Pompey's Organization of the East
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Pompey, the Great Husband
Michael Jaffee Patterson Independent Project 2/1/13 Pompey, the Great Husband Abstract: Pompey the Great’s traditional narrative of one-dimensionally striving for power ignores the possibility of the affairs of his private life influencing the actions of his political career. This paper gives emphasis to Pompey’s familial relationships as a motivating factor beyond raw ambition to establish a non-teleological history to explain the events of his life. Most notably, Pompey’s opposition to the special command of the Lex Gabinia emphasizes the incompatibility for success in both the public and private life and Pompey’s preference for the later. Pompey’s disposition for devotion and care permeates the boundary between the public and private to reveal that the happenings of his life outside the forum defined his actions within. 1 “Pompey was free from almost every fault, unless it be considered one of the greatest faults for a man to chafe at seeing anyone his equal in dignity in a free state, the mistress of the world, where he should justly regard all citizens as his equals,” (Velleius Historiae Romanae 2.29.4). The annals of history have not been kind to Pompey. Characterized by the unbridled ambition attributed as his impetus for pursuing the civil war, Pompey is one of history’s most one-dimensional characters. This teleological explanation of Pompey’s history oversimplifies the entirety of his life as solely motivated by a desire to dominate the Roman state. However, a closer examination of the events surrounding the passage of the Lex Gabinia contradicts this traditional portrayal. -
SEXUAL ALLEGATIONS for POLITICAL ENDS Cicero and the State
WERNER A. KRENKEL SEXUAL ALLEGATIONS FOR POLITICAL ENDS Cicero and the state - that means also: Cicero and down-to-earth politics The history of sexual allegations begins with Timarchos, but it reached its peak at the end of the Roman Republic. It is a bit hard for us to imagine the political impact of intentionally spread rumors and loudly proclaimed allegations. But it is also remarkable to see with what ease someone took recourse to such mean stratagems if he had run out of legal and legalistic arguments. Suetonius (Claudius 15, 4) relates a story that can best illustrate the proceedings: "It is a well known fact that, when a Roman knight was falsely accused of unnatural offenses against women (obscaenitatis in feminas) - the charge had been mischievously framed up by his enemies who could not bring him down by other means (ab impotentibus inimicis conjicto crimine) - and when he saw that Claudius was admitting the evidence of common prostitutes, this Roman knight hurled a stylus and a set of wax tablets in Claudius' face". The Roman knight could not prevail over the allegations: he was in a no- win situation. A second example tells more about the terrifying consequences of such intentionally circulated rumors, of such allegations. It is again Suetonius (Iulius 20, 4) who has the story: "Lucius Lucullus (117-56, cos. 74 B.C.) went a little too far in opposing Caesar's policies, whereupon Caesar so ter- rified him by threatening to spread foul allegations (tantum calumniarum metum iniecit) that Lucullus fell on his knees and begged Caesar's pardon". -
THE SECOND and THIRD WARS AGAINST ROME Mithridates
CHAPTER FIVE THE SECOND AND THIRD WARS AGAINST ROME Mithridates got off lightly from the first war: even Sulla's own troops recognised that (Plut. Sult. 24.4). He was simply confined to the ter ritories he possessed before the war. Military defeat must have severely damaged his prestige, but the rich resources of his empire would soon enable him to build up his power again. The Jugurthine war had pro bably made it clear to the Senate that the only effective neutralisation of a determined native king was death or capture. And the terms of the treaty of Dardanus hardly constituted sufficient revenge for the thousands of Romans and Italians murdered in the Asian Vespers. Even immediately after the war, many must have thought that Rome had unfinished business with Mithridates. Some of the king's Black Sea subjects had taken advantage of his defeat to revolt, and the first thing he did on his return to Pontus was to go to war with these Colchian and Bosporan rebels (App. Mith. 64). 1 The Col chians wanted Eupator's son, also called Mithridates, as king, which may imply that they were dissatisfied with the previous administration of their country. When this request was granted they returned to their loyalty. 2 Eupator, however, was suspicious of the young prince and ex ecuted him. We do not hear how the Colchians reacted, but presumably another uparchos or dioikitis was sent to govern the region (Strabo 11. 2 .18 c.499). Indeed perhaps it was now that Colchis was transferred to another of the king's sons, Machares, ruler of the Bosporan kingdom, who certainly later on controlled it. -
