ASRXXX10.1177/0003122417728719American Sociological ReviewSimi et al. 2017728719

American Sociological Review 1–21 Addicted to Hate: Identity © American Sociological Association 2017 https://doi.org/10.1177/0003122417728719DOI: 10.1177/0003122417728719 Residual among Former White journals.sagepub.com/home/asr Supremacists

Pete Simi,a Kathleen Blee,b Matthew DeMichele,c and Steven Windischd

Abstract The process of leaving deeply meaningful and embodied identities can be experienced as a struggle against addiction, with continuing cognitive, emotional, and physiological responses that are involuntary, unwanted, and triggered by environmental factors. Using data derived from a unique set of in-depth life history interviews with 89 former U.S. white supremacists, as well as theories derived from recent advances in cognitive sociology, we examine how a rejected identity can persist despite a desire to change. Disengagement from white supremacy is characterized by substantial lingering effects that subjects describe as addiction. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of identity residual for understanding how people leave and for theories of the self.

Keywords addiction, symbolic interactionism, identity, culture, racism

The U.S. white supremacist movement repre- Bubolz 2016) and the socio-spatial contexts sents one of the most enduring political sub- where collective identity is sustained (Futrell cultures in American history yet is surpris- and Simi 2004), but much less is known about ingly one of the least understood. Following individual experiences following disengage- the recent presidential election and the “alt- ment from the white supremacist movement. right’s” efforts to rebrand white supremacy to What happens after people leave such an appeal to a younger and more tech-savvy intensive and marginalized lifestyle is a diffi- generation, the movement has received greater cult question to answer because scholars tend attention (Futrell and Simi 2017). Yet the alt- to focus primarily on identity transformations right’s veneer of normalcy conceals a much prior to or at the time of mobilization while deeper culture of hate and violence, in which neglecting how people may remain tethered to adherents build a collective identity and par- ticipate in an all-encompassing movement a lifestyle (Blee 2002; Simi and Futrell 2015). Chapman University bUniversity of Pittsburgh The hardcore and overt elements of the white cResearch Triangle Institute supremacy movement make it one of the most dUniversity of Nebraska Omaha radical, deviant, and stigmatized social move- ments in the contemporary United States.1 Corresponding Author: Pete Simi, Chapman University, Department of Progress has been made to understand how Sociology, One University Drive, Orange, CA individuals come to enter the white suprema- 92866 cist movement (Blee 2002; Simi, Sporer, and E-mail: [email protected] 2 American Sociological Review 00(0) a movement identity even after leaving. More- 2000; McVeigh 2009). Organizational and over, scholars have emphasized activists’ cog- doctrinal differences exist across these net- nitive and relational transformations in terms works, but all share fundamental ideas such of how individuals embrace new ideas and as the impending catastrophe of “white racial build new social networks, but research has genocide” and the view that a multicultural neglected transformations involving deeper society is antithetical to the interests of European- consequences, such as neurophysiological Americans (Zeskind 2009). changes that may operate in more automatic On the one hand, conventional wisdom ways and reflect alterations in bodily and suggests white supremacists are entirely con- emotional expressions that endure over time. sumed by hatred and thus the prospect of To address this gap, we ask the following change seems unlikely (“once a hater, always question: Why do individuals who have already a hater”). In this sense, being addicted to hate rejected white supremacist ideologies and left might make sense. On the other hand, previ- the movement (i.e., “formers”) have such a dif- ous studies note the high burn-out rate among ficult time shaking their former thoughts, feel- members of the white supremacist movement ings, and bodily reactions, and, in many cases, and the substantial retention efforts initiated come to think of themselves as being addicted by various groups to sustain participation to white supremacism? The issue of addiction (Blee 2002; Simi and Futrell 2015). The ques- raises central issues in sociology, especially tion is not whether people can leave white regarding the relationship between agency and supremacist hate groups, as they clearly do, deterministic forces embedded within biologi- but rather what happens after they leave? cal and environmental processes (Emirbayer White supremacist identity provides an and Mische 1998; Hitlin and Kirkpatrick John- important case to examine several broader son 2015). Addiction is a concept that repre- theoretical concerns. Many treatments of iden- sents a variety of complex, overlapping tity change focus on either the stages of trans- processes that implicate social, psychological, formation (Athens 1995; Ebaugh 1988; and biological forces. As such, when both lay- Prochaska et al. 1991) or the conscious, inten- persons and clinicians use the term addiction, tional dimensions of self-change (Giordano, they are essentially referring to a bundle of dif- Cernkovich, and Rudolph 2002; Kiecolt 1994). ferent characteristics or symptoms. In this Less is known, however, about the neurocogni- respect, we are less concerned about whether tive dynamics related to involuntary and our subjects are actually addicted to white unwanted aspects of identity residual. Identi- supremacy and more concerned with their ties are constructed and performed through descriptions of involuntary and unwanted situational occasions, so when situations are thoughts, feelings, bodily responses, and routinized, insular, and involve extreme hatred, behavior. To be clear, we are not suggesting the persistence of these identities may be much that hate should become a new addiction diag- greater than previously thought. In this sense, nosis, but rather pointing to the ways social disengagement is not really the end of that experiences can become so engraved in our identity. Instead, a whole other layer of interactions, psyche, and body that the parallels unwanted and involuntary thoughts, feelings, between identity residual and addiction become bodily reactions, and behaviors may persist an interesting point of exploration. and continue to shape a person’s life. This article relies on extensive life history interviews with 89 former U.S. white suprem- acist activists who were members of the over- DISENGAGEMENT, RESIDUAL lapping networks (Burris, Smith, and Strahm AND ADDICTION 2000) of racist groups in the movement’s four Scholars use the term “disengagement” major branches: Ku Klux Klan, Christian (Ebaugh 1988; see also Vaughan 1986; Wright Identity, neo-Nazi, and racist skinheads 1991) to describe physical and psychological (Barkun 1997; Dobratz and Shanks-Meile withdrawal from particular identities or roles. Simi et al. 3

The continuing influence an identity or role life after the person no longer holds that iden- may exert following disengagement is what tity. As such, a former identity never truly Ebaugh (1988) refers to as “residual” or disappears; we thus conceptualize becoming “hangover identity.” More than 50 years ago, and disengagement as contiguous and emer- Anslem Strauss (1959:97–98) observed that gent processes deeply tied together and ulti- disengagement from an identity may generate mately inseparable. reactions similar to addiction: “The fuller Our focus is not why white supremacists meaning of temptation is this: you are with- disengage,2 but rather the habitual and unwanted drawing from an old psychological status and thoughts, feelings, physiological responses, and coming into a new, and in doing so something behavior that can follow exit. Although we can- akin to the withdrawal symptoms of drug not definitively conclude whether involvement addiction occurs.” But not all identities or in hate produces a form of addiction, the empiri- roles involve residual. As Turner (1978:1) cal evidence we present provides a strong start- explains, “Some roles are put on and taken off ing point to further consider the sociological like clothing without lasting effects. Other significance of addiction and the extent to which roles are difficult to put aside when a situation social processes are embedded in psychological is changed and continue to shape the way in and physiological