Pseudotransformational Leadership, Leadership Styles, and Emotional Intelligence
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In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia
In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia Kate Frieson CAPI Associate and United N ations Regional Spokesperson, UNMIBH (UN mission in Bosnia Hercegovina) Occasional Paper No. 26 June 2001 Copyright © 2001 Centre for Asia-Pacific Initiatives Box 1700, STN CSC Victoria, BC Canada V8W 2Y2 Tel. : (250) 721-7020 Fax : (250) 721-3107 E-mail: [email protected] National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data Frieson, Kate G. (Kate Grace), 1958- In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia (CAPI occasional paper series ; 26) ISBN 1-55058-230-5 1. Cambodia–Social conditions. 2. Cambodia–Politics and government. 3. Women in politics–Cambodia. I. UVic Centre for Asia-Pacific Initiatives. II. Title. III. Series: Occasional papers (UVic Centre for Asia-Pacific Initiatives) ; #26. DS554.8.F74 2001 305.42'09596 C2001-910945-8 Printed in Canada Table of Contents Theoretical Approaches to Gender and Politics ......................................1 Women and the Politics of Socialization ............................................2 Women and the State: Regeneration and the Reproduction of the Nation ..................4 Women and the Defense of the State during War-Time ................................8 Women as Defenders of the Nation ...............................................12 Women in Post-UNTAC Cambodia ..............................................14 Conclusion ..................................................................16 Notes ......................................................................16 In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia Kate Frieson, University of Victoria "Behind almost all politicians there are women in the shadows" Anonymous writer, Modern Khmer News, 1954 Although largely unscribed in historical writings, women have played important roles in the Cambodian body politic as lance-carrying warriors and defenders of the Angkorean kingdom, influential consorts of kings, deviant divas, revolutionary heroines, spiritual protectors of Buddhist temples, and agents of peace. -
No Leaves Embattled Cambodia
Lon NoNol leaves embattled Cambodia By Frederick B. Marks B overwhelming military advantage now held byby- bassy the insurgents PHNOM PENH UPI A government operation to insurgents Cambodian Presi- Lon Nol spent what was expected to his clear dent Lon Nol said farewell to be from the 8 kilometers miles his cabinet and day in Cambodia receiving his rocket belt 5 doseclose associates Monday last associates northwest of Phnom Penh was reported stall- Government sources and cabinet members giving gifts of money stall said behe expected to to leave Tuesday for a selfself- friends the sources said He taped a farewell ed exileape the government hoped At Neak Luong the Mekong River town which would lead message to the nation which was to be broad- to peace talks with the broad which has been under siege for two Communist insurgents cast after his departure MondaMonday night months Insurgent forces battered away cabinet the situation was described as very at the members and diplomats attended dinner at- serious tenuous defense a at by a U.S. embassy pack- perimeter of the capital AA. the palace US source Neak Luong packpack- barrage of about 50SO rockets fell on ed with refugees has been under con- trip to Indonesia with Lon Nol gave con airport where the American planes tinuous shelling plane continued rise to speculation about possible negotiations to ferry in food fuel and At the provincial capital of bang in- ammunition Indonesia has been actively involved in bringbring- Batta in Governmentnt sourcesSources said Lon Nol would the northwestern -
To Keep You Is No Gain, to Kill You Is No Loss* – Securing Justice Through the International Criminal Court
TO KEEP YOU IS NO GAIN, TO KILL YOU IS NO LOSS* – SECURING JUSTICE THROUGH THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT Talitha Gray** I. INTRODUCTION “We who have witnessed in the twentieth century, the worst crimes against humanity, have an opportunity to bequeath to the new century a powerful instrument of justice. So let us rise to this challenge.”1 An incomprehensible number of people have died as a result of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity in the last century. After World War II and the Holocaust, nations and their citizenry proclaimed that never again would something so horrendous happen. “We must make sure that their deaths have posthumous meaning. We must make sure that from now until the end of days all humankind stares this evil in the face . and only then can we be sure it will never arise again.”2 Despite this vow, from 1950 to 1990, there were seventeen genocides, with two that resulted in the death of over a million people.3 In 1994, 800,000 Tutsis died during a three-month genocide in Rwanda.4 Genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity are not only something that occurred in the distant past; sadly, they remain a vivid reality. If there is ever hope to end such crimes, they must be addressed by the law on an international scale. “We stand poised at the edge of invention: a rare occasion to build a new institution to serve a global need. An International Criminal Court is within our * This phrase is identified as the motto of the Khmer Rouge regime who murdered in excess of two million Cambodians during their three year reign. -
Postwar Thailand: Indochinese Domino Or Chinese Checker?
