regional integration. Based on research carried out over three decades, Ronald Bruce St John highlights the different paths to reform taken by these countries and the effect this has had on regional plans for economic development. Through its comparative analysis of the reforms implemented by Cam- bodia, Laos and Vietnam over the last 30 years, the book draws attention to parallel themes of continuity and change. St John discusses how these countries have demonstrated related characteristics whilst at the same time making different modifications in order to exploit the strengths of their individual cultures. The book contributes to the contemporary debate over the role of democratic reform in promoting economic devel- opment and provides academics with a unique insight into the political economies of three countries at the heart of Southeast Asia. Ronald Bruce St John earned a Ph.D. in International Relations at the University of Denver before serving as a military intelligence officer in Vietnam. He is now an independent scholar and has published more than 300 books, articles and reviews with a focus on Southeast Asia, -
An Economic History of Cambodia in the Twentieth Century
MMargaretargaret SSlocomblocomb An EcoEconomicnomic HHistoryistory ooff CCambodiaambodia in the TTwentiethwentieth CeCenturyntury An Economic History of Cambodia in the Twentieth Century An Economic History of Cambodia in the Twentieth Century Margaret Slocomb Published with support from the Nicholas Tarling Fund. © 2010 Margaret Slocomb This book is licensed under a Creative Commons CC-BY-NC-ND License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/ Published by: NUS Press National University of Singapore AS3-01-02, 3 Arts Link Singapore 117569 Fax: (65) 6774-0652 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://nuspress.nus.edu.sg ISBN 978-9971-69-499-9 (Paper) All rights reserved. This book, or parts thereof, may not be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without written permission from the Publisher. National Library Board, Singapore Cataloguing in Publication Data Slocomb, Margaret. An economic history of Cambodia in the twentieth century / Margaret Slocomb. – Singapore: NUS Press, c2010. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-9971-69-499-9 (pbk.) 1. Cambodia – Economic conditions – 20th century. 2. Cambodia – Economic policy – 20th century. I. Title. HC442 330.959604 — dc22 OCN545012232 The electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access for the public good. The Open Access ISBN for this book is 978-981-3250-83-3. -
Historical Evidence at the ECCC
History and the Boundaries of Legality: Historical Evidence at the ECCC The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Andrew Mamo, History and the Boundaries of Legality: Historical Evidence at the ECCC (May, 2013). Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:10985172 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA History and the Boundaries of Legality: Historical Evidence at the ECCC Andrew Mamo The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) are marked by the amount of time that has elapsed between the fall of Democratic Kampuchea in 1979 and the creation of the tribunal. Does this passage of time matter? There are obvious practical reasons why it does: suspects die, witnesses die or have their memories fade, documents are lost and found, theories of accountability gain or lose currency within the broader public. And yet, formally, the mechanisms of criminal justice continue to operate despite the intervening years. The narrow jurisdiction limits the court’s attention to the events of 1975–1979, and potential evidence must meet legal requirements of relevance in order to be admissible. Beyond the immediate questions of the quality of the evidence, does history matter? Should it? One answer is that this history is largely irrelevant to the legal questions at issue. -
Cambodia: Human Rights Before and After the Elections
May 1993 Vol.5 No.10 CAMBODIA: HUMAN RIGHTS BEFORE AND AFTER THE ELECTIONS I. INTRODUCTION Cambodians will go to the polls on May 23 in an atmosphere of political and ethnic violence and renewed civil war. The elections are the culmination of a 17-month United Nations presence, the largest, most ambitious and most expensive peace-keeping effort ever, which was supposed to bring about an end to the conflict. Instead, Cambodia is faced with as much fighting as when the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) entered the country in March 1992, and a spiralling level of serious human rights abuses. The "neutral political environment" that was supposed to be the precondition for elections is entirely