ones. Although the sociologi- which many of the individual roles are per- cal literature is rife with references to the addic- formed.” Yet, this point tells us little about the tive qualities associated with identity (e.g., characteristics associated with identities that hangover, residual), surprisingly few studies result in substantial residual, and few sociolo- extend beyond the metaphorical to investigate gists since Strauss have considered the addic- the empirical overlap between residual and tive qualities that highly salient identities may addiction. We use the term addiction cautiously produce. As such, our goal here is to analyze in order to avoid older tendencies that patholo- the social processes that produce qualities gized deviant behavior (Lemert 1951). Socio- similar to addiction after leaving a highly logical critiques of psychopathology, however, salient identity. We do so by applying DiMag- sometimes suggest an artificial distinction gio’s (2002) typology of cognition to the between broader social processes and suppos- experiences of identity residual among for- edly individual-level phenomena. In contrast, mer white supremacists and analyzing how we consider identity residual and addiction as these individuals develop self-talk strategies reflecting the intersection between psychologi- to resist such consequences. cal, biological, and sociological processes. A growing number of studies examine the The possibility of social processes having factors that prompt the initial point of disen- addictive qualities is supported by burgeoning gagement, but what happens following a per- neuroscience research that identifies how the son’s disengagement from a highly salient consumption of licit and illicit drugs activates identity such as white supremacism has certain neural pathways that increase dopamine received little scholarly attention. Existing in the reward circuit (Goldstein and Volkow studies of disengagement from political 2011). As Reinarman (2005:309) notes, studies extremism tend to focus on the disengage- have identified similar neurological conse- ment process as a discrete end point. Beyond quences for a number of non-drug activities, this end point, individuals are assumed to such that people will like and thus tend to begin another phase of life (post-extremism) repeat ‘‘anything you can do that turns on these that involves a new process of identity forma- dopamine neurons.’’This is not a trivial realiza- tion with new social roles and networks. In tion, but rather points to the possibility that short, the person starts a new life. But life under certain conditions (e.g., strong ties, high does not unfold in this type of linear fashion levels of commitment, long-term exposure) with clear-cut phases of beginning and ending social environments and related identities may (Wacquant 1990). Rather, as we analyze, a generate neuro-physiological changes that over core identity sometimes lingers in a person’s time mimic addiction. 4 American Sociological Review 00(0)

IDENTITY AND COGNITIVE sociological interest (Moore 2017; Vaisey SOCIOLOGY 2009) and underscores the potential socio- logical relevance of dual process models from A long tradition within sociology focuses on the cognitive neurosciences (Lizardo et al. the development of different types of identity, 2016). Dual process models argue that including distinguishing between personal and humans rely on two types of cognitive pro- collective identities (Burke 1980; Cooley cessing: system 1 is fast and largely uncon- 1902; Mead 1934; Snow 2001; Stryker 1968). scious, and system 2 processing is slower and Identities are defined as part of a person’s conscious (Kahneman 2011; Moore 2017). overall sense of self—“the meanings one has Neuroscientists have also described another as a group member, as a role holder, or as a dimension of cognition, called hot and cold, person” (Stets and Burke 2003:132)—and which refers to the extent that emotional affect involve “self-cognitions tied to roles and thus is part of a particular cognition. Hot cognition to positions in organized social relations” involves a heightened response to stimuli, one (Stryker 2000:28). Identities function at con- that is saturated with a high degree of emo- scious levels, through deliberate action, and at tion. In contrast, cold refers to unemotional, unconscious levels, as individuals process calculating thought (Cerulo 2010; Ignatow stimuli without awareness (Burke and Stets 2014). The consideration of emotion distin- 2009; Erikson 1959). One’s degree of commit- guishes the hot–cold continuum from the ment to an identity-related role specifies its automatic–deliberate continuum. salience. Identities, roles, and behavior are As an effort to synthesize these various inextricably intertwined. Role behavior is the aspects of cognition, DiMaggio (2002) pro- basis for identity, and identities strongly move posed a typology that contrasts four cognitive people to actions that express these meanings combinations across two dimensions: hot– (Stryker 2000). When an identity cuts across cold and deliberate–automatic. Cognition that multiple dimensions (personal, social, and col- combines automatic and hot orientations cor- lective) and involves a deeply meaningful and responds with impulsive, stereotyped action, emotion-laden set of associations and commit- such as adherence to a strong and rigid ideol- ments, disengagement from that identity is ogy, that we argue is most likely to character- likely to involve substantial residual (Thoits ize experiences with identity residual. Within 1992). These are the kind of identities formed the realm of politics, cognitive sociologists in marginalized insular groups that cultivate have also examined how the strength of a strong emotions such as extreme hatred.3 person’s ideology can influence cognitive style such that strong ideologies have “pre- organized the world so as to make effortless, Cognitions, Emotions, and Residual efficient associations” (Martin and Desmond To provide a deeper analysis of residual 2010:9). Individuals with strong ideologies related to rejected identities, we turn to recent hold more available schematic information developments in cognitive sociology that than do those with weak ideologies, and thus integrate advances from the neurosciences they are more likely to engage in automatic (Cerulo 2010, 2014; Ignatow 2009, 2014). cognition and avoid deliberate cognition. This We rely on several concepts to explain differ- characterization is consistent with extreme ent types of cognition and emotion and their hatred, which typically involves rigid bound- relationship to identity residual. In particular, aries of “us” and “them” and various types of automatic cognition characterizes rapid, unin- dehumanization (Sternberg 2005). Hot and tentional thoughts or fast cognition, whereas automatic cognition related to a strong ideol- deliberate cognition refers to more reflective, ogy are especially important for understand- planned thinking, or slow cognition (Cerulo ing potential similarities between addiction 2010, 2014; DiMaggio 2002). The speed of and the persistence of a rejected identity cognition has been an area of recent (Gladwin and Figner 2014). Simi et al. 5

The strength of ideology is an important 2007; Lindesmith [1968] 2008; Ray 1961; dimension to add to the hot–cold and Weinberg 1997, 2000, 2002, 2011), but habit automatic–deliberate typology. Related to has received renewed interest (Bennett et al. ideology, we think two factors are especially 2013; Crossley 2013), including recognition important for understanding when identity of its long-standing significance within clas- residual is most likely to involve addiction- sical social theory (Camic 1986). The habit- like qualities. First, when identities are highly ual dimensions of behavior are generally salient a large portion of a person’s life is understood as durable generalized disposi- organized around that identity (Burke 1980). tions that permeate an entire domain, or even When a highly salient identity involves par- the entire course, of a person’s life (Bennett ticipation in an insular social movement, the et al. 2013; Camic 1986). person may develop a dense set of social ties Addiction, on the other hand, can be while simultaneously becoming isolated from defined as thoughts, emotions, bodily experi- nonmembers (McAdam 1989; Polletta 1999). ences, and unwanted behavior of a chronic, The diminished presence of nonmember rela- relapsing, and compulsive nature that occur tionships magnifies the intensity and influ- despite negative consequences and are charac- ence of relationships within the movement. terized by episodes where people feel they