DOCSLIB.ORG

From the Crises of W Hiteness to Western Supremacism

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
From the Crises of W Hiteness to Western Supremacism Australian Critical Race and Whiteness Studies Association Journal, Vol. 1, 2005 FROM THE CRISES OF W HITENESS TO WESTERN SUPREMACISM ALASTAIR BONNETT Introduction figure in any of the British parties who confessed to a faith in the white man‘s This article explores the rise of the West in mission to rule‘ (1953: 201). In the short- relation to the decline of whiteness. It does term at least, the crisis of whiteness had so by comparing two Victorian intellectuals different consequences in Australia, which who helped articulate this transition, the had witnessed the production of a political English Social Darwinist Benjamin Kidd class highly conscious of the spectre of (1858œ1916) and the English-born ”Asianisation‘. The policies and politics of Australian politician and social reformer ”White Australia‘ were the principle product Charles Pearson (1830œ1894). of this sensibility. However, by the time ”White Australia‘ finally came to an end (it The decline of whiteness may seem a is conventional to cite the deracialisation of surprising theme. Whiteness is, after all, immigration law in 1973 and 1978 as an still very much with us. Indeed, the close end point), the idea of ”the West‘, with its relationship between the globalisation of corollary of westernisation, had already neo-liberalism and the image of the ideal been in circulation for over a century. consumer appears to be producing a new Although John Howard can be seen to have symbolic economy of exchange with re-asserted elements of a white Australia whiteness at or near its centre (Bonnett immigration policy, by the close of the last 2000). Whiteness is being reinvented, as century the explicit assertion of whiteness well as sustained, as the cornerstone of had become dangerous territory for ”global racism‘ well into the twenty-first mainstream politicians. Indeed, today, in century. both Britain and Australia, the overt celebration of ”white identity‘ is widely However, the story of whiteness is one of construed as an anachronism; part of the transitions and changes. Moreover, this ”cringe-making‘ repertoire of popularism story is also a geography. The associated with the politically development of white supremacism has unsophisticated. been highly varied, both nationally and regionally. One of the most intriguing This article is an attempt to explore some moments of transition that we can detect of the ingredients that went into the from this diverse scene concerns the geographically complex shift from white to impact of a ”crisis of whiteness‘ at the end western. It argues that the ”crisis of of the nineteenth and beginning of the whiteness‘ needs to be understood as a twentieth centuries. It was an international moment of disruption and challenge to and transnational crisis. In both Australia white supremacism. Moreover, that within and Britain, it provoked the desire to this crisis we can find some of the reasons ”protect‘ and ”insulate‘ whiteness against why ”western‘ identity gained ground. those forces that were imagined to be threatening it. However, for a variety of These arguments do not imply the ”death reasons, whilst both countries saw the of whiteness‘. They form a limited introduction of racialised immigration laws, intervention in the development of the the language of race was challenged much wider debate on the relationship (though not, of course, entirely displaced) between whiteness and modernity that is in Britain by the assertion of ”the West‘ and finally beginning to emerge. It is significant ”western‘ as more acceptable and that whiteness experienced crisis and that significant categories. Even as early as the it was demoted within public discourse. At end of the First World War, the explicit the start of the last century, ”white affirmation of white supremacism had civilisation‘ had a clear and important place begun to assume the contours of an in the lexicon of many public figures in embarrassment for the political and European-heritage dominated societies, intellectual elite. Indeed, Pannikar says of and many others beside. To imagine that this time that: ”With the solitary exception its removal from public rhetoric merely of Churchill, there was not one major reflects a shift to euphemism by an ISSN 1832-3898 © 2005 Australian Critical Race and Whiteness Studies Association ALASTAIR BONNETT: CRISES OF WHITENESS unchanging, essential white racism is to Later works on ”the West‘, from Spengler dismiss the profound social and political (1918; 1922; 1926; 1928) and Toynbee shifts of the last century. This argument (1922; 1931; 1934; 1953) onwards, have also implies that, whilst ”westerner‘ can revelled in the potential for social and does operate as a substitute term for abstraction that the category seems to ”white‘, it may also reflect new landscapes license. By contrast, the material and of discrimination that have new and more prosaic stuff of the body, which is the fragile relationships to the increasingly centre of Pearson‘s contribution, as of widely repudiated language of race. other treatise on race, seems to generate a ”common sense‘, ”no-nonsense‘ approach. The twentieth century saw the rise of ”the By the same token, once the idea of ”race‘ West‘ as a political and social entity with is rendered as falsehood, this very what was claimed to be its own discrete earthiness instantly appears merely history and traditions. It was employed to ignorant, clumsy and not a little ludicrous. narrate the great political clash of the last century, that between communism and The Crises of W hiteness capitalism (and also, to a lesser extent, between Nazism and the capitalist Charles Pearson was an English historian democracies). In recent years it has been who migrated to South Australia in 1864, used to structure the conflict between the and, after an unsuccessful stint at farming, United States and its allies