absent. The five permanent members of the Security Council and other drafters of the 1991 Paris peace accords, formally known as the Agreements on a Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict, are determined to go ahead with the elections regardless. But what happens on May 23 is almost less important than what happens in the days after the results are announced. Asia Watch believes that an analysis of the missteps that led to the current human rights situation is critically important to determining how, or perhaps whether, human rights of Cambodians can be protected under whatever government comes to power then. The reasons for the deterioration in the human rights situation in late 1992 and early 1993 are complex. None of the parties to the conflict has a history of respect for human rights and one, Democratic Kampuchea, better known as the Khmer Rouge, has one of the worst human rights records in modern history. -
The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: an Ambiguous Good News Story
perspectives The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: An Ambiguous Good News Story Milton Osborne A u g u s t 2 0 0 7 The Lowy Institute for International Policy is an independent international policy think tank based in Sydney, Australia. Its mandate ranges across all the dimensions of international policy debate in Australia – economic, political and strategic – and it is not limited to a particular geographic region. Its two core tasks are to: • produce distinctive research and fresh policy options for Australia’s international policy and to contribute to the wider international debate. • promote discussion of Australia’s role in the world by providing an accessible and high quality forum for discussion of Australian international relations through debates, seminars, lectures, dialogues and conferences. Lowy Institute Perspectives are occasional papers and speeches on international events and policy. The views expressed in this paper are the author’s own and not those of the Lowy Institute for International Policy. The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: an ambiguous good news story Milton Osborne It’s [the Khmer Rouge Tribunal] heavily symbolic and won’t have much to do with justice . It will produce verdicts which delineate the KR leadership as having been a small group and nothing to do with the present regime. Philip Short, author of Pol Pot: anatomy of a nightmare, London, 2004, quoted in Phnom Penh Post, 26 January8 February 2007. Some ten months after it was finally inaugurated in July 2006, and more than twentyeight years after the overthrow of the Democratic Kampuchean (DK) regime led by Pol Pot, the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), more familiarly known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, has at last handed down its first indictment. -
Everyday Experiences of Cambodian Genocide Survivors in Hidden
Documentation Center of Cambodia Democratic Kampuchea Regime Survivors and Sites of Violence Savina Sirik Team Leader of the Transitional Justice Program The Khmer Rouge Movement • Khmer Rouge communist movement o 1940s- emerged as struggle against the French Colonialization o 1950- Formed communist-led United Issarak Front or Khmer Issarak • Khmer People’s Revolutionary Party (KPRP) o 1951- formed with support from Vietnamese communists o Lost the 1955 election to Sangkum Reastr Niyum o 1956 Sieu Heng defected to the Prince Sihanouk government The Khmer Rouge Movement (Cont.) • Workers’ Party of Kampuchea o 1960-Secret congress was held, reorganized the party o Tou Samut disappeared, Pol Pot became the party’s leader o 1965 Visit of Pol Pot to Vietname, China and North Korea • Communist Party of Kampuchea o 1966 changed the party name to CPK o 1966-70 headquarter in Rattanakiri The Khmer Rouge regime, officially known as the Democratic Kampuchea (DK), ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979. The Evacuation of Phnom Penh on April 17, 1975. Source: Roland Neveu Collective cooperatives and massive agricultural and irrigation projects were established throughout the country Democratic Kampuchea in 1976 Source: DK Ministry of Education, 1976. Administrative Divisions & Security System • 6 Zones • 32 Regions • District • Sub-district • Cooperatives • Security system is divided in five levels with S-21 as the top level security center, followed by zonal, regional, district, and sub-district prisons. • 196 prisons • Over 388 killing sites containing almost 20,000 mass graves • Labor sites • 81 local memorials Former Khmer Rouge security centers Physical evidence of violence in the landscapes remains After the Democratic Kampuchea • Introduce to an unmarked site of mass violence and its relationship to survivors • Consider how contemporary lives of survivors are informed by memories of the genocide • Until today, many survivors still live and work in the same villages where they experienced starvation, forced labors, and torture during the DK. -