The Herodotos Project (OSU-Ugent): Studies in Ancient Ethnography
Faculty of Literature and Philosophy Julie Boeten The Herodotos Project (OSU-UGent): Studies in Ancient Ethnography Barbarians in Strabo’s ‘Geography’ (Abii-Ionians) With a case-study: the Cappadocians Master thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Linguistics and Literature, Greek and Latin. 2015 Promotor: Prof. Dr. Mark Janse UGent Department of Greek Linguistics Co-Promotores: Prof. Brian Joseph Ohio State University Dr. Christopher Brown Ohio State University ACKNOWLEDGMENT In this acknowledgment I would like to thank everybody who has in some way been a part of this master thesis. First and foremost I want to thank my promotor Prof. Janse for giving me the opportunity to write my thesis in the context of the Herodotos Project, and for giving me suggestions and answering my questions. I am also grateful to Prof. Joseph and Dr. Brown, who have given Anke and me the chance to be a part of the Herodotos Project and who have consented into being our co- promotores. On a whole other level I wish to express my thanks to my parents, without whom I would not have been able to study at all. They have also supported me throughout the writing process and have read parts of the draft. Finally, I would also like to thank Kenneth, for being there for me and for correcting some passages of the thesis. Julie Boeten NEDERLANDSE SAMENVATTING Deze scriptie is geschreven in het kader van het Herodotos Project, een onderneming van de Ohio State University in samenwerking met UGent. De doelstelling van het project is het aanleggen van een databank met alle volkeren die gekend waren in de oudheid. -
Wars and Battles of Ancient Rome
Wars and Battles of Ancient Rome Battle summaries are from Harbottle's Dictionary of Battles, published by Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1904. Rise of Rome—753 to 3911 B.C. The rise of Rome from a small Latin city to the dominant power in Italy Battle of Description Sabines According to legend, a year after the Romans kidnapped their wives from the neighboring Sabines, the (Kingdom) tribes returned to take vengeance. The fighting however, was stopped by the young wives who ran in B.C. 750 between the warring parties and begged that their fathers, brothers and husbands cease making war upon each other. The Sabine and Roman tribes were henceforth united. Alba Longa After a long siege, Alba was finally taken by strategm. With the fall of Alba, its father-city, Rome was (Kingdom) the undisputed leading city of the Latins. The inhabitants of Alba were resettled in Rome on the caelian B.C. 650 Hill. Sublican Lars Porsenna, king of Clusium was marching toward Rome, planning to restore the exiled Tarquins to Bridge the Roman throne. As his army descended on Rome from the opposite side of the Tiber, roman soldiers (Tarquinii) worked furiously to destroy the wooden bridge. Horatius and two other soldiers single-handedly fended B.C. 509 off Porsenna's army until the bridge could be destroyed. Lake Regillus Fought B.C. 497, the first authentic date in the history of Rome. The details handed down, however, (Tarquinii) belong to the domain of legend rather than to that of history. According to the chroniclers, this was the B.C. -
The Cultural Creation of Fulvia Flacca Bambula
University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 5-2017 The cultural creation of Fulvia Flacca Bambula. Erin Leigh Wotring University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, History of Gender Commons, Intellectual History Commons, Political History Commons, Social History Commons, and the Women's History Commons Recommended Citation Wotring, Erin Leigh, "The cultural creation of Fulvia Flacca Bambula." (2017). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 2691. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/2691 This Master's Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE CULTURAL CREATION OF FULVIA FLACCA BAMBULA By Erin Leigh Wotring A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of the University of Louisville In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts in History Department of History University of Louisville Louisville, KY May, 2017 Copyright 2017 by Erin Leigh Wotring All rights reserved THE CULTURAL CREATION OF FULVIA FLACCA BAMBULA By Erin Leigh Wotring A Thesis Approved on April 14, 2017 by the following Thesis Committee: Dr. Jennifer Westerfeld, Director Dr. Blake Beattie Dr. Carmen Hardin ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Dr. -
The Burial of the Urban Poor in Italy in the Late Republic and Early Empire