and ”Islamic achieved a name for himself as a social fundamentalism‘. Whiteness features reformer in Victoria. Pearson occupied a relatively rarely in these debates. Of series of public positions in Victoria, the course we know that whiteness still first of which was as author of a report on matters, both within everyday culture and the provision of free education in the State. as a developing, structural aspect of the From 1878 Pearson was the Liberal allocation of social roles and material member for Castlemaine and, from 1883, rewards within ”post-Fordist‘, globalised the Liberal member for East Bourke capitalism. Yet any attempt to grasp the Boroughs and Minister of Education. scope and nature of whiteness, either Pearson‘s political career was notable for today or historically, cannot proceed on the his support of a series of liberal and assumption that it is comprehensible in progressive causes. I mention this fact isolation. It seems that, in reality, neither because, for Pearson, his concerns to ”whiteness‘ nor ”the West ” are discrete protect white dominion did not represent a identities with their own history and departure from his generally ”protectionist‘ sociology: they must be engaged and social agenda. The wide-ranging nature of examined in relation to each other and Pearson‘s political values were apparent in other supremacist ideologies. the book published the year before his death, National Life and Character. Pearson and Kidd are emblematic figures in the transition from white to western. Both Australia‘s first Prime Minister, Edmund produced books that represent seminal Barton, called Charles Pearson ”the most statements in, respectively, the discourse intellectual statesman who ever lived in of whiteness in crisis and the birth of the this country‘ (quoted by Lake 2004: 44). modern idea of the West.1 The publication Marilyn Lake draws on Barton‘s assessment of Pearson‘s National Life and Character in her recent study of how Pearson‘s ideas (first published 1893) and Kidd‘s The were employed and deployed in the service Principles of Western Civilisation (1901) of the legislative and ideological pursuit of was separated by a mere eight years. Yet ”White Australia‘ in the early twentieth they are strikingly different in tone and century. Thus she quotes Barton, reciting content. Whilst Pearson is resolutely from Pearson‘s National Life and Character pessimistic, repeatedly intoning that the to the federal parliament in 1901, during days of white supremacy are at an end, his contribution to the debate that led to Kidd is aggressively up-beat, repeatedly the white Australia policy. The passage is asserting that the West is destined to be particularly interesting for the stress it utterly triumphant now and for all time. It places on the end of white economic may seem a flip observation, but another control over global markets. obvious contrast is that Kidd‘s book is dizzyingly pompous whilst Pearson‘s is The day will come, and perhaps is not lucid and pithy. It is a contrast that, so far distant, when the European perhaps, provides a clue to other observer will look round to see the distinctions between the two discourses. globe girdled with a continuous zone of the black and yellow races, no longer 9 ALASTAIR BONNETT: CRISES OF WHITENESS too weak for aggression or under used to explore the politics of white crisis. tutelage, but independent, or Hyslop‘s focus is on the formation of a practically so, in government, transnational white labour movement that monopolising the trade of their own drew together workers in Britain, South regions, and circumscribing the industry of the Europeans; when Africa and Australia. My own emphasis has Chinamen and the native of Hindostan, been on how working-class white identity the states of Central and South America, was bound up with a sense of racial by that time predominately Indian … ownership of an emergent ”welfare state‘. are represented by fleets in the Such studies are useful to mention here European seas, invited to international because they make it clear that this debate conferences and welcomed as allies in can be moved well beyond the relatively quarrels of the civilised world.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Chapter 4 the Right-Wing Media Enablers of Anti-Islam Propaganda
    Chapter 4 The right-wing media enablers of anti-Islam propaganda Spreading anti-Muslim hate in America depends on a well-developed right-wing media echo chamber to amplify a few marginal voices. The think tank misinforma- tion experts and grassroots and religious-right organizations profiled in this report boast a symbiotic relationship with a loosely aligned, ideologically-akin group of right-wing blogs, magazines, radio stations, newspapers, and television news shows to spread their anti-Islam messages and myths. The media outlets, in turn, give members of this network the exposure needed to amplify their message, reach larger audiences, drive fundraising numbers, and grow their membership base. Some well-established conservative media outlets are a key part of this echo cham- ber, mixing coverage of alarmist threats posed by the mere existence of Muslims in America with other news stories. Chief among the media partners are the Fox News empire,1 the influential conservative magazine National Review and its website,2 a host of right-wing radio hosts, The Washington Times newspaper and website,3 and the Christian Broadcasting Network and website.4 They tout Frank Gaffney, David Yerushalmi, Daniel Pipes, Robert Spencer, Steven Emerson, and others as experts, and invite supposedly moderate Muslim and Arabs to endorse bigoted views. In so doing, these media organizations amplify harm- ful, anti-Muslim views to wide audiences. (See box on page 86) In this chapter we profile some of the right-wing media enablers, beginning with the websites, then hate radio, then the television outlets. The websites A network of right-wing websites and blogs are frequently the primary movers of anti-Muslim messages and myths.
