Racism and Antisemitism
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From the Crises of W Hiteness to Western Supremacism
Australian Critical Race and Whiteness Studies Association Journal, Vol. 1, 2005 FROM THE CRISES OF W HITENESS TO WESTERN SUPREMACISM ALASTAIR BONNETT Introduction figure in any of the British parties who confessed to a faith in the white man‘s This article explores the rise of the West in mission to rule‘ (1953: 201). In the short- relation to the decline of whiteness. It does term at least, the crisis of whiteness had so by comparing two Victorian intellectuals different consequences in Australia, which who helped articulate this transition, the had witnessed the production of a political English Social Darwinist Benjamin Kidd class highly conscious of the spectre of (1858œ1916) and the English-born ”Asianisation‘. The policies and politics of Australian politician and social reformer ”White Australia‘ were the principle product Charles Pearson (1830œ1894). of this sensibility. However, by the time ”White Australia‘ finally came to an end (it The decline of whiteness may seem a is conventional to cite the deracialisation of surprising theme. Whiteness is, after all, immigration law in 1973 and 1978 as an still very much with us. Indeed, the close end point), the idea of ”the West‘, with its relationship between the globalisation of corollary of westernisation, had already neo-liberalism and the image of the ideal been in circulation for over a century. consumer appears to be producing a new Although John Howard can be seen to have symbolic economy of exchange with re-asserted elements of a white Australia whiteness at or near its centre (Bonnett immigration policy, by the close of the last 2000). -
Chapter 4 the Right-Wing Media Enablers of Anti-Islam Propaganda
Chapter 4 The right-wing media enablers of anti-Islam propaganda Spreading anti-Muslim hate in America depends on a well-developed right-wing media echo chamber to amplify a few marginal voices. The think tank misinforma- tion experts and grassroots and religious-right organizations profiled in this report boast a symbiotic relationship with a loosely aligned, ideologically-akin group of right-wing blogs, magazines, radio stations, newspapers, and television news shows to spread their anti-Islam messages and myths. The media outlets, in turn, give members of this network the exposure needed to amplify their message, reach larger audiences, drive fundraising numbers, and grow their membership base. Some well-established conservative media outlets are a key part of this echo cham- ber, mixing coverage of alarmist threats posed by the mere existence of Muslims in America with other news stories. Chief among the media partners are the Fox News empire,1 the influential conservative magazine National Review and its website,2 a host of right-wing radio hosts, The Washington Times newspaper and website,3 and the Christian Broadcasting Network and website.4 They tout Frank Gaffney, David Yerushalmi, Daniel Pipes, Robert Spencer, Steven Emerson, and others as experts, and invite supposedly moderate Muslim and Arabs to endorse bigoted views. In so doing, these media organizations amplify harm- ful, anti-Muslim views to wide audiences. (See box on page 86) In this chapter we profile some of the right-wing media enablers, beginning with the websites, then hate radio, then the television outlets. The websites A network of right-wing websites and blogs are frequently the primary movers of anti-Muslim messages and myths. -
Perspectives of White UCT Students on Social Transformation Initiatives
Perspectives of white UCT students on Social Transformation Initiatives Zenzile Molo Student Number: MLXZEN001 University of Cape Town Supervisor: Dr Wahbie Long Co-Supervisor: Dr Taryn van Niekerk Word Count: Abstract: 175 Main body:8181 Abstract In a post-apartheid South Africa, scholars across all disciplines have contributed to the study of transformation, race and ‘rainbowism’. Although a substantial amount of this literature features the voices of the marginalised majority, there are only a handful of studies that are focused on privileged white South Africans. This research begins to address this gap, by investigating the understanding and constructs of social transformation initiatives amongst white undergraduate students at the University of Cape Town. Three focus groups, each consisting of six participants, were conducted. A thematic analysis demonstrates that white students understand transformation as accessibility, equality and opportunity for other racial groups to climb the ladder and be equivalent to whites. Furthermore, while some students understand challenges to white privilege as critical to social and racial transformation initiatives, others employ strategies to resist ideas that counter white privilege. The paper concludes by arguing that this tension provides an opportunity for further exploration around constructions of transformation initiatives amongst young white South Africans. Keywords: accessibility; equality; opportunities; privileges; justice; transformation; education; language; apartheid; land; FeesMustFall Introduction In 2015, young black South African students stood in solidarity against injustices, inequalities and colonial images of the past calling for transformation, such as the #RhodesMustFall movement (Chaudhuri, 2016) which led to the #FeeMustFall campaign (Raju, 2017). These black students sound a call for a free decolonised education and a call to dismantle the legacy of colonialism and apartheid. -