Death, disposal and the destitute: The burial of the urban poor in Italy in the late Republic and early Empire Emma-Jayne Graham Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Archaeology University of Sheffield December 2004 IMAGING SERVICES NORTH Boston Spa, Wetherby West Yorkshire, LS23 7BQ www.bl.uk The following have been excluded from this digital copy at the request of the university: Fig 12 on page 24 Fig 16 on page 61 Fig 24 on page 162 Fig 25 on page 163 Fig 26 on page 164 Fig 28 on page 168 Fig 30on page 170 Fig 31 on page 173 Abstract Recent studies of Roman funerary practices have demonstrated that these activities were a vital component of urban social and religious processes. These investigations have, however, largely privileged the importance of these activities to the upper levels of society. Attempts to examine the responses of the lower classes to death, and its consequent demands for disposal and commemoration, have focused on the activities of freedmen and slaves anxious to establish or maintain their social position. The free poor, living on the edge of subsistence, are often disregarded and believed to have been unceremoniously discarded within anonymous mass graves (puticuli) such as those discovered at Rome by Lanciani in the late nineteenth century. This thesis re-examines the archaeological and historical evidence for the funerary practices of the urban poor in Italy within their appropriate social, legal and religious context. The thesis attempts to demonstrate that the desire for commemoration and the need to provide legitimate burial were strong at all social levels and linked to several factors common to all social strata. -
Ετς Θεος in Palestinian Inscriptions
ΕΤς θεος in Palestinian Inscriptions Leah Di Segni The acclamation Εἷς θεὸς, alone or in composition with various formulas, fre quently occurs in the East. In an extensive study, Ε. Peterson1 collected a large number of examples which he considered to be Christian, some as early as the late third century, from Syria (including Phoenicia, Palestine and Arabia) and Egypt, and concluded that Εἷς θεὸς was a typical Christian formula. Peterson’s conclusions were widely accepted and, not surprisingly, have become a self-ful filling prophecy, inasmuch as any inscription that contains this formula is auto matically classified as Christian, unless unequivocally proven otherwise. A more critical approach seems advisable, especially when dealing with Palestine, if for no other reason than the demographic diversity of this region, where Christians were still a minority at the beginning of the fifth century and possibly for some time later.2 While the material collected by Peterson from Egypt is indeed solidly Chris tian — mostly epitaphs with Christian symbols, many of them containing eccle siastic titles3 — the examples of Εἷς θεὸς from Syria include a sizable group of inscriptions that lack any positive identification. Of the dated material, a large majority of the unidentified Εἷς θεὸς inscriptions belong to the fourth century, whereas the texts identified as Christian by the addition of specific symbols and/or formulas come from the late fourth and fifth centuries. This seems to mean that in Syria the Εἷς θεὸς formula suffered a progressive Christianization, concomitant with the advance of Christianity in the province. In his collection of Syrian material, in fact, Prentice attributed the early specimens of Εἷς θεὸς to Ι Ε. -
Alexander and the 'Defeat' of the Sogdianian Revolt
Alexander the Great and the “Defeat” of the Sogdianian Revolt* Salvatore Vacante “A victory is twice itself when the achiever brings home full numbers” (W. Shakespeare, Much Ado About Nothing, Act I, Scene I) (i) At the beginning of 329,1 the flight of the satrap Bessus towards the northeastern borders of the former Persian Empire gave Alexander the Great the timely opportunity for the invasion of Sogdiana.2 This ancient region was located between the Oxus (present Amu-Darya) and Iaxartes (Syr-Darya) Rivers, where we now find the modern Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, bordering on the South with ancient Bactria (present Afghanistan). According to literary sources, the Macedonians rapidly occupied this large area with its “capital” Maracanda3 and also built, along the Iaxartes, the famous Alexandria Eschate, “the Farthermost.”4 However, during the same year, the Sogdianian nobles Spitamenes and Catanes5 were able to create a coalition of Sogdianians, Bactrians and Scythians, who created serious problems for Macedonian power in the region, forcing Alexander to return for the winter of 329/8 to the largest city of Bactria, Zariaspa-Bactra.6 The chiefs of the revolt were those who had *An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Conflict Archaeology Postgraduate Conference organized by the Centre for Battlefield Archaeology of the University of Glasgow on October 7th – 9th 2011. 1 Except where differently indicated, all the dates are BCE. 2 Arr. 3.28.10-29.6. 3 Arr. 3.30.6; Curt. 7.6.10: modern Samarkand. According to Curtius, the city was surrounded by long walls (70 stades, i.e. -
Horace - Poems