Second, identities that involve extreme have lost control (Boshears, Boeri, and Harbry hatred related to group-based prejudices, or what 2011; Dingel et al. 2012; Marks 1990). Addic- Fromm (1973) called “character-conditioned tion implies an element of unwanted and hate,” are likely to produce identity residual. negative consequences that are present in Part of white supremacism includes a central some (but not all) types of habitual behavior. focus on hate, which can be defined as a strong Although addiction can be understood as a cognitive and emotional disposition toward form of habitual behavior (Graybiel 2008; particular objects, groups, or individuals LaRose, Lin, and Eastin 2003; Lindesmith (Sternberg 2005). When directed at a social [1968] 2008; Weinberg 1997, 2000, 2002, group, hate often refers to extreme dislike 2011), the line between habit and addiction is associated with prejudice that provokes aggres- currently unclear. In colloquial terms, an sive impulses (Allport 1954), a process that is addiction is often referred to as a “bad habit” social-interactional as well as neuro-cognitive or a “hard habit to break.” More recently, (Blee 2004; Zeki and Romaya 2008). Emotion neuroscience studies suggest a substantial is an important dimension of social move- overlap between the transition from goal- ments more broadly (Berezin 2001; Goodwin, directed to habit-driven behavior and addic- Jasper, and Polletta 2001; Jasper 1998), but not tion (Bergen-Cico et al. 2014; Goldstein and all movements focus on extreme hatred in this Volkow 2011; Graybiel 2008). Following respect. Movement identities that do involve Everitt and Robbins (2005) and Marlatt and high levels of extreme hatred are thus likely to colleagues (1988), we argue that addiction is produce different types of personal conse- a type of habit. Not all habit can be described quences for those activists. as addiction, but all addiction involves habit- ual behavior. At the same time, it is unclear how broadly the term addiction should be THE SOCIOLOGICAL applied to habitual behavior, as evidenced in SIGNIFICANCE OF the controversies over the growing number of ADDICTION AND HABIT behaviors now referred to as “behavioral addictions” (e.g., game-playing, Internet use, The addiction concept remains somewhat excessive sexual behavior) (LaRose et al. peripheral within sociology (for exceptions, 2003; Marks 1990; for a critique of expanded see Denzin 1993; Graham et al. 2008; Hughes definitions, see Akers 1991). 6 American Sociological Review 00(0)

Embodying Addiction leaving white supremacism. Indeed, addictive- like qualities are embedded within a broad To understand how the addictive qualities of range of human behavior, in part because white supremacism are experienced through— environmental features are processed through but also projected outward from—the bodies social (e.g., interaction, networks, situational) of participants, we turn to two strands of and biological (e.g., physical capacity, size, scholarship on the social body (Crossley attractiveness of stimuli) mechanisms to pro- 1995; Howson and Inglis 2001; Turner 1997). duce habitual behavior. Previous studies The phenomenological writings of Merleau- highlight the social aspects involved in the Ponty (1982) are the foundation for one line formation of addiction, but less attention has of research on the intertwined nature of the been given to the possibility that social pro- corporal body and subjectivity. In one exam- cesses themselves may have addictive ple, he describes how soccer players absorb qualities. the lines of the field into their sense of self until players and the field in which they play become indistinguishable. The ways the body RESEARCH DESIGN intersects with personal identity, experience, Sample and perception are similarly described in scholarship on how physical limitations con- Sociologists studying deviance use innova- dition how people see themselves and the tive approaches to gain entry into any subcul- outside world (Turner 1997). tural environment, but two factors make A second line of scholarship considers the access to former members of organized hate body as a site from which cultural symbols groups particularly difficult. First, former are projected—for example, in the bodily white supremacists are often loath to be iden- performances of various athletes. Although tified as such. They fear that information the two research trajectories are distinct, about their prior affiliations or activities will Turner (1997) argues that they intersect in expose them to violence by current extrem- Bourdieu’s concept of habitus, in which the ists, to legal prosecution, or to sanctions by body is understood as both socially con- current employers, neighbors, family mem- structed to hold cultural representations and bers, child protection agencies, and others. lived within a complex web of social relation- Second, unlike current members, former ships and interactions. Recent sociological extremists cannot be found through network studies of the body draw from both traditions, ties or spatial locations, since most seek to such as Wacquant’s (2004; see also Wacquant sever all connections to their previous lives. 2014, 2015) “carnal ethnography” that con- Because there is no way to compile a list of siders bodily construction and practices in a former members to serve as a sampling boxing gym, or Crossley’s (2001, 2006) work frame, we identified interviewees by snow- on “embodied reflexivity” that positions the ball sampling from multiple starts to ensure body as mediating social practices and per- variety in the location and type of extremist sonal intentionality. group (Wright et al. 1992). We developed This dual theoretical perspective is partic- initial contacts for the snowball chains ularly useful for understanding the construc- through a variety of means, including our tion and residual effects of a white supremacist research team’s extensive prior research with identity that individuals continue to experi- active and inactive far-right extremists, iden- ence. Moreover, research on the body is use- tifying former extremists with a public pres- ful for thinking about how addiction to hate ence (e.g., media, book authors, lecture becomes etched in physicality and perfor- series), and using referrals from our project mance while simultaneously serving as a per- partners.4 Because we used multiple individu- ceptual lens to which people return after als to generate unique snowballs, only a small Simi et al. 7 segment of the participants were acquainted protocol and in private settings such as hotel with each other. rooms and residential homes and public set- Our sampling method resulted in life his- tings such as restaurants and coffee shops.5 tory interviews with 89 former members of Most of the interview was spent eliciting an U.S. white supremacist groups. Participants in-depth life history to produce narratives that were interviewed in the places they now live, reflect the complexities and intersectionality of with 85 located in 24 states across all regions identity, ideology, and life experiences (McAd- of the United States and four in Canada. Par- ams 1997). Subjects were asked to describe ticipants ranged in age from 19 to 61, and their childhood experiences as an initial start- included an unusual gender diversity with 68 ing point. The interviews included questions men and 21 women. Among respondents, 11 about broad phases of the subject’s extremism, described their current socioeconomic status such as entry, involvement, and disengage- as lower class, 42 as working class, 31 as ment, with probes to encourage subjects to middle class, and five as upper class. They elaborate on aspects of their life histories. had participated in white supremacism from Subjects were periodically asked direct ques- three to twenty-one years. A large portion had tions to focus on specific topic areas, but the extensive histories of criminal conduct, interviews relied on an unstructured format including property offenses such as shoplift- intended to generate unsolicited data embed- ing, vandalism, and other forms of property ded in their personal narratives. We view the destruction, and a variety of violent offenses elicited narratives as instructive in terms of such as murder, attempted murder, street assessing how individuals make sense of their fights, violent initiation rituals, and bomb- lives (Blee 1996; Copes, Hochstetler, and For- making. Of the 89 participants, 69 reported a syth 2013; Giordano et al. 2015; McAdams history of violent offending, 77 reported a 1997). Each interview concluded with more history of delinquent activity, and 39 had structured questions and scale items