Job Performance of Mps, Local Councillors: Are Representatives Serving Voters Or Themselves?

Afrobarometer Round 6 New data from 36 African countries

Dispatch No. 115 | 15 September 2016 Job performance of MPs, local councillors: Are representatives serving voters or themselves?

Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 115 | Rose Aiko, Hervé Akinocho, and Mogopodi Lekorwe

Summary Members of Parliament (MPs) and local government councillors are elected to represent their constituents. In a functioning democracy, these office-holders are expected to represent the public interest and to be accountable to those who elected them. How well do African citizens think their elected representatives are fulfilling their roles? How do constituents perceive their political leaders’ integrity, their responsiveness, and their commitment to serving the public interest? Findings from Afrobarometer surveys in 36 African countries suggest considerable room for improvement. While assessments vary by country, overall public trust is low, perceived corruption and official impunity are on the rise, and most people say MPs and local councillors aren’t interested in listening to their views. More fundamentally, a majority of Africans believe that political leaders are more concerned with advancing their own ambitions than with serving the people. Job performance ratings reflect these concerns: Almost half of all citizens disapprove of how their MPs and councillors are doing their jobs, and disapproval is even higher among those who see their elected officials as motivated by personal ambition, involved in corruption, or unwilling to listen to their constituents.

Afrobarometer survey Afrobarometer is a pan-African, non-partisan research network that conducts public attitude surveys on democracy, governance, economic conditions, and related issues across more than 30 countries in Africa. Five rounds of surveys were conducted between 1999 and 2013, and findings from Round 6 surveys (2014/2015) are currently being released. Afrobarometer conducts face-to-face interviews in the language of the respondent’s choice with nationally representative samples that yield country-level results with a margin of sampling error of +/- 2% (for a sample of 2,400) or +/-3% (for a sample of 1,200) at a 95% confidence level. Round 6 interviews with almost 54,000 citizens in 36 countries (see list in the Appendix) represent the views of more than three-fourths of the continent’s population.

Key findings

. Across 36 African countries, fewer than half of respondents say they trust their MPs (48%) and local councillors (46%) “somewhat” or “a lot.” Among 12 public institutions and leaders, MPs and local councillors rank eighth and ninth in public trust.

. Large majorities say at least “some” of their MPs and local government councillors are corrupt, including one-third of citizens who see “most” or “all” of these elected representatives as corrupt. Across 18 countries tracked over the past decade, public perceptions of corruption have increased for both MPs (by 8 percentage points) and local government councillors (by 6 points).

. A majority (59%) of citizens say that officials who commit crimes “often” or “always” go unpunished. In 18 countries tracked over the past decade, this perception has increased by 13 percentage points.

. About three-fourths of Africans say their MPs and councillors “never” or “only sometimes” listen to what their constituents have to say.

. More than two-thirds (69%) of Africans believe that political party leaders are more concerned with pursuing their own political ambitions than with representing the people’s interests.

. Fewer than half of Africans approve of the job performance of their MPs (45%) and local government councillors (49%). Disapproval is especially high among citizens who see their leaders as driven by personal ambition rather than public service, as corrupt, or as uninterested in what their constituents have to say.

Trust in parliaments and local government councils Despite two decades of (sometimes competitive) multiparty elections in many African countries, we observe poor links between citizens and elected leaders marked by declines, rather than gains, on most indicators, starting with public trust. Fewer than half of respondents across the continent affirm that they trust their Parliament (48%) and their local government council (46%) “somewhat” or “a lot.” Among 12 national institutions and leaders, MPs and local councillors rank eighth and ninth in public trust – ahead only of opposition political parties and tax officials (Figure 1).

Figure 1: Trust in leaders and government officials | 36 countries | 2014/2015

Religious leaders 72% Army 64% Traditional leaders 61% President 57% Courts 53% Police 51% Electoral commission 50% Parliament 48% Local government council 46% Ruling party 46% Tax department 44% Opposition parties 36%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Respondents were asked: How much do you trust each of the following, or haven’t you heard enough about them to say?1 (% who say “somewhat” or “a lot”)

Trust in Parliament Trust in Parliament varies considerably across countries. More than seven in 10 citizens trust their MPs “somewhat” or “a lot” in Namibia (74%), Niger (73%), and Tanzania (72%),

1 Questions about parliaments and local government councils were adapted for national contexts, e.g. by asking about national assemblies, local district councils, etc.

compared to fewer than one in three citizens in Nigeria, São Tomé and Príncipe, Morocco, Gabon, Liberia, Algeria, and Sierra Leone (Figure 2).