White Flight in Networked Publics? How Race and Class Shaped American Teen Engagement with Myspace and Facebook.” in Race After the Internet (Eds
CITATION: boyd, danah. (2011). “White Flight in Networked Publics? How Race and Class Shaped American Teen Engagement with MySpace and Facebook.” In Race After the Internet (eds. Lisa Nakamura and Peter A. Chow-White). Routledge, pp. 203-222. White Flight in Networked Publics? How Race and Class Shaped American Teen Engagement with MySpace and Facebook danah boyd Microsoft Research and HarVard Berkman Center for Internet and Society http://www.danah.org/ In a historic small town outside Boston, I interViewed a group of teens at a small charter school that included middle-class students seeking an alternative to the public school and poorer students who were struggling in traditional schools. There, I met Kat, a white 14-year-old from a comfortable background. We were talking about the social media practices of her classmates when I asked her why most of her friends were moVing from MySpace to Facebook. Kat grew noticeably uncomfortable. She began simply, noting that “MySpace is just old now and it’s boring.” But then she paused, looked down at the table, and continued. “It’s not really racist, but I guess you could say that. I’m not really into racism, but I think that MySpace now is more like ghetto or whatever.” – Kat On that spring day in 2007, Kat helped me finally understand a pattern that I had been noticing throughout that school year. Teen preference for MySpace or 1 Feedback welcome! [email protected] CITATION: boyd, danah. (2011). “White Flight in Networked Publics? How Race and Class Shaped American Teen Engagement with MySpace and Facebook.” In Race After the Internet (eds. -
The Perilous Lure of the Underground Railroad
From The New Yorker The Perilous Lure of the Underground Railroad Hardly anyone used it, but it provides us with moral comfort—and white heroes. By Kathryn Schulz August 15, 2016 Stories of the Underground Railroad provide the possibility of moral comfort in a profoundly uncomfortable past. Illustration by Leigh Guldig The crate arrived, via overland express, one spring evening in 1849. Three feet long, two feet wide, and two and a half feet deep, it had been packed the previous morning in Richmond, Virginia, then carried by horse cart to the local office of the Adams Express Company. From there, it was taken to the railroad depot, loaded onto a train, and, on reaching the Potomac, transferred to a steamer, where, despite its label—THIS SIDE UP WITH CARE—it was placed upside down until a tired passenger tipped it over and used it as a seat. After arriving in the nation’s capital, it was loaded onto a wagon, dumped out at the train station, loaded onto a luggage car, sent on to Philadelphia, unloaded onto another wagon, and, finally, delivered to 31 North Fifth Street. The person to whom the box had been shipped, James Miller McKim, was waiting there to receive it. When he opened it, out scrambled a man named Henry Brown: five feet eight inches tall, two hundred pounds, and, as far as anyone knows, the first person in United States history to liberate himself from slavery by, as he later wrote, “getting myself conveyed as dry goods to a free state.” McKim, a white abolitionist with the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society, had by then been working for the Underground Railroad for more than a decade, and he was awed by the courage and drama of Brown’s escape, and of others like it. -
Women's March on Washington Speech for Carmen Perez
Women’s March on Washington Speech For Carmen Perez Good afternoon family. My name is Carmen Perez, and I'm the executive director of the gathering for justice and the founder of Justice league NYC and California. I am truly humbled to join and serve you as one of the national co-chairs of the women's March alongside my sistren Tamika Mallory, Linda Sarsour and Bob Bland. As well as so many who have worked so hard to make today happen. Thank you! I stand here as a Chicana Mexican-American Woman. As the daughter and granddaughter of farm workers. As the family member of incarcerated and undocumented people. As a survivor of domestic violence. As a woman who knows pain. And who has transformed her pain into gifts. Gifts that have allowed me to see light in the darkest places. For twenty years, I have worked in America’s prisons. I have seen families being torn apart. Locked up in cages. Forgotten and silenced. Many stripped of their rights, their freedoms, And ultimately, their lives. And the majority are black and brown people – including women. Women who I call my sisters . This HAS TO END. This WILL end. Because of you. Because of us. Today I join you all and raise my voice loud and clear to say WE HAVE HAD ENOUGH. We know what the problems are. We know who our enemy is. We know what the injustices have done to us and those we love. But to overcome them we have to stand in solidarity. We have to listen to each other and know that we always have more to learn. -