to collect spent time in prison. comparable information across interviewees in To be clear, the individuals in this sample terms of risk factors (e.g., history of child no longer identify as “white power” and are abuse, mental health problems), demographic no longer affiliated with organized hate information, and criminality. Interviewing for- groups. All of the individuals currently see mer extremists as opposed to current ones themselves as “formers” or something equiv- allowed us to elicit information on highly sen- alent to a former (e.g., “I’m not involved sitive issues such as previous involvement in anymore,” “I moved on”). In some cases, violence, crime, and substance abuse. individuals have been disengaged for more The interviews lasted between four and than a decade and have experienced substan- more than eight hours and generated 10,882 tial changes in their social and cognitive pages of transcripts, which indicates the level orientations (e.g., interracial marriage; con- of detail provided by the life histories. We version to Buddhism). In this sense, the used modified grounded theory (Charmaz residual we identify does not reflect individ- 2006; see also Berg 2007; Glaser and Strauss uals moving from a high level of extremism 1967; Miles and Huberman 1994), in order to a lower level of extremism, but instead to combine a more open-ended, inductive characterizes individuals who experienced approach while also relying on existing litera- substantial transformation. tures and frameworks to guide the research and help interpret the findings.6 The constant interaction with data also involved a virtual Procedures and Data Analysis ongoing analysis and identification of social We established rapport prior to interviews processes that affected each new round of through regular contact with participants via interviews. The initial data coding began by telephone and e-mail. Interviews were con- reading entire interview transcripts line-by- ducted using a semi-structured interview line to determine differences and similarities 8 American Sociological Review 00(0) within and across our subjects. Subsequent provide generalizations, but the hypotheses coding techniques helped identify and extract developed can be tested in future studies. relevant empirical and conceptual properties and organize the data into similar concepts. Inductive codes emerged from the initial RESULTS phase of line-by-line analysis (Berg 2007; Hate as a Totalizing Commitment Charmaz 2006; Lofland et al. 2006). Deduc- tive codes were extracted from scholarly lit- Involvement in the white supremacist move- erature on white supremacism, group ment includes a complete identity transforma- affiliation, disengagement, and related topics. tion, in much the way Lindesmith ([1968] After developing the initial codes, we com- 2008) describes opiate addiction. In addition, pared and contrasted data themes, noting rela- an extensive set of commitments characterize tions between them, and moving back and organized hate groups, similar to communes forth between first-level data and general and various new religious movements (Kanter categories (Glaser and Strauss 1967; Miles 1972), although there is substantial variation and Huberman 1994). Analysis of these inter- among these groups in terms of adherence to views also required balancing between extreme hatred. White supremacist groups accepting and decoding the subjects’ narra- socialize members by outlining collective tives. For example, narrated statements about expectations for membership that strongly addiction may reflect a larger cultural ten- emphasize hate-directed beliefs, feelings, and dency to frame deviant behavior in medical behavior. Expressing or acting on the basis of terms (Conrad 1975; Schneider 2015) and hatred toward non-whites, homosexuals, and actors’ tendency to adopt readily available various other perceived “outgroups” is the discursive models that absolve them of primary marker that white supremacists use responsibility for past and current behavior. to establish group boundaries and ideological Yet it is also important to consider the possi- coherence, and they provide the basis for a bility that addictive qualities may actually broad range of cultural practices that include characterize certain types of identities. We everything from violent acts to ordinary life- return to this issue in the conclusion. style preferences (Simi and Futrell 2015). In Several limitations of this study are impor- turn, these cultural practices help develop the tant to mention. First, the retrospective nature solidarity and commitment necessary to sus- of the life history interviews raises questions tain a collective identity (Fantasia 1989). about validity and reliability due to memory Being a white supremacist is comparable erosion, distortion, and selective recall (Bad- to holding a “master status” (Hughes 1945): deley 1979). The practice of remembering is a white supremacy cuts across a person’s mul- reconstructive process where memories of tiple identities, is typically at the core of events are typically reinterpreted during each one’s self-concept, and occupies a central recall (Bridge and Paller 2012). Despite these position in one’s daily life (Simi and Futrell concerns, the rich life history accounts pro- 2009). The group context of hate, in particu- vide important insight from the subjects’ per- lar, offers powerful experiences, which Dur- spective. Second, due to the relatively hidden kheim ([1915] 1965) called “collective nature of this population, we derived the sam- effervescence,” in which individuals begin ple through snowball techniques, which means to feel outside of themselves and part of a it is not representative and we cannot general- larger being (i.e., the group context) (Collins ize from these findings. The goal of a grounded 2004). Indeed, white supremacism involves theory approach, however, is to develop a vitalizing and reactive emotions (Jasper conceptual explanation that closely fits the 1998) and bodily engagement (e.g., ritual- data (or incidents) the concepts are intended to ized dances, salutes, uniforms, and paramili- represent. Grounded theory is not intended to tary training). In turn, disengagement from Simi et al. 9 white supremacy requires separating from a the lengthy period of time necessary to central aspect of one’s identity and finding remove themselves from this disposition. new friendship networks, systems of sup- Carter, a former member of a paramilitary port, music, clothing, and a variety of other compound, described the difficulties he expe- lifestyle changes. rienced when leaving the pervasive lifestyle We begin by illustrating how a white of white supremacy. As Carter underscores, supremacist identity involves a totalizing set hate required substantial time to learn and of experiences that permeate all aspects of a even more time to unlearn: person’s thoughts, emotions, body presenta- tion, and actions. Doug7 explained the pro- I’ve said before that it took me less than two cess of becoming a white supremacist and the years to learn to hate and it took me nine related lifestyle: years to unlearn it. You don’t just stop hat- ing just like that. There is still a lot of pollu- Your whole life is not just an ideology but tion in there. . . . Since we were religious when your whole life. . . . We call people a [Christian] based, I had to learn to look at surfer why? Because they’ve taken on that those scriptures differently. That was image. It’s usually because they embrace hard. For years, I didn’t even pick up a that to a greater degree than somebody Bible anymore. I couldn’t read it without who’s just a casual surfer. I think with an only reading it from the bad point of view. I ideology of skinheads the whole person is just couldn’t see another interpretation of being consumed by the idea of what they’re that. I didn’t want to read it. I was putting embracing and espousing. It is an addiction myself under a pressure. . . . Getting that out because you order your life according to of me took . . . I think it was ’92 [nine years] what you believe or think . . . your life is before I got rid of it all. (Interview, May 20, ordered according to that pattern. . . . You’re 2012) presenting an image and that projection is something that’s in your heart. It’s deep- Carter’s talk of “pollution in there” is a meta- seated. Not to say something that is deep- phor for both the destructive effects of white seated can’t be dislodged but it’s about supremacism on his very being and his physical recreating a new life. (Interview, June 7, embodiment of this destruction. The reference 2015) to pollution symbolizes the depth of Carter’s experience and how