Figure 2: Trust in Parliament | 35 countries* | 2014/2015

Namibia 74% 23% 3% Niger 73% 24% 4% Tanzania 72% 26% 2% Burundi 70% 28% 2% Burkina Faso 63% 34% 3% Mali 62% 38% Uganda 60% 36% 4% Swaziland 57% 41% 2% Botswana 55% 44% 1% Mauritius 54% 43% 3% Kenya 54% 43% 3% Guinea 53% 44% 3% Zimbabwe 52% 43% 5% Mozambique 51% 33% 15% Malawi 50% 46% 5% Senegal 50% 46% 5% Benin 49% 50% 1% Tunisia 49% 46% 5% Average 48% 48% 4% Zambia 46% 52% 2% Côte d'Ivoire 45% 53% 1% Cape Verde 45% 46% 9% Lesotho 44% 48% 8% Cameroon 44% 51% 5% Madagascar 43% 57% South Africa 41% 58% 1% Togo 40% 56% 5% Ghana 36% 61% 3% Sudan 33% 60% 8% Sierra Leone 31% 62% 7% Algeria 31% 61% 8% Liberia 31% 68% 1% Gabon 30% 69% Morocco 30% 65% 5% São Tomé and Príncipe 30% 59% 11% Nigeria 25% 73% 2% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Somewhat/A lot Not at all/Just a little Don't know

Respondents were asked: How much do you trust each of the following, or haven’t you heard enough about them to say: Parliament? (* The question about trust in Parliament was not asked in Egypt.)

Analysis of trust by region and demographic factors shows that on average East Africans express the greatest trust in Parliament (64%), while Central Africans (35%) and North Africans (36%) have the least trust.2 Trust is greater among residents of rural areas (52%) compared to urban dwellers (42%); among older citizens compared to their younger counterparts (ranging from 55% to 46%); and among less educated respondents compared to those with higher education levels (ranging from 56% to 41%) (Figure 3). Women and men are about equally likely to trust parliamentarians.

Figure 3: Trust in Parliament | by region, urban-rural residence, age, education, and gender | 35 countries | 2014/2015

East Africa 64% Southern Africa 52% West Africa 46% North Africa 36% Central Africa 35%

Rural 52% Urban 42%

66+ years 55% 56-65 years 52% 46-55 years 51% 36-45 years 48% 26-35 years 46% 18-25 years 46%

Post-secondary 41% Secondary 44% Primary 50% No formal education 56%

Female 47% Male 48%

Average 48% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80%

Respondents were asked: How much do you trust each of the following, or haven’t you heard enough about them to say: Parliament? (% who say they trust Parliament “somewhat” or “a lot”)

2 Regional groupings are: East Africa (Burundi, Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda), West Africa (Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Togo), Southern Africa (Botswana, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia, Zimbabwe), North Africa (Algeria, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia), and Central Africa (Cameroon, Gabon, and São Tomé and Principe).

Across 18 countries tracked since 2005/2006, trust in Parliament has decreased by 5 percentage points. Trust decreased sharply in Ghana (-32 percentage points) and Mozambique (-23 points), while the greatest improvements in trust were seen in Zimbabwe (17 percentage points), Benin (11 points), and Kenya (8 points) (Figure 4).

Figure 4: Change in level of trust in Parliament | percentage points | 18 countries | 2005-2015

Zimbabwe 17 Benin 11 Kenya 8 Zambia 5 Namibia 4 Nigeria 3 Malawi -1 Cape Verde -3 Madagascar -5 Average -5 Senegal -6 Mali -9 Botswana -9 Uganda -9 South Africa -13 Tanzania -16 Lesotho -17 Mozambique -23 Ghana -32 -40 -30 -20 -10 0 10 20

Figure shows percentage-point change between 2005/2006 and 2014/2015 in the proportion of citizens who trust Parliament “somewhat” or “a lot.”

Trust in local government councils Public trust in elected local government councils3 follows a similar pattern as trust in parliamentarians. More than two-thirds of citizens in Niger (74%), Tanzania (72%), and Madagascar (67%) say they trust their councillors “somewhat” or “a lot.” As with parliamentarians, local councillors are least trusted in São Tomé and Príncipe, Morocco, Nigeria, Liberia, Gabon, Sierra Leone, and Algeria (Figure 5). Madagascar is a striking exception: Two-thirds (67%) of citizens trust local councillors, though only a minority (43%) trust Parliament. Patterns of trust in local councils by region, urban-rural residence, age, education, and gender are similar to those for trust in Parliament (Figure 6).

On average across 18 countries tracked for the past decade, trust in local government councils declined by only 3 percentage points, but some individual countries show large changes in trust levels. The greatest improvements in trust in local government councillors occurred in Zimbabwe (by 17 percentage points), Kenya (10 points), and Madagascar (8

3 In Togo, local councils are appointed by the government.

points), while the largest declines were again recorded in Ghana (-20 points) and Mozambique (-17 points), along with Uganda (-24 points) and Mali (-17 points) (Figure 7).