Police Prosecutions and Punitive Instincts
Washington University Law Review Volume 98 Issue 4 2021 Police Prosecutions and Punitive Instincts Kate Levine Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Law and Race Commons, and the Law Enforcement and Corrections Commons Recommended Citation Kate Levine, Police Prosecutions and Punitive Instincts, 98 WASH. U. L. REV. 0997 (2021). Available at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview/vol98/iss4/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Law Review by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Washington University Law Review VOLUME 98 NUMBER 4 2021 POLICE PROSECUTIONS AND PUNITIVE INSTINCTS KATE LEVINE* ABSTRACT This Article makes two contributions to the fields of policing and criminal legal scholarship. First, it sounds a cautionary note about the use of individual prosecutions to remedy police brutality. It argues that the calls for ways to ease the path to more police prosecutions from legal scholars, reformers, and advocates who, at the same time, advocate for a dramatic reduction of the criminal legal system’s footprint, are deeply problematic. It shows that police prosecutions legitimize the criminal legal system while at the same time displaying the same racism and ineffectiveness that have been shown to pervade our prison-backed criminal machinery. The Article looks at three recent trials and convictions of police officers of color, Peter Liang, Mohammed Noor, and Nouman Raja, in order to underscore the argument that the criminal legal system’s race problems are * Associate Professor of Law, Benjamin N. -
How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics
GETTY CORUM IMAGES/SAMUEL How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 4 Tracing the origins of white supremacist ideas 13 How did this start, and how can it end? 16 Conclusion 17 About the author and acknowledgments 18 Endnotes Introduction and summary The United States is living through a moment of profound and positive change in attitudes toward race, with a large majority of citizens1 coming to grips with the deeply embedded historical legacy of racist structures and ideas. The recent protests and public reaction to George Floyd’s murder are a testament to many individu- als’ deep commitment to renewing the founding ideals of the republic. But there is another, more dangerous, side to this debate—one that seeks to rehabilitate toxic political notions of racial superiority, stokes fear of immigrants and minorities to inflame grievances for political ends, and attempts to build a notion of an embat- tled white majority which has to defend its power by any means necessary. These notions, once the preserve of fringe white nationalist groups, have increasingly infiltrated the mainstream of American political and cultural discussion, with poi- sonous results. For a starting point, one must look no further than President Donald Trump’s senior adviser for policy and chief speechwriter, Stephen Miller. In December 2019, the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Hatewatch published a cache of more than 900 emails2 Miller wrote to his contacts at Breitbart News before the 2016 presidential election. -
Underground Airlines Free
FREE UNDERGROUND AIRLINES PDF Ben H. Winters | 336 pages | 05 Jul 2016 | Cornerstone | 9781780894317 | English | London, United Kingdom Underground Airlines by Ben H. Winters, Paperback | Barnes & Noble® Uh-oh, it looks like your Internet Explorer is out of date. For a better shopping experience, please upgrade now. Javascript is not enabled in your browser. Enabling JavaScript in your browser will allow you to experience all the features of our site. Learn how to enable JavaScript on your browser. NOOK Book. Home 1 Books 2. Add to Wishlist. Sign in to Purchase Instantly. Members save with free shipping everyday! See details. Overview The bestselling book that asks the question: what would present-day America look like if the Civil War never happened? He's got plenty Underground Airlines work. In this version of America, slavery continues in four states called "the Hard Four. As he works to infiltrate the local cell of a abolitionist movement called Underground Airlines Underground Airlines, tracking Underground Airlines through the back rooms of churches, empty parking garages, hotels, and medical offices, Victor believes he's hot on the trail. Victor believes himself Underground Airlines be a good man doing Underground Airlines work, unwilling to give up the freedom he has worked so hard to earn. But in pursuing Jackdaw, Victor discovers secrets at the core of the country's arrangement with the Hard Four, secrets the government will preserve at any Underground Airlines. Underground Airlines is a ground-breaking novel, a wickedly imaginative thriller, and a story of an America that is more like our own than we'd like to believe. -