profoundly he was affected Doug referred to a social evaluation process by his years as a white supremacist. in which others come to define the person in Despite clear differences, both Doug’s and particular ways, a critical component of self- Carter’s statements underscore how much a identification (Cooley 1902; Felson 1985; person’s life is affected by adopting a white Matsueda 1992). For Doug, becoming a white supremacist lifestyle. Even their relationships supremacist formed an identity of how “you to institutions, such as religion, and their peer order your life.” White supremacy is about relations became completely defined by this more than just adhering to certain ideas; it is worldview. Carter, for example, practiced an entire way of life that includes parenting, daily Bible studies and sermons that expressed recreation, and entertainment. In this way, a white supremacist interpretation of Chris- white supremacism has the deep physical tian doctrine. He was completely enmeshed in embodiment of specialized practices that daily rituals and basic living practices organ- require strict regimes of rehearsal and mas- ized around the group’s racist ideology. Cart- tery; it is akin to ballet dancers, for example, er’s role commitments were so intense that who feel unable to stop even when their bod- even after he no longer identified as a white ies revolt (Aalten 2007). supremacist, his previous white supremacist The intensive nature of white supremacy is interpretation of the Bible remained involun- also illustrated by participants’ references to tarily salient. Doug’s experiences represent a 10 American Sociological Review 00(0) more street-based involvement in white Formers who described their struggles in supremacist activities and included routine terms of addiction narrated an involuntary acts of violence to express his commitments. lingering of white supremacist thoughts, feel- Whereas Doug and Carter focused on cogni- ings, physical responses, and, in some cases, tive and emotional aspects of the addiction to unwanted behavior. Their residual involved hate, Teddy, a former Hammerskin (racist more than a sense of longing for comradery skinhead), detailed his bodily sensations: and other aspects related to group dynamics; it was also a deeply ingrained default to hate Being a part of something and having an that could be overridden or repressed but not ideal and thinking I believed and grabbed a completely erased. In this way, their narra- hold of a certain type of truth, you know, tives evoke Merleau-Ponty’s (1982) descrip- meaning of life truth. What we’re all seek- tion of soccer players for whom the rules and ing for, I guess. . . . It was a high. I’d get motivations of the game are so deeply inter- chills and everything when I listened to nalized that they seem to operate on auto- Skrewdriver [white power music].8 (Inter- pilot. Melanie, a former member of the view, June 26, 2015) American Nazi Party, talked about racial hate as something fused into her brain: To Teddy, racial hate was not simply what he believed; it was what he was: Somebody needs to do a study . . . subject us to the [white power] music, to the literature, I really believed that I was in the truth. . . . I to the racial slurs and watch what fires in liked it because it was my heritage, my our brains. I guarantee you it’s an addiction. grandma was from Finland and she came I can listen to white power music and within over here and that’s, you know, part of what a week be back to that mindset. I know it. I am, you know, all the symbols, the Vikings (Interview, October 13, 2015) and stuff. (Interview, June 26, 2015) Melanie’s comment suggests the automatic Teddy’s point that he believed he was “in the and hot dimensions of cognition related to truth” is especially revealing in terms of the all- white supremacist involvement and the extent encompassing and totalizing character of involve- to which these qualities endure over time. ment in the white supremacy movement. Alicia, a former member of the World Church of the Creator, also talked about the role of music in terms of creating enduring thoughts, The Addictive Qualities of Hate feelings, and bodily sensations that remained Because of the intense nature of white years after having listened to the music: supremacist involvement and the difficulties associated with disengagement, some formers I haven’t listened to Skrewdriver [white described the time period after leaving as a power music band] or any of that crap in so “recovery process” from an addiction to hate. many years. And even today I have snippets In this section, we examine interviews in of songs [in my head]. Odd moments then I which former members explicitly or implic- wonder, well it makes one wonder and think itly described addictive qualities of hate. A more about hate as an addiction because small portion of our interviewees reported there can be so many different aspects of it. that disengagement was “not that hard” (n = (Interview, June 23, 2012) 15), but a majority described it as “substan- tially difficult” (n = 74). Approximately one- Alicia went on to speculate that the types of third explicitly described hate as a form of affirmation individuals derive from hate addiction (n = 35), and a much larger number groups, such as pride and respect, reinforce recounted urges to return to hate or described the lifestyle and worldview. The process is some type of relapse (n = 62). recursive: white supremacists express their Simi et al. 11 lifestyle and worldviews through cultural and feelings resurfaced. Flashes and goose markers such as white power music and, in bumps can be understood as expressions of turn, these cultural practices offer powerful automatic and hot cognition that characterize social and psychic rewards. Alicia’s specula- Teddy’s involuntary reaction of pride and tions have been confirmed by neuroscience pleasure when encountering images related to studies that underscore the broad-based and white supremacy. Another participant, Brent, intensive nature of social influence on the a former member of Volksfront, reflected on human brain (Blakemore 2008; Cozolino his taste in music now and in the past: 2004; Gazzaniga 1987). In the next sections, we expand our focus I don’t have the same thoughts I don’t have by examining two types of residual: each type the same feelings but I can’t stop listening to initiated by a triggering event and, in turn, the music [meaning neo-Nazi rock music]. . . . characterized by an auto-pilot quality the It’s pretty catchy fucking rock-n-roll you interviewees described as “it just happens.” know what I mean? You know. Kind of cool. During the first type of residual, the person’s So I’m reliving some glory fucking days, previous thoughts, feelings, and bodily reac- this and that. You know, it’s like fucking tions related to white supremacy are reacti- good music and except for the lyrics, it’s vated, but not necessarily in terms of any some pretty good fucking music man, for the concrete unwanted behavior. The second type most part. (Interview, July 27, 2014) of residual, however, involves a complete, although relatively short-lived, relapse or Brent described his persistent attraction to return to their previous identity. In this respect, neo-Nazi music as an involuntary action, and the second type of residual is characterized by one he was unable to stop. Although he expe- a more clearly visible embodiment of their rienced this listening as beyond his control, it previous identity, although it is experienced served as a pleasant reminder of his past, and described as involuntary and unwanted. despite his current disavowal of the ideas represented in the lyrics. As Schwarz’s (2015) fascinating study of “ghetto sounds” illumi- Type 1 Residual: Momentary Flashes nates, what and how we hear reflects deeply Teddy discussed how watching certain mov- held cultural values; environmental sounds ies triggers his previous feelings and beliefs can stimulate a variety of related (and unre- related to white supremacy, and also produces lated) thoughts and feelings (see also Bryson an involuntary physiological response in the 1996). At a neurological level, studies have form of “goose bumps”: long shown that different areas of the brain process music differently than other stimuli I can’t watch like the old war movies or like (Davidson et al. 1976; Molfese, Freeman, and say Inglorious Bastards or, or something Palermo 1975). Such studies suggest a direct, like that, you know, and they show like a, or lifelong link between music and emotions. like a, the History Channel has the World Given this neural differentiation, it is quite War II in HD and they, you know, even likely that music