Figure 5: Trust in local government councils | 36 countries | 2014/2015

Niger 74% 23% 3% Tanzania 72% 26% 2% Madagascar 67% 33% Namibia 61% 33% 6% Burkina Faso 61% 38% 2% Senegal 59% 33% 8% Mali 57% 43% Malawi 54% 39% 7% Uganda 53% 42% 5% Guinea 53% 45% 3% Botswana 53% 45% 2% Mauritius 52% 45% 3% Kenya 51% 45% 3% Zimbabwe 50% 49% 2% Mozambique 48% 41% 11% Benin 48% 52% Swaziland 47% 36% 18% Average 46% 49% 5% Lesotho 46% 47% 7% Cape Verde 41% 51% 8% Cameroon 41% 54% 5% Zambia 37% 58% 4% Tunisia 36% 57% 8% Côte d'Ivoire 35% 61% 4% South Africa 35% 62% 2% Egypt 35% 52% 13% Togo 35% 58% 7% Ghana 35% 62% 4% Sudan 34% 62% 4% Algeria 33% 62% 5% Sierra Leone 31% 62% 7% Gabon 31% 69% 1% Liberia 31% 67% 2% Nigeria 29% 69% 2% Morocco 29% 66% 5% São Tomé and Príncipe 29% 63% 8% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Somewhat/A lot Not at all/Just a little Don't know

Respondents were asked: How much do you trust each of the following, or haven’t you heard enough about them to say: Your local government council?

Figure 6: Trust in local government councils | by region, urban-rural residence, age, education, and gender | 36 countries | 2014/2015

East Africa 63% Southern Africa 50% West Africa 45% Central Africa 34% North Africa 33% Rural 51% Urban 39% 66+ years 51% 56-65 years 51% 46-55 years 50% 36-45 years 47% 26-35 years 44% 18-25 years 44% Post-secondary 38% Secondary 42% Primary 50% No formal education 55% Female 46% Male 46% Average 46% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80%

Respondents were asked: How much do you trust each of the following, or haven’t you heard enough about them to say: Your local government council? (% who say they trust their local government council “somewhat” or “a lot”)

Figure 7: Changes in level of trust in local government councils | percentage points | 18 countries | 2005-2015

Zimbabwe 17 Kenya 10 Madagascar 8 Nigeria 6 Namibia 6 Zambia 5 Senegal 3 Malawi 0 Lesotho -1 Average -3 Benin -4 Cape Verde -5 South Africa -7 Tanzania -8 Botswana -9 Mozambique -17 Mali -17 Ghana -20 Uganda -24 -30 -20 -10 0 10 20

Figure shows percentage-point change between 2005/2006 and 2014/2015 in the proportion of respondents who trust local government councils “somewhat” or “a lot.”

Perceived corruption among politicians One factor that may contribute to low levels of public trust is a perception of official corruption. Few Africans assert that “none” of their elected officials are involved in corruption. On average across 36 countries, one-third of respondents say that “most” or “all” of their MPs (32%) and local government councillors (33%) are corrupt, and an additional four in 10 say that “some” of these representatives are corrupt (Figure 8). These perceived levels of corruption are higher than those for religious and traditional leaders (15% and 19%, respectively) and the presidency (30%) but lower than for the police (45%), business executives (41%), government officials (38%), and tax officials (36%)

Figure 8: Perceived extent of corruption among MPs and local government councillors | 36 countries | 2014/2015

100% 12% 10%

10% 10% 80%

23% 23% 60%

40% 44% 45%

20%

11% 11% 0% Members of Parliament Local government councillors

None of them Some of them Most of them All of them Don’t know

Respondents were asked: How many of the following people do you think are involved in corruption, or haven’t you heard enough about them to say: Members of Parliament? Local government councillors? (Notes: The question about parliamentarians was not asked in Egypt. The question about local government councillors was not asked in Malawi.)

Countries vary widely in their perceptions of corruption among their elected representatives (Figure 9). More than half of Liberians (68%), Nigerians (61%), and Gabonese (57%) say that most/all of their parliamentarians are corrupt, while fewer than one in five citizens in Cape Verde, Burundi, São Tomé and Príncipe, Tunisia, Mauritius, and Lesotho make the same assertion. Similarly, majorities see most or all local government councillors as corrupt in Nigeria (58%), Liberia (55%), and Gabon (54%), while fewer than one-fifth hold such negative views of local councillors in Madagascar, Cape Verde, Mauritius, São Tomé and Príncipe, and Burundi. Again, Madagascar stands out with a 22-percentage-point difference in perceptions of corruption among MPs (35%) and local councillors (13%), while Tunisians are far more likely to see their local councillors as corrupt (32%) than their MPs (17%). West, Central, and North Africans are somewhat more likely to see these leaders as corrupt than Southern and East Africans. Perceptions of official corruption are also modestly higher among urban and younger residents, more educated citizens, and men (Figure 10).

Across 18 countries tracked over the past decade, public perceptions of MPs’ involvement in corruption have gone up by 8 percentage points. The most dramatic increase occurred in Ghana (by 32 percentage points), followed by Madagascar (20 points) and South Africa (19 points) (Figure 11). Only three countries did not experience a worsening in corruption perceptions: Namibia (-7 percentage points), Zambia (-4 points), and Zimbabwe (-1 point).