    [Show full text]
  • Anti-Zionism and Antisemitism Cosmopolitan Reflections
    Anti-Zionism and Antisemitism Cosmopolitan Reflections David Hirsh Department of Sociology, Goldsmiths, University of London, New Cross, London SE14 6NW, UK The Working Papers Series is intended to initiate discussion, debate and discourse on a wide variety of issues as it pertains to the analysis of antisemitism, and to further the study of this subject matter. Please feel free to submit papers to the ISGAP working paper series. Contact the ISGAP Coordinator or the Editor of the Working Paper Series, Charles Asher Small. Working Paper Hirsh 2007 ISSN: 1940-610X © Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy ISGAP 165 East 56th Street, Second floor New York, NY 10022 United States Office Telephone: 212-230-1840 www.isgap.org ABSTRACT This paper aims to disentangle the difficult relationship between anti-Zionism and antisemitism. On one side, antisemitism appears as a pressing contemporary problem, intimately connected to an intensification of hostility to Israel. Opposing accounts downplay the fact of antisemitism and tend to treat the charge as an instrumental attempt to de-legitimize criticism of Israel. I address the central relationship both conceptually and through a number of empirical case studies which lie in the disputed territory between criticism and demonization. The paper focuses on current debates in the British public sphere and in particular on the campaign to boycott Israeli academia. Sociologically the paper seeks to develop a cosmopolitan framework to confront the methodological nationalism of both Zionism and anti-Zionism. It does not assume that exaggerated hostility to Israel is caused by underlying antisemitism but it explores the possibility that antisemitism may be an effect even of some antiracist forms of anti- Zionism.
    [Show full text]
  • How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics
    GETTY CORUM IMAGES/SAMUEL How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 4 Tracing the origins of white supremacist ideas 13 How did this start, and how can it end? 16 Conclusion 17 About the author and acknowledgments 18 Endnotes Introduction and summary The United States is living through a moment of profound and positive change in attitudes toward race, with a large majority of citizens1 coming to grips with the deeply embedded historical legacy of racist structures and ideas. The recent protests and public reaction to George Floyd’s murder are a testament to many individu- als’ deep commitment to renewing the founding ideals of the republic. But there is another, more dangerous, side to this debate—one that seeks to rehabilitate toxic political notions of racial superiority, stokes fear of immigrants and minorities to inflame grievances for political ends, and attempts to build a notion of an embat- tled white majority which has to defend its power by any means necessary. These notions, once the preserve of fringe white nationalist groups, have increasingly infiltrated the mainstream of American political and cultural discussion, with poi- sonous results. For a starting point, one must look no further than President Donald Trump’s senior adviser for policy and chief speechwriter, Stephen Miller. In December 2019, the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Hatewatch published a cache of more than 900 emails2 Miller wrote to his contacts at Breitbart News before the 2016 presidential election.
    [Show full text]
  • Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds an End to Antisemitism!
    Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds An End to Antisemitism! Edited by Armin Lange, Kerstin Mayerhofer, Dina Porat, and Lawrence H. Schiffman Volume 5 Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds Edited by Armin Lange, Kerstin Mayerhofer, Dina Porat, and Lawrence H. Schiffman ISBN 978-3-11-058243-7 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-067196-4 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-067203-9 DOI https://10.1515/9783110671964 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. For details go to https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Library of Congress Control Number: 2021931477 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2021 Armin Lange, Kerstin Mayerhofer, Dina Porat, Lawrence H. Schiffman, published by Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston The book is published with open access at www.degruyter.com Cover image: Illustration by Tayler Culligan (https://dribbble.com/taylerculligan). With friendly permission of Chicago Booth Review. Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com TableofContents Preface and Acknowledgements IX LisaJacobs, Armin Lange, and Kerstin Mayerhofer Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds: Introduction 1 Confronting Antisemitism through Critical Reflection/Approaches
    [Show full text]
  • Conception of Race in White Supremacist Discourse: a Critical Corpus Analysis with Teaching Implications
    TESOL Working Paper Series The Conception of Race in White Supremacist Discourse: A Critical Corpus Analysis with Teaching Implications Justin Pannell* University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa Outreach College Adam Brod Kiokan High School, Japan Reina Hirose Horton ELS Honolulu, Hawaiʻi Abstract This interdisciplinary study analyzes the conception of race in a corpus of white supremacist (WS) discourse and the linguistic resources used to support it. To examine the conception of race in the corpus, we frst discuss a number of views within the philosophy of race. We then perform a quantitative analysis of race terms, including an analysis of word frequency, keyness, collocates, and n-grams, and a qualitative analysis of the data. The analysis demonstrates that WSs implicitly portray races as unequal through the semantic prosodies of racial terms. They also utilize explicit means by appealing to putative morally relevant biological differences between races. We conclude that WSs hold an essentialist conception of race. This study extends these insights to the classroom by offering practical suggestions for how teachers and learners might use similar materials to challenge everyday racial stereotypes and to identify racist ideology in other domains. Introduction With the presence of white supremacism in full view within public discourse, there is arguably an impetus on educators to help students investigate, take a critical eye to, and interrogate both widespread and individually held beliefs about race. This is no less the case for ESL and EFL teachers. The issue of immigration intersects with issues of race. Immigrant populations suffer stigmatization with respect to their language abilities and national origin, and many ESL learners are race minorities in their new countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Slavery and Colonialism: a Legacy of Racialization in the Maghreb
    April 2021 Slavery and Colonialism: A Legacy of Racialization in the Maghreb – An Intersectional Approach to Racism in the Maghreb :( حڤرة) Hogra Analysis By Yasmine Akrimi – North Africa Research Analyst INTRODUCTION Racial discrimination in the Maghreb finds its roots in a complex history. Most of it remains unaddressed. Two principal historical episodes contribute to understanding the current racialized hierarchization of Maghrebi societies, Islamic slaveries, and colonialism. North Africa has been a crossroads between the African continent and the Mediterranean and Ottoman world, importing slaves from the Niger Bend, Lake Chad, Darfur, the Nile basin, and Ethiopia1. It has then been colonized by France, the United Kingdom, Spain and Italy during the 18th and 19th centuries. The following analyzes the reasons behind the “othering” of blacks in the Maghreb and their constant perception as subalterns or inferiors. Slave Market. Marrakesh. S Morocco. Unknown author. Public Domain 1 Toledano, Ehud R. (2016). The Ottoman Slave Trade and Its Suppression: 1840-1890. Slavery and Colonialism: A Legacy of Racialization in the Maghreb | Yasmine Akrimi Brussels International Center 1. AT THE ORIGINS OF RACISM IN THE MAGHREB: ISLAMIC SLAVERY Although not comparable in scale or purpose to the transatlantic slave trade, Islamic slavery represented a significant historical episode of domination and oppression. The term refers to all forms of slavery that have been regulated by Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh). The existence of slavery is recognized by the Quran which “regulates the practice of the institution and thus implicitly accepts it”2. A first step to decolonizing Eurocentric conceptions of race is contextualizing the meaning of freedom to the African context.