Muslims and Community Cohesion in Bradford
Muslims and community cohesion in Bradford July 2010 Yunas Samad The research investigated factors that either enhanced or undermined community cohesion in two local wards in Bradford, where there were established Muslim communities and where Muslim migrants had recently arrived. Even though the fieldwork was conducted in early 2006 the findings remain relevant to contemporary debates on social policy. This publication is an additional output from a larger study funded by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation on Immigration, faith and cohesion: Evidence from local areas with significant Muslim populations, with fieldwork conducted in three sites – Birmingham, Newham and Bradford. The study covers: • Research method and sample characteristics; • Spaces and interactions; • Help and support: bonding and bridging networks; • Political and civic involvement; • Transnational engagement, community and belonging; • Attitudes of policy-makers and service providers. www.jrf.org.uk Contents Executive summary 2 1 Introduction 5 2 Research method and sample characteristics 11 3 Spaces and interactions 19 4 Help and support: bonding and bridging networks 26 5 Political and civic involvement 31 6 Transnational engagement, community and belonging 37 7 Attitudes of policy-makers and service providers 44 8 Conclusion 48 Notes 50 References 51 Acknowledgements 53 Contents Executive summary Community cohesion is the centrepiece of the on Immigration, faith and cohesion: Evidence from government policy which was formulated in local areas with significant Muslim populations -
Discussion Guide for Educators
DISCUSSION GUIDE FOR EDUCATORS Guide by Valeria Brown, MEd Beacon Press | beacon.org/whitefragility WHY SHOULD EDUCATORS READ WHITE FRAGILITY? White Fragility is a must-read for all educators because racial disparities in access and opportunity continue to be an urgent issue in our schools. An educator’s belief system can and does significantly impact how they approach teaching and learning.1 Therefore, in a school system in which the teaching population remains primarily white and the student population continues to become more racially diverse, it is necessary for ed- ucators to develop the skills to engage in conversations about bias, race, and racism—especially their own.2 Additionally, despite an educator’s best efforts, it is impossible to shield students from the hate-based violence they are exposed to on a national level. A report by the Southern Poverty Law Center, found that the rhetoric used by Donald Trump and his supporters, before and during the presidential campaign, had a significant impact on school climate.3 Teachers reported an increase in verbal harassment of students, the use of slurs and derogatory language, and instances involving swastikas, Nazi salutes, and Confederate flags. Eight in ten teachers reported heightened anxiety from students in marginalized groups, including immigrants, Muslims, African Americans, and LGBTQ youth. Each month, Teaching Tolerance, a project of SPLC, tracks and publishes hate incidents at US schools. The latest report, from November 2018, found that there were 59 reported incidents in classrooms, at school events, and on social media.4 Regrettably, stu- dents are living with hate in their midst at school, too, and it is imperative that educators take action. -
Tacoma Refuses to Lose
TACOMA REFUSES TO LOSE werefusetolose.org TRUTH IS ESSENTIAL. Introducing the We TRUTH IS POWER. Refuse to Lose Series TRUTH IS HEALING. AN EDUCATION FIRST PRODUCTION The We Refuse to Lose series explores what cradle-to-career initiatives across the country are doing to improve outcomes for students of color TRUTH FOR TACOMA. and those experiencing poverty. The series profiles five communities— Buffalo, Chattanooga, Dallas, the Rio Grande Valley and Tacoma —that are working to close racial gaps for students journeying from early education TRUTH IS COURAGE. to careers. A majority of these students come from populations that have been historically oppressed and marginalized through poorly resourced schools, employment, housing and loan discrimination, police violence, a TRUTH IS URGENT. disproportionate criminal justice system and harsh immigration policies. Since early 2019, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation has supported these five community partnerships and convened their leaders as a learning community. It commissioned Education First to write this series TRUTH IS JUSTICE. to share how these communities refuse to lose their children and youth to the effects of systemic racism and a new and formidable foe —COVID-19. TRUTH IS YOURS. TRUTH IS NOW. Cover Photo: Courtesy of Deeper Learning 2 WE REFUSE TO LOSE TACOMA PROFILE 01 LYLE QUASIM, COMMUNITY LEADER school for the Black Panther Party, defending Native With the help of Graduate American fishing rights and serving as a college president and cabinet member as the head of state Tacoma, the city’s cradle-to- agencies for two governors, Quasim sits behind his home desk for a virtual interview.