Figure 9: Perceived corruption among MPs and local government councillors | 36 countries | 2014/2015

Liberia 55% 68% Nigeria 58% 61% Gabon 54% 57% Sierra Leone 49% 50% Ghana 43% 48% Benin 48% 46% South Africa 48% 46% Kenya 36% 45% Sudan 43% 42% Algeria 39% 39% Zimbabwe 42% 38% Mali 44%36% Morocco 39% 36% Uganda 39% 36% Swaziland 25% 36% Togo 37% 36% Egypt 36% Cameroon 36% 35% Madagascar 13% 35% Zambia 34% 34% Average 33% 33% Burkina Faso 30% Malawi 27% Botswana 22% 26% Niger 29%24% Guinea 24% 24% Senegal 24% 24% Côte d'Ivoire 31%24% Mozambique 30%23% Tanzania 25%21% Namibia 26%20% Lesotho 20% 19% Mauritius 15% 19% Tunisia 17%32% São Tomé and Príncipe 16% 16% Burundi 19%14% Cape Verde 15% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80%

Most/All MPs are corrupt Most/All councillors are corrupt

Respondents were asked: How many of the following people do you think are involved in corruption, or haven’t you heard enough about them to say: Members of Parliament? Local government councillors? (% who say “most” or “all” of them are corrupt)

Figure 10: Perceived corruption among MPs and local government councillors| by region, urban-rural residence, age, education, and gender | 36 countries | 2014/2015

West Africa 37% 37% Central Africa 35% 36% North Africa 38%34% Southern Africa 27% 29% East Africa 30% 29% Rural 31% 31% Urban 37% 36% 66+ years 25% 25% 56-65 years 29% 28% 46-55 years 31% 31% 36-45 years 35% 34% 26-35 years 36% 36% 18-25 years 34% 34% Post-secondary 40% 40% Secondary 35% 36% Primary 30% 30% No formal education 30% 29% Female 32% 32% Male 35% 35% Average 33% 33% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% Most/All MPs are corrupt Most/All local councillors are corrupt

Respondents were asked: How many of the following people do you think are involved in corruption, or haven’t you heard enough about them to say: Members of Parliament? Local government councillors? (% who say “most” or “all” of them are corrupt)

Figure 11: Change in perceived corruption among MPs | percentage points | 18 countries | 2005-2015

Ghana 32 Madagascar 20 South Africa 19 Tanzania 13 Mozambique 12 Uganda 11 Lesotho 8 Average 8 Botswana 6 Mali 5 Kenya 5 Malawi 5 Cape Verde 5 Senegal 4 Benin 3 Nigeria 2 Zimbabwe -1 Zambia -4 Namibia -7 -10 0 10 20 30 40

Figure shows percentage-point change between 2005/2006 and 2014/2015 in the proportion of respondents who say “most” or “all” MPs are corrupt.

Similarly, perceptions of corruption among local government councillors have increased slightly. Across 17 countries tracked on this issue over the past decade, the average increase was 6 percentage points, led by jumps of 24 points in Ghana and 19 points in Mozambique (Figure 12). Zimbabwe recorded a 7-percentage-point reduction over the decade, although its corruption perceptions still remain above average.

Figure 12: Change in perceived corruption among local government councillors | percentage points | 17 countries* | 2005-2015

Ghana 24 Mozambique 19 Tanzania 15 Lesotho 12 Mali 9 Benin 8 Cape Verde 6 Average 6 Botswana 6 Uganda 5 South Africa 3 Senegal 3 Nigeria 1 Madagascar 1 Kenya -1 Zambia -1 Namibia -3 Zimbabwe -7

-10 -5 0 5 10 15 20 25 30

Figure shows percentage-point change between 2005/2006 and 2014/2015 in the proportion of respondents who say “most” or “all” local government councillors are corrupt. (* This question was not asked in Malawi during the most recent (2014) survey).

Official impunity In addition to high perceptions of corruption among elected representatives, many citizens believe that officials usually get off scot-free when they break the law. A majority (59%) of citizens say that officials who commit crimes “often” or “always” go unpunished (Figure 13). Less than half as many respondents (22%) say the same about ordinary citizens who commit crimes.

Figure 13: How often officials and ordinary citizens who commit crimes go unpunished | 36 countries | 2014/2015

100% 5% 3%

80% 36%

60% 75%

40%

59%

20%

22%

0% Officials Ordinary citizens

Often/Always go unpunished Never/Rarely go unpunished Don’t know

Respondents were asked: In your opinion, how often, in this country: Do officials who commit crimes go unpunished? Do ordinary people who break the law go unpunished?

Three-fourths or more of citizens in Tunisia, Gabon, Kenya, Côte d'Ivoire, and Mali believe that official impunity is the norm in their countries (Figure 14). Even at the low extreme – in Namibia, Mauritius, Cape Verde, and Botswana – at least one in three citizens say this is the case. In Morocco, Senegal, Tunisia, and Kenya, respondents are about seven times as likely to report that there is impunity for officials as they are to report that there is impunity for ordinary citizens who commit crimes. In Guinea and Mozambique, perceptions of impunity for officials and ordinary citizens differ only slightly. Do your own analysis of Afrobarometer data – on any Across 18 countries tracked since question, for any country and survey round. It’s easy and 2005/2006, public perceptions of free at www.afrobarometer.org/online-data-analysis. official impunity have increased over the past decade (Figure 15): The proportion of citizens who say officials “often” or “always” go unpunished increased by 13 percentage points, from 42% to 55%. Countries with the greatest increases in perceived impunity are South Africa (36 percentage points), Senegal (31 points), Ghana (29 points), and Mali (25 points). Three countries show decreases in perceptions of official impunity: Zambia (-18 percentage points), Zimbabwe (-15 points), and Namibia (-7 points).