provides a complimentary though they’re showing the Germans get- process that facilitates the ability to learn and ting slaughtered and stuff, I still see that, associate music with ideology and related that, you know, the swastika in the back- actions (Levitin and Tirovolas 2009). Brent’s ground, you know. I get a little goose statement suggested that Skrewdriver’s music bumps. I can’t lie, you know. (Interview, evokes feelings and activates memories that June 26, 2015) he still finds enjoyable. Memory activation triggered through distinct musical sounds, Teddy discussed powerful but relatively short along with the lyrics, allows former extrem- flashes in which his previously held beliefs ists, like Brent, to recall their past selves in 12 American Sociological Review 00(0) some type of embodied fashion that includes was so angry. . . . No, all I saw was red and listening, singing along, and dancing. In turn, I saw her and I wanted to fucking beat the these bodily experiences evoke visceral reac- piss out of her. (Interview, July 20, 2015) tions that can be pleasurable or unpleasurable as individuals relive their former selves. The The Jack in the Box incident was an unex- power of these experiences is particularly pected and involuntary response to an irritat- evident in Brent’s case, as he continues to ing but relatively mundane situation. Bonnie’s experience residual from his past identity reaction, however, reflected an automatic and despite his current marriage to an African hot cognitive style that she described as American woman. highly emotive (“all I saw was red”). At the conclusion of the incident, Bonnie reported she was overcome by shame and Type 2 Residual: Situational Relapse disbelief at what had transpired, further illus- The second type of residual involves substan- trating that Bonnie experienced the situation tial relapses, where individuals fully embody a as unwanted and involuntary. Yet, her return to their previous identity as a white response to the momentary relapse did not supremacist. For example, Bonnie described a seem any less automatic or hot. Bonnie sim- recent incident at a Jack in the Box restaurant: ply knew and felt that what she did inside the restaurant was “wrong,” and she was over- I go through the drive-thru and what’d they come with sadness by even discussing the do? They fucked up [my son’s] order and incident. Whereas other individuals reported they didn’t give me tacos or I don’t know. responding to residual with deliberate cogni- So I go back in there and his burger’s like tion by initiating different types of self-talk, tiny. I’m like, I’m like, “That burger was we found little evidence in Bonnie’s inter- $5.00, why is this little?” Okay, well, the view that suggested more deliberate cognition lady, she was, they’re all Mexican. They to offset the residual. In this sense, Bonnie hardly speak English and she’s like accusing was still very much wrapped up in her past me of coming back for free food and I got identity and unable to find much, if any, emo- pissed off and she was like ignoring me, like tional distance, which helps explain the sub- and I’m trying to talk to her and, and she stantial amount of residual she continues to wouldn’t listen to me and is talking to other experience. People are at greater risk of strug- people and accusing me of, “I put them in gling with residual when they are unable to your,” “No, you didn’t. I wouldn’t drive all find an alternative source of self-worth and the way back here if you gave me my food.” affirmation (Vaughan 1986). Bonnie’s case I’m like, “You didn’t give me this, this, and exemplifies this. Her interview was filled this.” And so I don’t remember what she with markers of shame (e.g., “I feel ashamed said because I barely understood her. She talking about this”; “I don’t leave the house wouldn’t give me her name, you know. She now without covering the [swastika] tattoo on wouldn’t stand close enough where I could my foot”) and a diminished self-worth such see the, her thing, and she wouldn’t tell me, that she did not consider herself “important I asked for the manager. “Oh, there’s no enough” to be interviewed. manager.” She was really rude and so I told Bonnie’s exit from hate group involve- her, “Fuck you, you fucking Beaner, get the ment was recent, but other individuals whose fuck out of my country,” and I told her, disengagements were more distant in time “White power,” and I walked out and I also reported similar types of relapse. Jack- threw a heil up [Nazi salute] and I don’t usu- son, for example, who left the white suprema- ally do that shit anymore but I was so angry cist movement more than 15 years ago, and it’s because of everything that’s going discussed how his daughter’s recent relation- on now. . . . I did it as I was walking out. . . . ship with a Latino person not only made him I don’t even remember everything I said. I angry but forced him to evaluate how much Simi et al. 13 he had actually changed since exiting the focused around civil rights activism. Both white supremacist movement: time and a new political orientation may have helped Jackson develop a more flexible cog- I reacted like Archie Bucker you know what nitive style that provides censors in terms of I mean? “One of my friends told me my identifying and responding to residual. daughter is getting with a Mexican,” I went Finally, Jackson’s shift from automatic to right to her, “Hey is he partly Hispanic?” deliberate cognition provides support for “Yeah a little bit.” Oh man I came unhitched. models that treat system 1 and system 2 cog- I was just, I was like, “You are not getting nition as integrated rather than completely with him he is this and you can’t because distinct (Moore 2017). there is a bloodline,” I was freaked the fuck out like, “This can’t happen.” I said, “What Self-Talk Strategies to Resist Residual the fuck do you think you are doing? Why did you get with him? You can’t. I swear to We now turn to DiMaggio’s (2002) typology God if you fucking do,” but I made her cry to explore the self-talk strategies former and all that shit . . . just took me about half- white supremacists develop to deflect the hour to realize what I did. I mean all this involuntary thoughts, feelings, bodily reac- weird shit comes out, all of this weird tions, and unwanted behavior that accompany thoughts to counter what you had done. the experience of residual. We conceive of Because I know I’m not a shallow person these strategies as “agentic moves” (Giordano but that’s shallow. That was a shallow et al. 2002), in which actors willfully influ- thought process . . . that was shallow think- ence their response to situational circum- ing. It’s Archie Bunker shit. That’s total stances. As opposed to residual, self-talk fucking ignorant. It was ignorant and then I reflects deliberate cognition that ranges was just like don’t fucking think that you between hot and cold. Darren, for example, are all cured of fucking racism Mr. Fucking trained himself to “let it go” and “step back” Racist. I was like damn. (Interview, April to prevent himself from slipping into the per- 17, 2014) son he once was:

Jackson’s initial response reflected his pre- For me, I still find myself, I’ll start kind of vious beliefs regarding “racial purity” and thinking, you know what I’m a truck driver “white genocide.” The fear and anger that and most of the truck drivers in New Mex- accompanied his earlier racist beliefs were ico are Mexicans. I’m driving down the reactivated after Jackson learned about his road and I got some guy that obviously I daughter’s new romantic partner. Like Bon- look at his truck and it’s, all right that guy nie, Jackson described his initial reaction in number one, doesn’t have a license. Number terms consistent with automatic and hot cog- two he’s illegal in general or whatever, then nition, but, unlike Bonnie, Jackson’s thinking he cuts me off. Then the wheels start spin- transitioned to a more deliberate cognition ning. And I’ve got to catch myself, no. Let style characterized by a careful reconsidera- it go, that’s not how . . . maybe he’s just tion of his initial reaction. As this transition to having a bad day behind the wheel. I mean deliberate cognition occurred, the degree of it still happens. . . . Yes, it does. You just emotional affect seemed to lessen somewhere kind of step back and all right. . . . I con- between hot and cold. Compared to Bonnie, stantly remind myself, you’re not that guy Jackson’s shift to a more deliberate cognitive anymore, don’t do it. The tendency is style may reflect the relatively lengthy period always there. It is very easy to get back into of time that has lapsed since his disengage- that mindset. I think that is one of the things ment from white supremacy and the extent to that a lot of people, especially the old timers which he has developed a new identity that get out, they have a hard time with it, 14 American Sociological Review 00(0)

