J. Miedema the Water Demon and Related Mythic Figures; the Birds Head Peninsula of Irian Jaya / Papua in Comparative Perspective
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J. Miedema The water demon and related mythic figures; The Birds Head peninsula of Irian Jaya / Papua in comparative perspective In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 156 (2000), no: 4, Leiden, 737-769 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 05:22:06AM via free access JELLE MIEDEMA The Water Demon and Related Mythic Figures The Bird's Head Peninsula of Irian Jaya / Papua in Comparative Perspective1 1. Introduction Terms like 'practice' and 'human actors' occupy a prominent place in current anthropology. This is the outcome of an established idea that a people's daily affairs and activities should be the starting-point for the description and analysis of their social life. Informants' natural expressions in language and behaviour will put the researcher on the track of a people's 'local worlds' and 'cultural meanings'. The present paper will take the activities of a supra- human actor, a water demon, as starting-point for a description and analysis of local Bird's Head oral traditions. Our course here will take us from the interior of the eastern part of the Bird's Head Peninsula, through the hinter- 1 This article, the third in a series on the Bird's Head Peninsula of Irian Jaya / Papua in Comparative Perspective as part of a long-term individual research programme aimed at com- paring a variety of data on Bird's Head cultures, is a revised version of a paper presented at the Fourth Conference of the European Society for Oceanists (ESfO) in Leiden on 25-27 June 1999. Research for the study was conducted in the framework of the NWO (Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research) priority programme 'Irian Jaya Studies; A Programme for Interdis- ciplinary Research' (ISIR), financed by WOTRO (Netherlands Foundation for the Advancement of Tropical Research). I am indebted to Anton Ploeg for his constructive comments on an earlier version of this article, and to Rosemary Robson for her corrections of the text of that version. JELLE MIEDEMA studied anthropology, specializing in social and cultural anthropology and (ethno-)history, with a particular interest in mythology and religion, at the University of Groningen and took his PhD at the University of Nijmegen. He is currently Coordinator of Irian Jaya Studies at the Projects Division of the Department of Languages and Cultures of Southeast Asia and Oceania of the University of Leiden and has previously published 'Trade, migration, and exchange; The Bird's Head Peninsula of Irian Jaya in a comparative perspective', in: A.J. Strathern and G. Sturzenhofecker (eds), Migration and transformation; Regional perspectives on New Guinea, pp. 121-54, Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1994, and .'Culture hero stories and tales of tricksters; The Bird's Head Peninsula of Irian Jaya in a comparative perspective (II)', in: Jelle Miedema, Cecilia Ode, and Rien A.C. Dam (eds), Perspectives on the Bird's Head of Irian Jaya, pp. 193-234, Amsterdam/Atlanta GA: Rodopi, 1998. Dr. Miedema may be contacted at Nonnen- steeg 1-3, 2311 VJ Leiden, The Netherlands. His e-mail addresses are: Miedema® Rullet.LeidenUniv.nl, and [email protected]. BK1156-4 (2000) Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 05:22:06AM via free access 738 Jelle Miedema land of the south coast, to the western end of the Peninsula. In addition, the paper will suggest that changes in the operating space of mythic figures cor- relate with long-term transformations in the human world. The New Guinea anthropologist J. Pouwer writes in a recent study: 'If one thing is apparent from the analysis and comparison of East Bird's Head cul- tures and a fortiori from their myths, then it is that there are sufficient paral- lels to justify a comparison and sufficient differences to make such an exer- cise worthwhile' (Pouwer 1998:163). According to Pouwer, 'Myth is eternally true and valid; yet it changes, sooner or later, when local and historical contexts change. However, myth is not an epiphenomenon of social time and place: it stands on its own feet, it is an autonomous though not independent social force.' (Pouwer 1998:164, my italics, JM.) My interest in myth is concentrated on transformations in mythemes, as well as correlations between these transformations and changes in social life. Our knowledge of the socio-cultural and (ethno-)historical context of the episodes of myths discussed in this paper2, however, is fragmentary. Even so, it is the links between the various transformations in myths across the Bird's Head (and beyond) and long-term changes in social life that are described in this study - albeit tentatively. This interest was aroused by among other things the diametrically opposed