SOUTHEAST ASIA SERIES Vol. XXIII No. 5 (Thailand) POSTWAR THAILAND: INDOCHINESE DOMINO OR CHINESE CHECKER? by Brewster Grace October 1975 The American withdrawal from Indochina left ruling junta, many more are active in the political Thailand disoriented, exposed, and compromised. wings and able to obstruct and undermine civilian For decades, hardline, corrupt, anticommunist Thai government. Inevitably, new Thai foreign policy military generals had been building their political initiatives in postwar Southeast Asia will be powers and financial fortunes from the American accompanied at home by far more public debate and war effort and Thailand's communist phobia. outcry, and the opposition's barely concealed efforts Suddenly, in April 1975, Asia's image of an at sabotage. American umbrella was gone-crushed in the massive retreat from Saigon to Guam to Camp The second salient fact of Thai political life is the Pendleton-and Thailand found itself on the losing continued but substantially reduced American team. presence, influence, and political will. It was, after all, only two years ago that Thailand reached secret A logical choice for Thai officials in April seemed understandings and agreements with American clear enough: make new friends with former generals and ambassadors. Yet, in spite of postwar enemies and expect little from former friends. The United States pronouncements of a new posture Thais are finding, however, that making friends is toward Asia and asserted intentions of gearing its almost as difficult as fighting enemies, especially involvement to Thailand's invitation and desires, when the potential new friends, the Vietnamese, the long legacy of American paternalism as well as have been Thailand's enemy on many occasions important American strategic and economic through many centuries. -
The Search for a Negotiated Settlement of the Vietnam War
INDOCHINA RESEARCH MONOGRAPH Ji/t INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • BERKELEY The Search for a Negotiated Settlement of the Vietnam War ALLAN E. GOODMAN INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY The Institute of East Asian Studies was established at the University of Califor nia, Berkeley, in the fall of 1978 to promote research and teaching on the cultures and societies of China, Japan, and Korea. It amalgamates the following research and instructional centers and programs: Center for Chinese Studies, Center for Japanese Studies, Center for Korean Studies, Group in Asian Studies, East Asia National Resource Center, and Indochina Studies Project. INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES Director: Robert A. Scalapino Associate Director: John C. Jamieson Assistant Director: Ernest J. Notar Executive Committee: Joyce K. Kallgren Herbert P. Phillips John C. Jamieson Irwin Scheiner Michael C. Rogers Chalmers Johnson Robert Bellah Frederic Wakeman, Jr. CENTER FOR CHINESE STUDIES Chair: Joyce K. Kallgren CENTER FOR JAPANESE STUDIES Chair: Irwin Scheiner CENTER FOR KOREAN STUDIES Chair: Michael C. Rogers GROUP IN ASIAN STUDIES Chair: Lowell Dittmer EAST ASIA NATIONAL RESOURCE CENTER Director: John C. Jamieson INDOCHINA STUDIES PROJECT Director: Douglas Pike The Search for a Negotiated Settlement of the Vietnam War A publication of the Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley, California 94720 The Indochina Monograph series is the newest of the several publications series sponsored by the Institute of East Asian Studies in conjunction with its constituent units. The others include the China Research Monograph series, whose first title appeared in 1967, the Korea Research Monograph series, the Japan Research Monograph series, and the Research Papers and Policy Studies series. -
JULIAN ASSANGE: When Google Met Wikileaks
JULIAN ASSANGE JULIAN +OR Books Email Images Behind Google’s image as the over-friendly giant of global tech when.google.met.wikileaks.org Nobody wants to acknowledge that Google has grown big and bad. But it has. Schmidt’s tenure as CEO saw Google integrate with the shadiest of US power structures as it expanded into a geographically invasive megacorporation... Google is watching you when.google.met.wikileaks.org As Google enlarges its industrial surveillance cone to cover the majority of the world’s / WikiLeaks population... Google was accepting NSA money to the tune of... WHEN GOOGLE MET WIKILEAKS GOOGLE WHEN When Google Met WikiLeaks Google spends more on Washington lobbying than leading military contractors when.google.met.wikileaks.org WikiLeaks Search I’m Feeling Evil Google entered the lobbying rankings above military aerospace giant Lockheed Martin, with a total of $18.2 million spent in 2012. Boeing and Northrop Grumman also came below the tech… Transcript of secret meeting between Julian Assange and Google’s Eric Schmidt... wikileaks.org/Transcript-Meeting-Assange-Schmidt.html Assange: We wouldn’t mind a leak from Google, which would be, I think, probably all the Patriot Act requests... Schmidt: Which would be [whispers] illegal... Assange: Tell your general counsel to argue... Eric Schmidt and the State Department-Google nexus when.google.met.wikileaks.org It was at this point that I realized that Eric Schmidt might not have been an emissary of Google alone... the delegation was one part Google, three parts US foreign-policy establishment... We called the State Department front desk and told them that Julian Assange wanted to have a conversation with Hillary Clinton... -