    [Show full text]
  • Usapp – American Politics and Policy Blog: White Supremacy Can Be Addictive, and Leaving It Behind Can Be Like Kicking a Drug Habit
    USApp – American Politics and Policy Blog: White supremacy can be addictive, and leaving it behind can be like kicking a drug habit. Page 1 of 3 White supremacy can be addictive, and leaving it behind can be like kicking a drug habit. The 2016 election and the violence in Charlottesville, Virginia, earlier this year have focused the attention of many on to the resurgence of far-right extremism and radicalization. In new research based on interviews with former white supremacists, Pete Simi, Kathleen Blee, Matthew DeMichele and Steven Windisch find that many of those involved in such movements consider themselves as having been “addicted” to white supremacism. They write that the totalizing lifestyle and extreme hatred-based identity associated with white supremacism may explain why former white supremacists feel they are addicts. The tragic violence in Charlottesville, Virginia in August prompted many to ask questions about the resurgence of far-right extremism and how individuals become radicalized into these movements. Even before Charlottesville, the 2016 presidential election helped cast a spotlight on the “alt-right’s” efforts to rebrand white supremacy while appealing to a younger and more tech savvy generation. Far less attention, however, has been devoted to understanding what happens when people leave white supremacist hate groups and the challenges they may encounter. Does leaving hate behind involve a recovery process that mimics what substance users and other types of addicts’ experience? Based on extensive life history interviews with 89 former US white supremacists, we find that a substantial portion of our interview subjects report a difficult time shaking their former thoughts, feelings, and bodily reactions, and, in many cases, come to think of themselves as being “addicted” to white supremacism.
    [Show full text]
  • Racism: the Contagious Virus of Human Origin
    Opinion Open Access Journal of Opinion Biomedical Science ISSN: 2690-487X Racism: The Contagious Virus of Human Origin Emmanuel Chidiebere Edeh* Zhejiang Normal University, China OPINION against African Americans, Asian Americans, Latinos and other Often, we tend to forget about our own doing or worst, try to immigrant minorities in US. excuse ourselves to blame others. This undoubtedly has been the case of the deadliest and the most contagious virus ever know to Racism is contagious, according to [1] it is often fueled biological codes and seeks to establish itself. As a virus it alters mutation occur viruses, racism in the recent time has taken a thehuman normal beings. bio codeRacism of thelike victimsany other to code virus for finds itself. its For way instance, to our moreby environment, pronounced traditions,form. This culturecalls for or serious societal concerns influence. from Like all viruses are known to alter the RNA/DNA of their host to code for sane minds as it seems to be aided by the media outlets, otherwise themselves leaving the host’s system weak and susceptible to referred to as Cyber-racism. Again, just like viruses would take diseases or other infections. In the same vein, racism virus makes advantage of poor hygiene of the people to infect them, racism alike the victims vulnerable to health risks, social and political abuse. would take advantage of egotism and vanity to infect the minds of Racism cannot be blamed on monkeys and bats or other animals. human beings. As Abdul Majik Mujahid, an American Muslim Imam, Racism is of human origin and affects only human beings, as such of racism may exist in the hearts and minds of millions around theproducer world authorbut when and racism non-profit is acted entrepreneur upon, especially stated, by “Thea group virus of Racism occurs in many forms: Tribalism, Xenophobia, animals could heave a sigh of relief from human finger pointing.
    [Show full text]
  • Eugenics and Human Morality
    Eugenics and Human Morality Introduction Eugenics is the philosophy and social movement that argues it is possible to improve the human race and society by encouraging reproduction by people or populations with “desirable” traits (termed “positive” eugenics) and discouraging reproduction by people with “undesirable” qualities (termed “negative” eugenics). The aim is to improve the genetic quality of a human population by excluding certain genetic groups judged to be inferior, and promoting other genetic groups judged to be superior. Historical aspects The term was coined by Francis Galton in 1883. The concept predates the term; Plato suggested applying the principles of selective breeding to humans around 400 BC. Eugenics was popular in America during much of the first half of the twentieth century, yet it earned its negative association mainly from Adolf Hitler’s obsessive attempts to create a superior Aryan race. Eugenics, in the modern understanding of the term, is seen as having close ties to white supremacism. While eugenic principles have been practiced as early as ancient Greece, the contemporary history of eugenics began in the early 20th century, when a popular eugenics movement emerged in the United Kingdom, and then spread to many countries, including the United States, Canada, and most European countries. In this period, eugenic ideas were espoused across the political spectrum. Consequently, many countries adopted eugenic policies, intended to improve the quality of their populations' genetic stock. Morality Such programs included both positive measures, such as encouraging individuals deemed particularly "fit" to reproduce, and negative measures, such as marriage prohibitions and forced sterilization of people deemed unfit for reproduction.