Ieng Thirith ! * I
KRT TRIAL MONITOR Case%002%■%Special%Report:%Ieng%Thirith’s%Fitness%to%Stand%Trial%■%December%2012% % % % % % % % % Case%of%Ieng%Thirith,%Nuon%Chea,%Khieu%Samphan%and%Ieng%Sary% Asian International Justice Initiative (AIJI), a project of East-West Center and UC Berkeley War Crimes Studies Center It is a complete a fantasy for this Court or, indeed, anyone to imagine for one minute that there is going to be any improvement in the mental health of the respondent such that will allow her to stand trial. -- Diana Ellis, International Defense Counsel for Ieng Thirith ! * I. OVERVIEW AIJI is publishing this report as a separate addendum to the regular weekly monitoring report in order to discuss the 13 November 2012 appeal hearing before the Supreme Court Chamber (SCC) on Accused Ieng Thirith’s unconditional release from detention.1 This report describes and analyzes the Chamber’s decision, released on 14 December 2012, to agree to most parts of the Appeal.2 In addition, this report’s attention to the SCC’s 13 November hearing and subsequent decision builds on the detailed summary and analysis found in the AIJI “Special Report on Ieng Thirith’s Fitness to Stand Trial,” which was published in November.3 Ieng Thirith, alias “Phea,” was indicted on 10 September 2010 for crimes against humanity, genocide, and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions of 1949. On 21 February 2011, however, Ieng Thirith’s Defense Team filed for assessment of her fitness to stand trial.4 On 17 November 2011, after multiple hearings and expert evaluations, the Trial Chamber found Ieng Thirith unfit to stand trial on the basis of a mental condition.5 The Chamber severed her case !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 1 The Supreme Court Chamber is made up of the following: Mr. -
Federal-State Cooperative Program For
Federal-State Cooperative Program for Population Estimates/ Local Population Estimates A series of reports presenting population estimates prepared under the auspices of the Federal-State Cooperative Program for Local Population Estimates. The objective of this program is the development and publication of State-prepared estimates of the population of counties using uniform procedures largely standardized for data input and methodology. The methods were mutually agreed upon by the individual States and the Bureau of the Census and were selected on the basis of the results of an extensive test of methods against the 1970 census conducted in late 1971 and early 1972. The estimates for counties are consistent with independent State population totals regularly prepared by the Bureau of the Census and published in the P-25 series of reports. Pages vary. Reports Nos. 1-138, issued 1969 to 1975. Reports P26-75-1 to P26-88-ENC-SC issued 1976 to 1990. Series title changed to Local Population Estimates in 1984. [SuDoc: C 3.186:P-26/nos.] Check catalog for OSU Libraries’ holdings Federal-State Cooperative Program for Population Estimates Reports North Carolina: July 1, 1967 and 1968. P26-1 Issued 1969 6 Pages. South Carolina: July 1, 1967 and 1968. P26-2 Issued 1969 5 Pages. Louisiana: July 1, 1967 and 1968. P26-3 Issued 1970 5 Pages. Colorado: July 1, 1968. P26-4 Issued 1970 5 Pages. Hawaii: July 1, 1967 and 1968. P26-5 Issued 1970 5 Pages. Oklahoma: July 1, 1968 and 1969. P26-6 Issued 1970 5 Pages. Maine: July 1, 1968. P26-7 Issued 1970 4 Pages. -
Samlaut Uprising
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samlaut_Uprising ζរបះបោរនងិ ζរបង្ក្រា បបៅសំឡូត ᯒនំ១៩៦៧ Samlaut Uprising The Samlaut Uprising, or Samlaut Rebellion, was an incident that took place in 1967 in Battambang Province in Cambodia, in which the rural peasantry revolted against the Sangkum regime of the then-Head of State, Prince Norodom Sihanouk. The incident is seen by some academics as the starting point of the Cambodian Civil War, which ultimately led to the victory of the Communist forces of the Khmer Rouge and the establishment of Democratic Kampuchea. Causes It is thought that the revolt was, at least in part, caused by the heavy-handed conduct of government officials during the building of a sugar refinery at Kompong Kol, Banan District, in 1966. Land was expropriated without adequate compensation, aggravating a situation in which government troops had been deployed to assist in collecting taxes and rice from local farmers. Resentment against the government