Cambodia: Human Rights Before and After the Elections
May 1993 Vol.5 No.10 CAMBODIA: HUMAN RIGHTS BEFORE AND AFTER THE ELECTIONS I. INTRODUCTION Cambodians will go to the polls on May 23 in an atmosphere of political and ethnic violence and renewed civil war. The elections are the culmination of a 17-month United Nations presence, the largest, most ambitious and most expensive peace-keeping effort ever, which was supposed to bring about an end to the conflict. Instead, Cambodia is faced with as much fighting as when the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) entered the country in March 1992, and a spiralling level of serious human rights abuses. The "neutral political environment" that was supposed to be the precondition for elections is entirely absent. The five permanent members of the Security Council and other drafters of the 1991 Paris peace accords, formally known as the Agreements on a Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict, are determined to go ahead with the elections regardless. But what happens on May 23 is almost less important than what happens in the days after the results are announced. Asia Watch believes that an analysis of the missteps that led to the current human rights situation is critically important to determining how, or perhaps whether, human rights of Cambodians can be protected under whatever government comes to power then. The reasons for the deterioration in the human rights situation in late 1992 and early 1993 are complex. None of the parties to the conflict has a history of respect for human rights and one, Democratic Kampuchea, better known as the Khmer Rouge, has one of the worst human rights records in modern history. -
Cambodia: Background and U.S
Order Code RL32986 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Cambodia: Background and U.S. Relations July 8, 2005 Thomas Lum Asian Affairs Specialist Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Cambodia: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Cambodia has made some notable progress, with foreign assistance, in developing its economy, nurturing a civil society, and holding elections that are at least procedurally democratic. A number of significant problems remain, however. Weak legal and financial institutions, corruption, political violence, and the authoritarian tendencies of the Cambodian Prime Minister, Hun Sen, have discouraged foreign investment and strained U.S.-Cambodian relations. U.S. interests in Cambodia include human rights, foreign assistance, trade, and counter terrorism. Several current measures by the United States government reflect human rights concerns in Cambodia. Since 1998, foreign operations appropriations legislation has barred assistance to the Central Government of Cambodia in response to Prime Minister Hun Sen’s seizure of power in 1997 and sporadic political violence against the opposition. The United States has also withheld assistance to the Khmer Rouge tribunal unless standards of judicial independence and fairness are met. Despite these restrictions, Cambodia remains the third largest recipient of United States assistance in Southeast Asia after Indonesia and the Philippines. S.Res. 65would call upon the Government of Cambodia to release Member of Parliament Cheam Channy from prison and to restore the immunity from prosecution of opposition parliamentarians. In 2005, the State Department placed Cambodia in Tier 3 as a country that had not made adequate efforts to eliminate trafficking in persons. -
Samlaut Uprising
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samlaut_Uprising ζរបះបោរនងិ ζរបង្ក្រា បបៅសំឡូត ᯒនំ១៩៦៧ Samlaut Uprising The Samlaut Uprising, or Samlaut Rebellion, was an incident that took place in 1967 in Battambang Province in Cambodia, in which the rural peasantry revolted against the Sangkum regime of the then-Head of State, Prince Norodom Sihanouk. The incident is seen by some academics as the starting point of the Cambodian Civil War, which ultimately led to the victory of the Communist forces of the Khmer Rouge and the establishment of Democratic Kampuchea. Causes It is thought that the revolt was, at least in part, caused by the heavy-handed conduct of government officials during the building of a sugar refinery at Kompong Kol, Banan District, in 1966. Land was expropriated without adequate compensation, aggravating a situation in which government troops had been deployed to assist in collecting taxes and rice from local farmers. Resentment against the government had been building for some years in the province. After independence in 1953, King Sihanouk had selected Battambang as a suitable area to resettle farmers from the south-west of the country. The newcomers received a subsidy, and existing residents found themselves displaced from land or economically disadvantaged. The employment, in early 1967, of a new system of rice collection (known as ramassage du paddy), which essentially forced farmers to sell their rice to the government at gunpoint, caused further tensions. Demonstrations in Battambang in February of that year were blamed by Sihanouk on the three Communist members of the Sangkum, Hu Nim, Hou Yuon and Khieu Samphan: although the latter had used the issue to call for the end of the ramassage, it is thought that the protests were in fact spontaneous. -