    [Show full text]
  • “Remember Little Rock”: Racial (In)Justice and the Shaping of Contemporary White Evangelicalism
    religions Article “Remember Little Rock”: Racial (In)Justice and the Shaping of Contemporary White Evangelicalism Tammy Heise Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, University of Wyoming, Laramie, WY 82071, USA; [email protected] Abstract: In 1957, Little Rock became a flash point for conflict over the U.S. Supreme Court’s Brown decision. This article examines Little Rock as a religious symbol for white southerners— especially white southern evangelicals—as they sought to exercise their self-appointed roles as cultural guardians to devise competing, but ultimately complementary, strategies to manage social change to limit desegregation and other civil rights expansions for African Americans. This history reveals how support for segregation helped to convert white southern evangelicals to conservative political activism in this period. Keywords: white southern evangelicalism; white supremacy; civil rights; Brown decision; Little Rock crisis; conservative political activism 1. Introduction In 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court shocked many white southerners by ruling racial Citation: Heise, Tammy. 2021. segregation in public education unconstitutional. This decision—known as Brown v. Board “Remember Little Rock”: Racial of Education (Topeka)—finally acknowledged “separate educational facilities are inherently (In)Justice and the Shaping of unequal”. It also partially overruled the key legal justification for segregation established Contemporary White Evangelicalism. in the Court’s 1896 Plessy v. Ferguson decision.1 In the modern south,
    [Show full text]
  • Targeting White Supremacy in the Workplace
    TARGETING WHITE SUPREMACY IN THE WORKPLACE Michael H. LeRoy* Resurgent white supremacy is leading to segregation in some workplaces and local labor markets, long after Title VII and executive orders dismantled Jim Crow. My research conceptualizes a new way to apply the Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871. Much of the law—passed to combat a white terror campaign to deny blacks and their political supporters rights equal to those of white citizens—has been struck down by court rulings. The surviving part, codified in 42 U.S.C. § 1985(3), is limited by its narrow text and Supreme Court rulings that have largely ignored congressional intent in passing this law. Using extensive legislative history, I show that Congress heard testimony from ex-Klan members about the group’s strategy to boycott black workers and segregate them in a caste system that approximated slavery. A major floor speech by Rep. Luke Poland emphasized congressional intent to interdict this economic segregation. I show the relevance of this history by analyzing four current and recent cases involving white supremacist planning and commission of acts to drive blacks, Mexicans, a Jew, and a Navajo from their workplace or a specific labor market. I demonstrate how these cases fit the demanding textual requirements to state a claim under Section 1985(3). In response to a growing number of conspiracies in a work setting to attack minorities, this study provides victims, lawyers, and courts a new way to confront today’s resurgent and aggressive white supremacy movement. INTRODUCTION....................................................................................................... 108 I. AMERICAN WORKERS AND RACIAL CASTE .....................................................
    [Show full text]
  • 2020 Statement on Racism in America
    PA National Association of State School Nurse Consultants [NASSNC] Statement on Racism in America Disclaimer The objective of this response/statement is to provide national best practice guidance but is to be implemented within the confines of each state nurse practice act and other laws affecting the practice of nursing. Purpose The National Association of State School Nurse Consultants (NASSNC) recognizes the impact of racism and white supremacy on children, youth, and families. We seek to provide our members with a clear statement of the association’s position and provide anti-racism resources and action steps to support opportunities in each state to improve outcomes for students and people of color. This document also seeks to encourage state and national government leaders to support of the reallocation of resources to mitigate years of white privilege and racism’s impact on health and education. Diversity, equity, and inclusion are among our affirmed core values. Position Statement It is the position of the National Association of State School Nurse Consultants that racism and white supremacism in any form is a public health crisis perpetuated by the structure of foundational institutions, including healthcare, government, and education. The systemic nature of inequity leads to disparities in health, education, and economic achievement of individuals of color. As professionals that engage in all three of these spheres, the members of the association work to bring about systemic, sustainable change in these systems to celebrate and ensure diversity, equity, inclusion, health equity, and racial and social justice. All students and school personnel have the right to a safe, healthy, inclusive school environment free of discrimination with access to equitable education and curricula that call out and explain the sources of racism and white supremacism as well as celebrate the diversity of humankind.
    [Show full text]