Figure 14: Impunity for officials vs. ordinary citizens | 36 countries | 2014/2015

Tunisia 11% 80% Gabon 39% 80% Kenya 12% 76% Côte d'Ivoire 37% 75% Mali 24% 75% Morocco 10% 73% Burkina Faso 21% 73% Liberia 24% 73% Sudan 23% 72% Benin 16% 72% South Africa 36% 68% Nigeria 24% 67% Algeria 26% 67% Senegal 9% 66% Cameroon 24% 61% Average 22% 59% Sierra Leone 22% 58% Zimbabwe 21% 58% Madagascar 28% 58% Togo 21% 57% Burundi 19% 57% Swaziland 12% 57% Egypt 25% 57% Uganda 16% 55% Niger 23% 55% São Tomé and Príncipe 28% 54% Ghana 18% 53% Malawi 12% 50% Lesotho 27% 48% Guinea 41%47% Tanzania 24% 45% Zambia 28% 44% Mozambique 36%41% Botswana 16% 38% Cape Verde 18% 38% Mauritius 7% 38% Namibia 14% 33% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Ordinary people go unpunished Officials go unpunished

Respondents were asked: In your opinion, how often, in this country: Do officials who commit crimes go unpunished? (% who say “often” or “always”)

Figure 15: Changes in perceived impunity for officials | percentage points | 18 countries| 2005-2015

South Africa 36 Senegal 31 Ghana 29 Mali 25 Lesotho 23 Madagascar 21 Malawi 18 Nigeria 17 Cape Verde 14 Uganda 13 Average 13 Mozambique 13 Tanzania 12 Kenya 10 Benin 7 Botswana 1 Namibia -7 Zimbabwe -15 Zambia -18 -30 -20 -10 0 10 20 30 40

Figure shows the percentage-point change between 2005/2006 and 2014/2015 in the proportion of respondents who say that officials who commit crimes “often” or “always” go unpunished.

Are leaders listening? If public trust is low and perceptions of corruption are high, citizens are even more critical of their elected representatives for not listening to their constituents. Asked how much of the time MPs and councillors “try their best to listen to what people like you have to say,” about three-fourths of citizens say their political representatives “never” or “only sometimes” listen to their views. MPs (78% never/only sometimes) are rated slightly worse than local councillors (72%) (Figure 16).

Figure 16: Do MPs and local government councillors listen to their constituents? | 35 countries* | 2014/2015

Members of Parliament 46% 33% 11% 5% 6%

Local government councillors 37% 35% 16% 7% 5%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Never Only sometimes Often Always Don’t know

Respondents were asked: How much of the time do you think the following try their best to listen to what people like you have to say: Members of Parliament? Local government councillors? (* The question about MPs was asked in 35 countries (not in Egypt); the question about local government councillors was asked in 34 countries (not in Malawi and Mozambique).)

The countries with the worst ratings on MPs’ willingness to listen to people’s views are Madagascar (where 75% of citizens say MPs “never” listen) and Sierra Leone (70% “never”) (Figure 17). MPs fare better in Botswana and Mauritius, where just one in five citizens (21%) say MPs “never” listen, although even there, only minorities say they “often” or “always” listen.

Figure 17: MPs “never” or “only sometimes” listen to constituents | 35 countries | 2014/2015

Madagascar 75% 19% Sierra Leone 70% 16% Burundi 59% 20% Burkina Faso 57% 19% Malawi 56% 30% Nigeria 56% 29% Côte d'Ivoire 55% 27% Niger 55% 21% Lesotho 55% 24% Sudan 54% 26% Guinea 52% 21% São Tomé and Príncipe 52% 28% Gabon 51% 37% Senegal 51% 28% Mali 50% 18% Togo 50% 31% Ghana 48% 31% Morocco 47% 35% Zambia 47% 30% Algeria 47% 23% Average 46% 33% Cameroon 45% 29% Benin 43% 40% Tunisia 41% 36% South Africa 41% 39% Namibia 40% 35% Kenya 40% 44% Liberia 38% 39% Uganda 37% 44% Zimbabwe 36% 42% Tanzania 30% 58% Cape Verde 28% 49% Swaziland 23% 42% Mozambique 22% 35% Mauritius 21% 59% Botswana 21% 47% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Never listen Only sometimes listen

Respondents were asked: How much of the time do you think the following try their best to listen to what people like you have to say: Members of Parliament?

Similarly, local councillors’ attentiveness to ordinary citizens varies among countries (Figure 18). More than half of citizens say councillors “never” listen in Sierra Leone (61%), Côte d'Ivoire

(52%), Madagascar (52%), Gabon (51%), and Togo (51%). Fewer than one-quarter say the same in Mauritius (17%), Swaziland (20%), Botswana (21%), and Tanzania (23%).