attitudes to the Bird's Head water demon Wuob/Mos of the Kebar Valley people on the one hand, and the Ayamaru people on the other. The Kebar people in the north-eastern part of the Peninsula fear the water demon, or did so in the late 1970s, saying 'Whether we are punished by Wuob or by the Lord, we are punished in any case' (Miedema 1984:206). The Ayamaru people3 in the central western Bird's Head, on the other hand, boasted in the late 1950s that they knew the secret of how to stop Mos (Elmberg 1968:224). This opposition in attitudes is extremely interesting, as eastern Ayfat/ Kebar and western Ayfat/Ayamaru myths about water demons show many striking similarities. In an earlier study (Miedema 1986), in which I refer to Elmberg 1968, I have already discussed some similarities and differences between myths from the north-eastern interior of the Peninsula and myths 2 The present article is based on an inventory of all the available Bird's Head myths, collect- ed from the 1950s to the 1990s (so far about 300 stories, including variant versions of some). As far as the representativeness of this material for Bird's Head mythology is concerned, it should be noted that tales gathered more recently in the inland areas constitute mainly new versions of already known stories and virtually no completely new stories (see also Haenen 1998, who focuses on the so far unknown south-eastern Wamesa area). 3 Specifically members of the Uon (or Won) society, a secret men's society that was still oper- ative in the western Bird's Head in the 1950s and in the central Bird's Head in the 1970s (Elmberg 1968; Miedema 1984) and which survives as a 'tradition of knowledge' (see Timmer 1998, 2000). Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 05:22:06AM via free access The Water Demon and Related Mythic Figures 739 found as far away as the south-western interior. It was in fact the water demon which led me to establish similarities between myths from areas to the east and west of the Ayfat River. Along this north-east-(south-)west axis, the water demon in all the versions of the myths concerned punishes man- kind by sending a deluge, whereas in Kebar myths the water demon (deluge) is stopped by a snafe-woman who is delivered of a child (Miedema 1984:167), while in a western Ayamaru version the water falls after a possum-woman has recently given birth (Elmberg 1968:254; Miedema 1986:39). The above-mentioned attitudes are also interesting from a centre-periph- ery point of view. Following the same north-east-(south-)west axis as above, but now in the opposite direction, we note that the Ayamaru Lakes area is located at the centre of the Bird's Head ceremonial exchange system (see Section 3 below), whereas the Kebar Plains area is located in the periphery of this exchange complex. At this juncture it should be observed that this is an exploratory study. Moreover, it focuses on a specific region, the interior of the Bird's Head Peninsula, and a specific figure, the water demon. Besides elaborating previ- ous comparative Bird's Head studies, in particular recent studies on unfin- ished males, tricksters, and culture heroes (Miedema 1996, 1998; Pouwer 1998),.and attempting 'to integrate patterns in mythology with patterns of mobility and politics' (Strathern 1998:8), it aims to add another map to the 'multi-layered grid of information' (Strathern 1998:5), as yet still fragmentary, on the Bird's Head area and its population. The implication is that it is still too early to describe the underlying links between transformations in myths and in real life in more detail. Regarding research method, I favour that proposed by Strathern and Stewart, who write: The method that we have employed here has been a modification of Platenkamp's 'rules' for comparison, based on his main statement regarding 'explanations' (1996). We have not, however, adhered to his stipulation that there must be a con- struction of some model before comparison can proceed. Ideally, this would be done. In practice, however, it is also methodologically sound to use a thematic approach, which capitalizes on sets of similarities and differences in order to pur- sue them cross-culturally. (Strathern and Stewart 1998:43.) In fact, this study is another contribution to what I have termed the 'cluster approach'. This approach implies: (a) making an inventory of important phe- nomena per region, group, and period; (b) tracing any correlations between these phenomena, again per region, group, and period; and (c) comparing these correlations within an inter-regional and temporal framework. This approach 'can lead to enquiries in a number of directions while not exclud- ing the possibility that there are correlations between clusters of features and Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 05:22:06AM via free access usapor TAMRAU AMBERBAKEN Abun Mpur ^Saukorem (Karon Pantai) ...,__.