Wo Sind All Die Roten Khmer Geblieben? Mai 2020 Daniel Bultmann
Blickwechsel Gesellscha Umwelt Menschenrechte Armut Politik Entwicklung Demokratie Gerechtigkeit Wo sind all die Roten Khmer geblieben? Mai 2020 Daniel Bultmann Wer sich mit der Regierung Kambodschas beschäftigt, bekommt oftmals zu hören, dass es „viele“ Rote Khmer in ihr gäbe. Zuvorderst natürlich Premier minister Hun Sen, der in den Jahren von 1975 bis zu seiner Flucht nach Vietnam 1977 als stellvertretender Regimentskommandeur im Militär des „Demokratischen Kampucheas“ (DK) aktiv war. Doch wie sind sie überhaupt dahin gekommen? Und was ist aus ihren ehemaligen Kamerad*innen geworden? Was aus den ehemaligen Kadern der Roten Khmer Die einen führte die Geschichte Kambodschas in geworden ist – das kann uns einiges über die hohe Regierungsämter, die anderen vor das Rote- heutige Politik in Kambodscha sagen. Die Roten Khmer-Tribunal, die Extraordinary Chambers in Khmer waren kein einheitlicher Block. Viel- the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), andere leben zu- mehr finden sich in der mittleren und oberen rückgezogen, aber verarmt verstreut über das Führungsriege verschiedene ideologische und ganze Land, und andere wiederum sind führende soziale Gruppen, die über die Jahre unterschied- Köpfe in Provinzregierungen und leben in rela- liche Entwicklungen genommen haben. tivem Wohlstand. Ursprünge der kommunistischen Zentrale Kader der Zone Ost Bewegung (1953 – 1975) Hun Sen ehemaliger Rote Khmer- Doch zunächst zurück zum Anfang. Bis weit in (1952 – heute) Kommandeur in der Zone die Jahre nach Kambodschas Unabhängigkeit Ost, dann Außenminister 1953 waren die Roten Khmer vor allem eins: ein Kambodschas von 1979 – 1985 und seit 1985 Premier- Ableger der vietnamesischen kommunistischen minister. Partei. Die meisten Mitglieder waren viet- namesische Plantagenarbeiter*innen, die für Heng Samrin ehemaliger Rote Khmer- den Befreiungskampf in ihrer Heimat rekrutiert (1934 – heute) Kommandeur in der Zone wurden. -
1973 - August 1974
£cx?N.Mlc \MPUcfifCtoNS THE LIMITS TO STABILITY: THE AE3ERMAT-H OF THE PARIS AGREEMENT ON VIETNAM, JANUARY 1973 - AUGUST 1974. YVONNE TAN PHD. THESIS UNIVERSITY OF LONDON (EXTERNAL) 1991. 1 ProQuest Number: 11015921 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 11015921 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 ABSTRACT ECONOMIC (MPUcAHws THE LIMITS TO STABILITY : THE AFTERMATH OF THE PARIS AGREEMENT ON VIETNAM, JANUARY 1973 - AUGUST 1974. The Paris Agreement of 27 January 1973 was intended, at least by some of its authors, to end the war and to bring peace to Vietnam and Indochina. Studies on the Agreement have gen erally focused on the American retreat from Vietnam and the military and political consequences leading to the fall of Saigon in April 1975. This study will seek to explore a number of questions which remain controversial. It addresses itself to considering whether under the circumstances prevailing between 1973 and 1974 the Paris Agreement could have worked. In the light of these circum stances it argues that the Agreement sought to establish a frame work for future stability and economic development through multilateral aid and rehabilitation aimed at the eventual survival of South Vietnam. -
Global Justice.Indd
Chapter 12 Creating a Human Rights Culture: The Role of Local Knowledge in Cambodia’s Difficult Transition Stephen P. Marks 1 INTRODUCTION Few issues in international affairs and in the history of political thought provoke as much speculation and argument as the applicability of universal human rights in diverse political cultures. The debate raises complex philosophical and political issues regarding the relative influence of indigenous and exogenous factors in cre- ating a human rights culture and the interface of universalism and local knowledge in human rights. The universalists argue that human rights belong by definition to people every- where, and rights deprivation in a given society may properly be remedied through intrusive efforts from abroad, ranging from cajoling through naming and sham- ing to coercion through armed intervention. At the other extreme is the cultural relativist position, according to which each society determines for itself how best to govern in light of its own traditions and any questioning of internal self-deter- mination by imposing or suggesting the relevance of the human rights paradigm is a form of cultural imperialism. Even if we recognize that cultures generally share core values and that these values evolve into rights discourse, we may question whether and to what extent the Enlightenment philosophy and the liberal political theory, a direct ancestor to the current panoply of international human rights instruments, constitutes an 1 The author wishes to acknowledge with appreciation the research assistance of Matthew Easton. Some of the facts cited here have appeared in previously published articles by the author in “The New Cambodian Constitution: From Civil War to a Fragile Democracy,” 26 Columbia Human Rights Law Review (1994) 45 and “Elusive Justice for the Victims of the Khmer Rouge,” 52 Journal of International Affairs (1999) 691.