because you get drawn back into it just by permanently marked by his former role. At everyday things that you see. (Interview, best, he had “exchanged one idol [extremism] November 6, 2012) for another [Christ].” Religious conversions are well-documented sources of self-change Darren’s self-talk involves reminders to take related to criminal behavior and substance the role of others (Mead 1934) to empathize abuse (Maruna, Wilson, and Curran 2006; with the object of his initial anger (“maybe Sremac and Ganzevoort 2013). In this respect, he’s just having a bad day”). Darren is clearly Teddy’s new religious framework became a trying to avoid the kind of dehumanization substitute of sorts that provided him with the that is a core component of white supremacist same type of automatic and hot cognitions ideology. For Darren, learning new ways to that white supremacy previously did. Although act requires reminders that his past self need the content of Teddy’s thinking changed, the not be his current or future self. It is not sim- form or structure of his cognitions remained ply a matter of changing his ideas or acting in quite similar. new ways. He had to remember that he was These former extremists used self-talk as a “not that guy anymore” through repeated self- strategy to respond to the sudden resurfacing coaching. The reminders are an effort to sup- of thoughts, feelings, physiological responses, press certain memories while reinforcing his and unwanted behavior associated with their new self-image. previous identity as a white supremacist, but In Teddy’s case, Christ is the key to affirm- they had mixed results. Self-talk represents a ing to himself that he is no longer a white concrete instance of human reflexivity, or a supremacist: dialogue between the more spontaneous “I” and the more socially constructed “Me” It’s a struggle, you know. It is but, you (Mead 1934; see also Callero 2003). Its stra- know, I just got to turn to Christ and if I get tegic value is multiple. The very act of self- them, I just drop on my knees and I just start talk buffers involuntary residual, allowing praying, you know, and it works but, you formers to suppress manifestations of a self know, you take a, you take a heroin addict they no longer embrace. At the same time, for 30 years, he may be clean and sober 10 instances of self-talk may contribute to indi- years but you dangle a bag of powder, you viduals’ sense of self-efficacy by cumula- know, he’s going to do that little mentality, tively demonstrating their ability to “initiate so it’s the same, you know. I may not be a self change” (Thoits 2003:192; see also Ban- drug addict but I was addicted to that, you dura 2001). However, residual may persist know. I just exchanged one idol for another, despite self-talk and surface as overt expres- you know. It was and yeah, I can’t, I can’t sions of white supremacy. lie and say that I don’t, you know, but I just Because the process of internalization is got to, now I know how to subside all that. both conscious and unconscious, individuals (Interview, June 26, 2015) can exert agency in varying ways and in vary- ing capacities (Hitlin and Elder 2007; Hitlin The lure of returning to his white supremacist and Kirkpatrick Johnson 2015; Lizardo 2004). self is visceral and too powerful for Teddy to Emirbayer and Mische (1998; and more resist on his own. It dangles like “a bag of recently Hitlin and Elder 2007) provide impor- [illegal drug] powder,” exciting his bodily tant theoretical insight about how agency var- urges to pull him back into an identity and ies according to whether a person is acting self that he battled to leave. Even when suc- within a set of highly constrained routines or cessful at maintaining physical distance from during a period when routines have been dis- white supremacy, the effects lingered. Teddy rupted and opportunities to innovate are more considered the allure so powerful that he no available. The disruption of a highly salient longer imagined having an independent, self- identity provides opportunities for a person to directed self. Instead, Teddy saw himself as exert agency during an unsettled period of Simi et al. 15 time (Vaisey 2009). However, if a person’s life returns. These instances go beyond fleeting remains unsettled for an extended period of thoughts or feelings and extend into overt time, residual may become more persistent behavior and affect how individuals conduct and pervasive as the attraction to return to old themselves in certain situations. habits may gain prominence. This study changes how we understand disengagement from violent extremism spe- cifically, and residual more broadly, by DISCUSSION AND emphasizing the long-lasting consequences of CONCLUSIONS certain types of identities. Our findings indi- In this article, we relied on in-depth life his- cate that disengagement from white suprema- tory interviews with a sample of former U.S. cism is much more encompassing than simply white supremacists to examine the complexi- disengaging from its activities or physically ties and difficulties related to exiting a highly removing oneself from the group. Indeed, in salient identity and the ensuing residual an such cases, leaving can be a very ambiguous actor may experience. Specifically, we high- process with no clear demarcation about when lighted the embodied qualities associated it begins or ends. As our research shows, this with residual that subjects describe in terms ambiguity is at least partially due to deeply of addiction. The results suggest that impor- held and felt aspects that reside outside con- tant lingering elements continue to manifest scious control, elements that are overlooked in long after a person leaves white supremacy. most existing studies of disengagement, defec- Hate groups appear to generate a “phantom tion, and deradicalization from extremism. community” (Athens 1992) with persistent Such omissions reflect a larger sociological influence on thoughts, feelings, physiological bias that privileges conscious aspects of responses, and behavior. human behavior (Hitlin and Kirkpatrick John- Residual effects are experienced on multi- son 2015) while neglecting the physical nature ple levels that are cumulatively described as of social reality (Wacquant 2015). Following addiction. First, residual effects intrude on Wacquant (2015), we suggest a holistic under- cognitive processes, as thoughts from indi- standing of identity that goes beyond how one viduals’ previous extremist lives reappear in thinks or feels to include physical embodi- certain situations. Second, residual effects ment of identities. Such a formulation has also involve emotional processes. Unexpected practical implications: effective interventions situational cues may provoke anger and other may require much greater attention to the negative emotions that coincide with previ- enduring qualities of extremism in order to ously held beliefs about the inferiority of offset residual-related issues. various outgroups. Furthermore, individuals’ To be clear, we are not arguing that all memories of enacting hate and trauma pro- forms of deviance are addictive. Instead, we voke feelings of shame for the harm, damage, argue that the distinction between addiction and violence they inflicted. Former extrem- as an experience with “real” symptomology, ists also experience fear about a permanently as opposed to the “idea” of addiction as meta- damaged self that refuses their efforts to phorical rhetoric that provides actors with a change and feels involuntarily tethered to frame to understand residual experiences, is hate. Third, long-term effects are experienced misleading. This type of distinction is unnec- on a physiological level, as former extremists essary, because the symptoms of addiction are describe involuntary and impulsive bodily not experienced outside of linguistic pro- sensations that stem from the habitual aspects cesses used to make sense of our experiences of their previous identity. Finally, some retrospectively. Addiction is often assessed, instances of residual involve formers experi- in part, by asking individuals about their encing a complete relapse, if only momentar- experiences in terms of how much they con- ily, where their white supremacist behavior sume a particular substance or whether they 16 American Sociological Review 00(0) ever feel urges to consume the substance or whole other layer of unwanted and involun- engage in a particular behavior (Adams et