Figure 18: Local government councillors “never” or “only sometimes” listen to constituents | 34 countries | 2014/2015

Sierra Leone 61% 20% Côte d'Ivoire 52% 28% Madagascar 52% 31% Gabon 51% 36% Togo 51% 30% Nigeria 48% 35% Tunisia 47% 35% Sudan 46% 28% São Tomé and Príncipe 44% 34% Senegal 43% 25% Lesotho 42% 28% Guinea 42% 25% Mali 41% 19% Zambia 41% 31% Ghana 39% 33% Average 37% 35% Niger 37% 27% Burkina Faso 37% 23% Cameroon 36% 31% Burundi 35% 29% Uganda 34% 39% Algeria 33% 28% South Africa 33% 44% Morocco 33% 42% Kenya 33% 47% Namibia 33% 35% Liberia 32% 38% Benin 32% 39% Egypt 30% 41% Zimbabwe 28% 43% Cape Verde 27% 48% Tanzania 23% 55% Botswana 21% 44% Swaziland 20% 34% Mauritius 17% 58% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Never listen Only sometimes listen

Respondents were asked: How much of the time do you think the following try their best to listen to what people like you have to say: Your local government councillor?

Whom do political leaders serve? Given their fairly negative views of political leaders’ integrity and willingness to listen, it may not come as a surprise that many Africans doubt that their elected representatives are truly interested in representing them. On average, more than two-thirds (69%) of citizens say that leaders of political parties in their country are “more concerned with advancing their own

political ambitions” than with “serving the people.” Only 22% of respondents believe that leaders of political parties are primarily interested in serving the people. The perception of leaders as mainly interested in advancing their own ambitions is the majority view in every country except Mozambique (where it is the plurality view) (Figure 19). In Gabon, Sierra Leone, Lesotho, Malawi, Senegal, and Madagascar, 80% or more of citizens perceive leaders of political parties as primarily self-interested.

Figure 19: Motivation of leaders of political parties | 36 countries | 2014/2015

Gabon 92% 7%1% Sierra Leone 82% 7% 10% Lesotho 82% 10% 8% Malawi 81% 16% 4% Senegal 80% 14% 7% Madagascar 80% 13% 7% Kenya 79% 15% 6% Benin 77% 20% 3% Tunisia 76% 17% 7% Cape Verde 73% 16% 11% Uganda 72% 21% 8% Ghana 71% 19% 9% Mauritius 71% 20% 9% Zimbabwe 71% 21% 8% Mali 71% 26% 4% South Africa 70% 17% 12% Burundi 70% 23% 7% Nigeria 70% 15% 16% Sudan 69% 18% 13% Average 69% 22% 9% Liberia 68% 23% 9% Zambia 68% 25% 7% Togo 68% 26% 7% Morocco 66% 14% 20% Burkina Faso 65% 31% 4% Botswana 65% 29% 6% Cameroon 65% 22% 13% Tanzania 63% 28% 9% Swaziland 62% 25% 13% São Tomé and Príncipe 62% 28% 10% Côte d'Ivoire 62% 33% 6% Egypt 59% 18% 23% Algeria 56% 22% 22% Niger 55% 40% 5% Guinea 54% 40% 6% Namibia 51% 42% 7% Mozambique 47% 34% 19% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% More to serve their own political ambitions More to serve the people Neither/Don't know

Respondents were asked: Do you think that leaders of political parties in this country are more concerned with serving the interests of the people, or more concerned with advancing their own political ambitions, or haven’t you heard enough to say? (% who “agree” or “strongly agree” with each option)

Job performance of MPs and local government councillors Concerns about the integrity, willingness to listen, and self-interest of elected representatives are clearly reflected in citizens’ assessments of how well their MPs and local government councillors are doing their jobs. On average across surveyed countries, fewer than half (45%) of Africans “approve” or “strongly approve” of their MPs’ job performance during the 12 months preceding the 2014/2015 survey, while 48% “disapprove” or “strongly disapprove.” Assessments are only slightly better for local government councillors (49% approval, 45% disapproval) (Figure 20).

Figure 20: MP and local government councillor job performance | 32 countries | 2014/2015

MP performance 45% 48% 8%

Local government councillor 49% 45% 7% performance

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Approve/Strongly approve Disapprove/Strongly disapprove Don’t know

Respondents were asked: Do you approve or disapprove of the way that the following people have performed their jobs over the past 12 months, or haven’t you heard enough about them to say: Your member of Parliament? Your elected local government councillor? (Note: These performance questions were not asked in Burkina Faso, Egypt, Mozambique, and Tunisia. In addition, the question about local councillor performance was not asked in Malawi and Sudan.)

These averages obscure significant disparities between countries (Figure 21). Disapproval of MP performance ranges from one in six citizens in Namibia (16%) to more than two-thirds in Sierra Leone (71%), Liberia (69%), and Nigeria (67%). Similarly, much higher proportions of citizens in Sierra Leone (68%), Nigeria (63%), South Africa (61%), and Liberia (60%) disapprove of their local government councillors’ performance than in Burundi (20%), Niger (26%), and Namibia (29%). While in most countries, MP and local councillor assessments tend to be fairly similar, there are interesting exceptions. In Madagascar, 65% disapprove of MP performance, while only 30% disapprove of local councillor performance – clearly aligning citizens’ overall performance ratings with their levels of trust and perceptions of corruption discussed above. In Swaziland and Burundi, MPs also fare significantly worse than local councillors, while the reverse is true in Namibia and São Tomé and Príncipe.