had been building for some years in the province. After independence in 1953, King Sihanouk had selected Battambang as a suitable area to resettle farmers from the south-west of the country. The newcomers received a subsidy, and existing residents found themselves displaced from land or economically disadvantaged. The employment, in early 1967, of a new system of rice collection (known as ramassage du paddy), which essentially forced farmers to sell their rice to the government at gunpoint, caused further tensions. Demonstrations in Battambang in February of that year were blamed by Sihanouk on the three Communist members of the Sangkum, Hu Nim, Hou Yuon and Khieu Samphan: although the latter had used the issue to call for the end of the ramassage, it is thought that the protests were in fact spontaneous. -
China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence: Principles and Foreign Policy
China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence: Principles and Foreign Policy Sophie Diamant Richardson Old Chatham, New York Bachelor of Arts, Oberlin College, 1992 Master of Arts, University of Virginia, 2001 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Politics University of Virginia May, 2005 !, 11 !K::;=::: .' P I / j ;/"'" G 2 © Copyright by Sophie Diamant Richardson All Rights Reserved May 2005 3 ABSTRACT Most international relations scholarship concentrates exclusively on cooperation or aggression and dismisses non-conforming behavior as anomalous. Consequently, Chinese foreign policy towards small states is deemed either irrelevant or deviant. Yet an inquiry into the full range of choices available to policymakers shows that a particular set of beliefs – the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence – determined options, thus demonstrating the validity of an alternative rationality that standard approaches cannot apprehend. In theoretical terms, a belief-based explanation suggests that international relations and individual states’ foreign policies are not necessarily determined by a uniformly offensive or defensive posture, and that states can pursue more peaceful security strategies than an “anarchic” system has previously allowed. “Security” is not the one-dimensional, militarized state of being most international relations theory implies. Rather, it is a highly subjective, experience-based construct, such that those with different experiences will pursue different means of trying to create their own security. By examining one detailed longitudinal case, which draws on extensive archival research in China, and three shorter cases, it is shown that Chinese foreign policy makers rarely pursued options outside the Five Principles. -
Genocide, Ethnocide, Ecocide, with Special Reference to Indigenous Peoples: a Bibliography
Genocide, Ethnocide, Ecocide, with Special Reference to Indigenous Peoples: A Bibliography Robert K. Hitchcock Department of Anthropology and Geography University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, NE 68588-0368 [email protected] Adalian, Rouben (1991) The Armenian Genocide: Context and Legacy. Social Education 55(2):99-104. Adalian, Rouben (1997) The Armenian Genocide. In Century of Genocide: Eyewitness Accounts and Critical Views, Samuel Totten, William S. Parsons and Israel W. Charny eds. Pp. 41-77. New York and London: Garland Publishing Inc. Adams, David Wallace (1995) Education for Extinction: American Indians and the Boarding School Experience 1875-1928. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. Africa Watch (1989) Zimbabwe, A Break with the Past? Human Rights and Political Unity. New York and Washington, D.C.: Africa Watch Committee. Africa Watch (1990) Somalia: A Government at War With Its Own People. Testimonies about the Killings and the Conflict in the North. New York, New York: Human Rights Watch. African Rights (1995a) Facing Genocide: The Nuba of Sudan. London: African Rights. African Rights (1995b) Rwanda: Death, Despair, and Defiance. London: African Rights. African Rights (1996) Rwanda: Killing the Evidence: Murders, Attacks, Arrests, and Intimidation of Survivors and Witnesses. London: African Rights. Albert, Bruce (1994) Gold Miners and Yanomami Indians in the Brazilian Amazon: The Hashimu Massacre. In Who Pays the Price? The Sociocultural Context of Environmental Crisis, Barbara Rose Johnston, ed. pp. 47-55. Washington D.C. and Covelo, California: Island Press. Allen, B. (1996) Rape Warfare: The Hidden Genocide in Bosnia-Herzogovina and Croatia. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. American Anthropological Association (1991) Report of the Special Commission to Investigate the Situation of the Brazilian Yanomami, June, 1991.