al. tary thoughts, feelings, bodily responses and 2004). Although some addictions (e.g., her- behaviors may persist and continue to shape a oin) may involve physical symptoms such as person’s life. We do not endorse the idea of vomiting or tremors, even those experiences “once a hater, always a hater,” but there may are partially understood through a series of be shreds of truth in this statement: any kind linguistic devices and involve important psy- of powerful identity will leave traces on the chological and social dimensions. In short, remainder of a person’s life. The point is not the idea that interviewees may be using addic- that change is impossible, but rather transfor- tion purely as a rhetorical device reifies an mation is never complete nor total and some overly rigid distinction between “real” and past identities linger while continuing to shape “discursive” (Hughes 2007). future selves. Individuals need to understand This article provides an important first step how these past identities may continue to toward examining the addictive qualities of shape their lives, rather than remain unaware identity residual. The case of white supremacist of these influences. identity residual raises a number of intriguing questions future research should address. First, Acknowledgments what are the differences between individual We are grateful to the ASR editors and anonymous trajectories of disengagement that involve sub- reviewers for their insightful comments and suggestions. stantial residual compared to those that do not? In particular, it would be useful for future stud- ies to more carefully trace how individuals’ Funding network embeddedness during involvement This project was supported by Award No: 2014-ZA-BX- shapes their experiences following disengage- 0005, the National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice, the Harry Frank ment. Additional analyses are also necessary to Guggenheim Foundation, and the National Consortium more closely examine the situational dynamics for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism related to specific episodes of residual and to (START) project, “Recruitment and Radicalization focus more on the neurocognitive qualities among US Far-Right Terrorists,” as well as the Depart- of identity residual. Toward this end, we sug- ment of Homeland Security Science and Technology Directorate’s Office of University Programs through gest incorporating neuroimaging experimental Award Number 2012-ST-061-CS0001, Center for the designs as a means to gather neurophysiologi- Study of Terrorism and Behavior (CSTAB) 2.1 made to cal data that can be integrated with self-report START to investi-gate the understanding and interviews or survey data. Finally, future countering of terrorism within the United States. The research should compare former activists across opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this publi-cation/program/exhibition are a broad range of social movements, including those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect other movements that may also emphasize those of the Department of Justice, the Department of extreme hatred (e.g., violent jihadists) as well Homeland Security, START, or the Harry Frank as former members from other violent but less Guggenheim Foundation. political subcultures (e.g., conventional street gangs). Notes Recognizing the addictive qualities of 1. The current political moment complicates the issue identity has substantial theoretical implica- of white supremacist marginalization. Clearly a long tions. Identities may be constructed and per- history of institutional white supremacy has been part of formed through situational occasions, but the United States since the founding of the Republic; when these situations are routinized, insular, however, the post-WWII era has been characterized by a and involve extreme hatred, the persistence of growing trend toward multicul-turalism, with widespread social changes spurred by a broad constellation of these identities may be much greater than pre- progressive social move-ments. During this period, a viously thought. In this sense, disengagement white backlash has consistently been present and, in is not really the end of that identity. Instead, a varying degrees, influential. In the most recent presidential election, Simi et al. 17

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Vaughan, Diane. 1986. Uncoupling: Turning Points in White Power Movement’s Hidden Spaces of Hate, Intimate Relationships. Oxford, UK: Oxford Univer- received a 2010 CHOICE Outstanding Academic Book sity Press. Award. His research has received support from the Wacquant, Loïc J. D. 1990. “Review Essay: Exiting Roles National Science Foundation, Department of Justice, or Exiting Role Theory? Critical Notes on Ebaugh’s Department of Homeland Security, Harry Frank Gug- Becoming an Ex.” Acta Sociologica 33(4):397–404. genheim Foundation, and Department of Defense. Wacquant, Loïc J. D. 2004. Body & Soul: Notebooks of an Apprentice Boxer. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Kathleen Blee is Distinguished Professor of Sociology at Press. the University of Pittsburgh. She has written extensively Wacquant, Loïc J. D. 2014. “Homines in Extremis: What about organized white supremacism, including Inside Fighting Scholars Teach Us about Habitus.” Body & Organized Racism: Women in the Hate Movement and Society 20(2):3–17. Women in the Klan: Racism and Gender in the 1920s, as Wacquant, Loïc J. D. 2015. “For a Sociology of Flesh and well as methodological approaches and the politics and Blood.” Qualitative Sociology 38(1):1–11. ethics of studying racist hate groups and strategies for Weinberg, Darin. 1997. “Lindesmith on Addiction: A combatting racial hate. She has also studied progressive Critical History of a Classic Theory.” Sociological social movements, including Democracy in the Making: Theory 15(2):150–61. How Activist Groups Form, and, with Dwight Billings, Weinberg, Darin. 2000. “‘Out There’: The Ecology of the origin of regional poverty in The Road to Poverty: The Addiction in Drug Abuse Treatment Discourse.” Making of Wealth and Hardship in Appalachia. Social Problems 47(4):606–621. Weinberg, Darin. 2002. “On the Embodiment of Addic- Matthew DeMichele, a Senior Research Sociologist in tion.” Body & Society 8(4):1–19. the Center for Justice, Safety, and Resilience, has con- Weinberg, Darin. 2011. “Sociological Perspectives on ducted criminal justice research for over 15 years focus- Addiction.” Sociology Compass 5(4):298–310. ing on correctional population trends, risk prediction, Wright, Richard, Scott H. Decker, Allison K. Redfern, community corrections, and domestic extremism. He uses and Dietrich L. Smith. 1992. “A Snowball’s Chance mixed methods approaches to investigate complex prob- in Hell: Doing Fieldwork with Active Residential lems facing criminal justice systems within the United Burglars.” Journal of Research in Crime and Delin- States and abroad. He is currently Principal Investigator quency 29(2):148–61. for two Department of Justice (DOJ) funded studies and Wright, Stuart A. 1991. “Reconceptualizing Cult Coer- for a validation study of the Arnold Foundation’s pretrial cion and Withdrawal: A Comparative Analysis of risk assessment instrument, and he is the Project Director Divorce and Apostasy.” Social Forces 70(1):125–45. for a MacArthur Foundation initiative evaluation. Zeki, Semir, and John P. Romaya. 2008. “Neural Cor- relates of Hate.” PLoS ONE 3(10):e3556 (https://doi .org/10.1371/journal.pone.0003556). Steven Windisch is a 3rd year doctoral student in the Zeskind, Leonard. 2009. Blood and Politics: The History School of Criminology and Criminal Justice at the Uni- of the White Nationalist Movement from the Margins to versity of Nebraska Omaha. His research interests the Mainstream. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. include domestic terrorism, extremist radicalization, violence, street gangs, collective behavior, social move- ments, and qualitative research methods. Currently, Ste- Pete Simi is an Associate Professor in the Department of ven is working as a research assistant on two National Sociology and Director of the Earl Babbie Research Institute of Justice research grants and is an awardee of a Center at Chapman University. He has published widely terrorism research award through START at the Univer- on the issues of political violence, social movements, sity of Maryland. Steven is also the current editorial street gangs, and juvenile delinquency. His co-authored assistant at Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways book with Robert Futrell, American Swastika: Inside the toward Terrorism and Genocide.