Classic Poetry Series Horace - poems - Publication Date: 2012 Publisher: Poemhunter.com - The World's Poetry Archive Horace(8 December 65 BC – 27 November 8 BC) Quintus Horatius Flaccus, known in the English-speaking world as Horace, was the leading Roman lyric poet during the time of Augustus. The rhetorician Quintillian regarded his Odes as almost the only Latin lyrics worth reading, justifying his estimate with the words: "He can be lofty sometimes, yet he is also full of charm and grace, versatile in his figures, and felicitously daring in his choice of words." Horace also crafted elegant hexameter verses (Sermones and Epistles) and scurrilous iambic poetry (Epodes). The hexameters are playful and yet serious works, leading the ancient satirist Persius to comment: "as his friend laughs, Horace slyly puts his finger on his every fault; once let in, he plays about the heartstrings". Some of his iambic poetry, however, can seem wantonly repulsive to modern audiences. His career coincided with Rome's momentous change from Republic to Empire. An officer in the republican army that was crushed at the Battle of Philippi in 42 BC, he was befriended by Octavian's right-hand man in civil affairs, Maecenas, and became something of a spokesman for the new regime. For some commentators, his association with the regime was a delicate balance in which he maintained a strong measure of independence (he was "a master of the graceful sidestep") but for others he was, in < a href="http://www.poemhunter.com/john-henry-dryden/">John Dryden's</a> phrase, "a well-mannered court slave". -
The Bona Dea Scandal, P. Clodius and Clodia
DANGEROUS LIAISONS : THE WOMEN BEHIND THE BONA DEA SCANDAL OF 62 BC. IMPORTANT NOTE TO THE FOLLOWING PAPER: Sall. Cat. 15 even as youth Cataline had many shameful intrigues, with a vestal virgin, and other affairs equally unlawful and impious. Sources in MRR 2.114. Fabia the Vestal Virgin, sister of Terentia, was accused of incest with Cataline by Clodius in 73 BC, defended by Lutatius Catulus. Imagine 24-7 news networks during the Late Roman Republic exploiting the following events: BREAKING NEWS Pompey the Great has divorced his wife Mucia when he returned from the East in 62 BC; rumor had it she was having an affair with Julius Caesar. BREAKING NEWS Caesar has divorced Pompeia (no relation to Pompey1) following the scandal of the Bona Dea sacrilege. Pompeia was rumored to have had an affair with P. Clodius, who disguised himself as a woman to visit her during the most sacred rites of the Great Goddess.2 These transpired at Caesar’s house, where Caesar’s own mother and sister apprehended Clodius in their midst. According to our source (Suet. Iul. 74.2), “When summoned as a witness 1 against Clodius, Caesar declared that he had no evidence, although both his mother Aurelia and his sister Julia had given the same jurors a faithful account of the whole affair. On being asked why it was then that he had divorced his wife, he replied, ‘Because I maintain that the members of my family should be free from suspicion as well as from accusation.’” BREAKING NEWS As Clodius’ trial for sacrilege approached, rumor has it that Clodius’ sister, Clodia, has made sexual advances toward M. -
University of Chicago's Oriental Institute
oi.uchicago.edu THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO ORIENTAL INSTITUTE PUBLICATIONS VOLUME LXXXV oi.uchicago.edu oi.uchicago.edu THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO ORIENTAL INSTITUTE PUBLICATIONS VOLUME LXXXV A BYZANTINE CHURCH AT KHIRBAT AL-KARAK BY PINHAS DELOUGAZ AND RICHARD C. HAINES with contributions by Carl H. Kraeling and Florence E. Day THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS • CHICAGO • ILLINOIS oi.uchicago.edu Library of Congress Catalog Number: 59-13607 THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS, CHICAGO 37 Cambridge University Press, London, N.W. 1, England The University of Toronto Press, Toronto 5, Canada © 1960 by The University of Chicago. Published 1960. Com posed and printed by THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A. Plates printed by PHOTOPRESS, INC., Broadview, Illinois oi.uchicago.edu PREFACE CHEOLOGICAL research in the Holy Land had a high priority in the program of the Oriental Institute as envisaged by its founder and first director, the late Professor James Henry Breasted. Consequently, work in Palestine followed soon after the be ginning of work in Egypt, and the excavation of the ancient mound of Megiddo "marked the beginning of systematic and detailed field work by the Oriental Institute in Asia."1 While the years between Dr. Breasted's death in 1935 and the second World War brought drastic reduc tions in and finally liquidation of most of the other field operations in Western Asia, work at Megiddo continued uninterruptedly from 1925 to 1939. After the war the political changes in Palestine, on the one hand, and the greatly reduced resources of the Institute, on the other, combined to postpone work in the Holy Land.