Figure 21: Disapproval of MP and local government councillor performance | 32 countries* | 2014/2015

71% Sierra Leone 68% 69% Liberia 60% 67% Nigeria 63% 65% Madagascar 30% 64% Ghana 58% 61% Zambia 52% 60% Gabon 58% 57% Lesotho 52% 55% Zimbabwe 49% 54% South Africa 61% 54% Algeria 54% 52% Morocco 54% 48% Average 45% 47% Côte d'Ivoire 51% 47% Swaziland 32% 46% Kenya 41% 45% Togo 45% 45% Uganda 40% 44% Senegal 36% 42% Benin 49% 41% Cameroon 39% 40% Botswana 43% 40% Guinea 38% 39% Tanzania 37% 36% Mauritius 32% 35% Burundi 20% 35% Cape Verde 39% 34% Mali 43% 28% Niger 26% 27% São Tomé and Príncipe 39% 16% Namibia 29% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Disapprove/Strongly disapprove of MP performance Disapprove/Strongly disapprove of councillor performance

Respondents were asked: Do you approve or disapprove of the way that the following people have performed their jobs over the past 12 months, or haven’t you heard enough about them to say: Your member of Parliament? Your elected local government councillor? (* These performance questions were not asked about MPs in Burkina Faso, Egypt, Mozambique, and Tunisia. In addition, the question about local councillor performance was not asked in Malawi and Sudan.)

Perceived conduct and performance evaluation While the present analysis does not pinpoint causes of public dissatisfaction (or satisfaction) with the job performance of elected representatives, citizens’ perceptions of their leaders’ conduct clearly matter. Survey findings show that job performance ratings are strongly correlated with perceptions of office-holders’ motivations, involvement in corruption, and willingness to listen to what people have to say. For instance, among citizens who think political leaders are there to serve the public interest, 72% approve of the way their MPs performed in the 12 months before the survey, compared to just 40% job approval among those who think the leaders are busy advancing their own ambitions (Table 1). Similarly, people who think that most or all MPs are involved in corruption are significantly more likely to disapprove of their performance (69%) than are those who believe MPs are relatively clean (24% when “none” are seen as corrupt, 47% when “some” are seen as corrupt). Moreover, when the public perceives that MPs don’t pay attention to what the people have to say, approval of MP performance is much lower (35%) than when MPs are perceived to be good listeners (72%).

Table 1: Perceptions of MP conduct and job performance4 | 36 countries | 2014/2015 MP job performance Approve/ Disapprove/ Strongly approve Strongly disapprove Leaders’ intentions Leaders serve own ambitions 40% 60% Leaders serve the people 72% 28% Corruption Most/all are corrupt 31% 69% Some are corrupt 53% 47% None are corrupt 76% 24% MP responsiveness Never listen 35% 65% Only sometimes listen 55% 45% Often/Always listen 72% 28% Respondents were asked: 1. Do you think that leaders of political parties in this country are more concerned with serving the interests of the people, or more concerned with advancing their own political ambitions, or haven’t you heard enough to say? 2. How many of the following people do you think are involved in corruption, or haven’t you heard enough about them to say: Members of Parliament? 3. How much of the time do you think the following try their best to listen to what people like you have to say: Members of Parliament? 4. Do you approve or disapprove of the way that the following people have performed their jobs over the past 12 months, or haven’t you heard enough about them to say: Your member of Parliament?

4 Pearson’s chi-squared test (df=2) for leaders’ intentions=2431.598, for corruption=2868.465, and for MP responsiveness=2623.543, all significant at the 0.000 level.

Conclusion Mediocre job performance ratings for MPs and local government councillors may reflect, in part, citizens’ perceptions of many elected representatives as uninterested in serving the people, as involved in corruption, and/or as unwilling to listen to their constituents. Low levels of trust and high levels of perceived official impunity further undermine a healthy relationship between representatives and constituents. Leaders who serve the people, pay attention to their constituents’ demands, and uphold the rule of law are crucial to advancing accountability in the public sector and achieving greater effectiveness in delivering services that meet the needs of the people they are elected to represent.

Appendix

Table A.1: Afrobarometer Round 6 fieldwork dates and previous survey rounds

Months when Round 6 fieldwork Country Previous survey rounds was conducted

Algeria May-June 2015 2013 Benin May-June 2014 2005, 2008, 2011 1999, 2003, 2005, 2008, Botswana June-July 2014 2012 Burkina Faso April-May 2015 2008, 2012 Burundi September-October 2014 2012 Cameroon January-February 2015 2013 Cape Verde November-December 2014 2002, 2005, 2008, 2011 Côte d'Ivoire August-September 2014 2013 Egypt June-July 2015 2013 Gabon September 2015 N/A 1999, 2002, 2005, 2008, Ghana May-June 2014 2012 Guinea March-April 2015 2013 Kenya November-December 2014 2003, 2005, 2008, 2011 2000, 2003, 2005, 2008, Lesotho May 2014 2012 Liberia May 2015 2008, 2012 Madagascar December 2014-January 2015 2005, 2008, 2013 1999, 2003, 2005, 2008, Malawi March-April 2014 2012 2001, 2002, 2005, 2008, Mali December 2014 2013 Mauritius June-July 2014 2012 Morocco November 2015 2013 Mozambique June-August 2015 2002, 2005, 2008, 2012 1999, 2003, 2006, 2008, Namibia August-September 2014 2012 Niger April 2015 2013 2000, 2003, 2005, 2008, Nigeria December 2014-January 2015 2013 São Tomé and Principe July-August 2015 N/A Senegal November-December 2014 2002, 2005, 2008, 2013

Months when Round 6 fieldwork Country Previous survey rounds was conducted

Sierra Leone May-June 2015 2012 2000, 2002, 2006, 2008, South Africa August-September 2015 2011 Sudan June 2015 2013 Swaziland April 2015 2013 2001, 2003, 2005, 2008, Tanzania August-November 2014 2012 Togo October 2014 2012 Tunisia April-May 2015 2013 2000, 2002, 2005, 2008, Uganda May 2015 2012 1999, 2003, 2005, 2009, Zambia October 2014 2013 1999, 2004, 2005, 2009, Zimbabwe November 2014 2012

Other Round 6 global releases

. Where to start? Aligning sustainable development goals with citizen priorities. (2015). Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 67. Available at http://afrobarometer.org/sites/default/ files/publications/Dispatches/ ab_r6_dispatchno67_african_priorities_en.pdf.

. Building on progress: Infrastructure development still a major challenge in Africa. (2016). Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 69. Available at www.afrobarometer.org/ publications/ad69-building-progress-infrastructure-development-still-major-challenge- africa.

. Africa’s growth dividend? Lived poverty drops across much of the continent. (2016). Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 29. Available at http://www.afrobarometer.org/ publications/pp29-africas-growth-dividend-lived-poverty-drops-across-the-continent.

. Good neighbours? Africans express high levels of tolerance for many, but not for all. (2016). Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 74. Available at http://afrobarometer.org/ publications/tolerance-in-africa.

. Off-grid or ‘off-on’: Lack of access, unreliable electricity supply still plague majority of Africans. Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 75. Available at http://afrobarometer.org/publications/ad75-unreliable-electricity-supply-still-plague- majority-of-africans.

. Lack of safe water, sanitation spurs growing dissatisfaction with government performance. Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 76. Available at http://afrobarometer.org/ publications/ad76-lack-of-safe-water-and-sanitation-spurs-growing-dissatisfaction.

. Despite gains, barriers keep health care high on Africa’s priority list. Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 31. Available at http://www.afrobarometer.org/publications/pp31- despite-gains-barriers-keep-health-care-high-on-africas-priority-list.

. Strong public support for ‘watchdog’ role backs African news media under attack. Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 85. Available at http://afrobarometer.org/publications/ ad85-media_in_africa_world_press_freedom_ day_2016.

. Regional integration for Africa: Could stronger public support turn ‘rhetoric into reality’? Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 91. Available at http://afrobarometer.org/ publications/ad91-regional-integration-africa-could-stronger-public-support-turn- rhetoric-reality.

. Does less engaged mean less empowered? Political participation lags among African youth, especially women. Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 34. Available at http://www.afrobarometer.org/publications/youth-day-2016.

. Do trustworthy institutions matter for development? Corruption, trust, and government performance in Africa. Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 112. Available at http://www.afrobarometer.org/publications/ad112-do-trustworthy-institutions-matter- development-corruption-trust-and-government.

. Election quality, public trust are central issues for Africa’s upcoming contests. Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 35. Available at http://www.afrobarometer.org/ publications/pp35-election-quality-public-trust-are-central-issues-africas-upcoming- contests.

Rose Aiko is an independent researcher and former project manager for REPOA, the Afrobarometer national partner in Tanzania. Email: [email protected]. Hervé Akinocho is director of the Center for Research and Opinion Polls (CROP), the Afrobarometer national partner in Togo. Email: [email protected] Mogopodi Lekorwe is an associate professor of public administration at the University of Botswana and national investigator with Star Awards Ltd., the Afrobarometer national partner in Botswana. Email: [email protected]. Afrobarometer is produced collaboratively by social scientists from more than 30 African countries. Coordination is provided by the Center for Democratic Development (CDD) in Accra, Ghana, the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR) in South Africa, the Institute for Development Studies (IDS) at the University of Nairobi in Kenya, and the Institute for Empirical Research in Political Economy (IREEP) in Benin. Michigan State University (MSU) and the University of Cape Town (UCT) provide technical support to the network. Core support for Afrobarometer Rounds 5 and 6 has been provided by the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID), the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA), the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), and the World Bank. Donations help the Afrobarometer Project give voice to African citizens. Please consider making a contribution (at www.afrobarometer.org) or contact Aba Kittoe ([email protected]) to discuss institutional funding. For more information, please visit www.afrobarometer.org. Follow our Round 6 global releases at https://globalreleases.afrobarometer.org and on social media at #VoicesAfrica. Infographic design by Lulu Kitololo Studio Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 115 | 15 September 2016