DOCSLIB.ORG

Pompey, the Great Husband

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Pompey, the Great Husband Michael Jaffee Patterson Independent Project 2/1/13 Pompey, the Great Husband Abstract: Pompey the Great’s traditional narrative of one-dimensionally striving for power ignores the possibility of the affairs of his private life influencing the actions of his political career. This paper gives emphasis to Pompey’s familial relationships as a motivating factor beyond raw ambition to establish a non-teleological history to explain the events of his life. Most notably, Pompey’s opposition to the special command of the Lex Gabinia emphasizes the incompatibility for success in both the public and private life and Pompey’s preference for the later. Pompey’s disposition for devotion and care permeates the boundary between the public and private to reveal that the happenings of his life outside the forum defined his actions within. 1 “Pompey was free from almost every fault, unless it be considered one of the greatest faults for a man to chafe at seeing anyone his equal in dignity in a free state, the mistress of the world, where he should justly regard all citizens as his equals,” (Velleius Historiae Romanae 2.29.4). The annals of history have not been kind to Pompey. Characterized by the unbridled ambition attributed as his impetus for pursuing the civil war, Pompey is one of history’s most one-dimensional characters. This teleological explanation of Pompey’s history oversimplifies the entirety of his life as solely motivated by a desire to dominate the Roman state. However, a closer examination of the events surrounding the passage of the Lex Gabinia contradicts this traditional portrayal. Pompey is not the character so conventionally portrayed but rather an individual influenced by his familial ambitions. Although scholars confine Pompey to a character of unconquerable political ambition, the inclusion of Pompey’s personal affairs in the analysis of history reveals that his aspirations for familial success at times surpassed the political. Passed in 67 BCE, the Lex Gabinia appointed Pompey to a special command against piracy. Endued with imperium infinitum, Pompey had dominion over the entirety of the Mediterranean extending inland for 50 miles.1 The severities of the times warranted the exceptional command. For, earlier that year, pirates had sacked Rome’s port city of Ostia.2 By this time, the city of Rome had outgrown its agricultural capacity and was dependant upon the importation of Egyptian grain. 1 Plutarch Pompey 25. 2 Dio Roman History 36.23.5. 2 The activities of the pirates had halted commercial trade in the Mediterranean and prevented the grain supply from reaching the city.3 Rome’s urban poor were the most afflicted by the abrupt spike in grain prices and faced the threat of starvation. The daily affairs of the city were interrupted as hunger and civil unrest multiplied. Under such circumstances was the Lex Gabinia introduced. Indeed, Pompey’s command was not unique but rather the revival of an earlier commission for the same purpose. In 74 BCE, the praetor Marcus Antonius had assumed a failed command against the pirates with the same designation of imperium infinitum.4 In both cases, on account of the pirates’ prolificness, the task of their defeat demanded a command that extended beyond the boundaries of a single province to encompass the entirety of the Mediterranean.5 The nature of a command against the pirates necessitated the exceptional power of imperium infinitum. As Rome’s most decorated general, Pompey was naturally the first choice for such a command. Prominent for his restoration of the Tribunate as well as the fame of being the only equestrian to have ever celebrated even a single triumph, not to mention two, Pompey was one of Rome’s most popular politicians.6 It was apparent that Pompey was the most qualified general for achieving the immediate restoration of the grain supply and that the Roman populace would no doubt demand that Pompey assume the command against the pirates.7 Thus, the young Tribune Aulus Gabinius 3 Appian The Mithridatic Wars 63; Dio Roman History 36.20; Plutarch Pompey 25. 4 Velleius Historiae Romanae 2.31.4. 5 Appian The Mithridatic Wars 63; Dio Roman History 36.20; Plutarch Pompey 24. 6 Plutarch Pompey 14, 21. 7 Dio Roman History 36.23. 3 proposed the Lex Gabinia for the political gain of simultaneously championing the popular cause and strengthening his public association to Pompey.8 Indeed, despite the Lex Gabinia’s open-ended proposal that the general be chosen from among the ex-consuls, the masses immediately clamored for Pompey’s appointment.9 Pompey’s military successes were so well known that many felt that the mere name of Pompey would end the war.10 The desperation of the people was so great and their support of Pompey’s candidacy so strong that, faced with political opposition, they rushed the Senatorial assembly with the intention of killing any who opposed the motion.11 Eventually, fearful of the Roman mob, the Senate scheduled the bill for a vote.12 However, there is no indication that Pompey was complicit in the proposal of the Lex Gabinia. Upon hearing the proposed commands, Pompey delivered a speech recognizing the honor of his consideration but nevertheless asked the assembly to elect another man.13 Furthermore, Pompey excused his behavior by indicating his preference for the private life, “Allow me to remain undisturbed and to attend to my own business, so that now at last I may bestow some care upon my private affairs,” (Dio Roman History 36.26). However, consistent with Pompey’s characterization as a megalomaniac, ancient and modern historians alike dismiss Pompey’s statements as insincere. Dio provides us with the two most repeated explanations for the 8 Dio Roman History 36.23.4; Velleius Historiae Romanae 2.31.2; Plutarch Pompey 25. 9 Dio Roman History 36.23-24. 10 Plutarch Pompey 26. 11 Dio Roman History 36.24.2. 12 Plutarch Pompey 25. 13 Dio Roman History 36.25. 4 unction of Pompey’s speech.14 Either that Pompey wished to avoid the jealousy of his fellow Senators or to enhance the glory of the command by appearing to receive its appointment against his will.15 However, both these explanations contradict the egotism of unrelenting ambition. Firstly, an aspiring autocrat would welcome jealousy rather than avoid it. Secondly, the exceptionality of the command already constituted such glory as to make the manner of its appointment inconsequential. Finally, if indeed desirous for the command, it would be irrational for Pompey to risk appointment with feigned opposition; he needed only to express approval and his popularity with the mob would assure his selection. However, they say that actions speak louder than words and Pompey’s subsequent conduct confirms the validity of his speech. With the vote for the Lex Gabinia postponed until the following day, Pompey fled the city to be with his family at his country estate.16 In silent rebellion, Pompey chose to be absent while poised to receive the highest honor of his political career. Furthermore, upon receiving the news of his appointment, Pompey avoided celebration and returned anonymously to the city under the cover of darkness.17 Although dismissed by the sources, Pompey’s opposition to the Lex Gabinia becomes intelligible in the context of his private affairs. By the time of the Lex Gabinia’s proposal in 67 BCE, Pompey had been absent from politics for three years. In 70 BCE, he was elected to the consulship in the wake of his second triumph.18 14 Dio Roman History 36.24.6. 15 Dio Roman History 36.24.6. 16 Plutarch Pompey 26. 17 Plutarch Pompey 26. 18 Plutarch Pompey 14, 21, 22. 5 Although he secured the consulship with ease, having bypassed the cursus honorum, he was inexperienced in the affairs of Roman politics. 19 Indeed, Pompey lacked not only oratorical skills but also a basic understanding of the procedures of the Roman Senate.20 Finding difficulty in advancing his political agenda from within the Senate itself, he became dependant on the support of the masses and restored the Tribunate to its pre-Sullan power.21 However, this instigated a competition for popular appeal between Pompey and his colleague Crassus, fracturing their relationship and preventing any further political achievements.22 The experiences of Pompey’s first year as a Senator must have been frustrating at the least. Upon conclusion of his term in office, he retired from public life, refusing requests to appear in court and only infrequently visiting the forum.23 Pompey’s absence from politics represents his affinity for the private life, as expressed in his speech three years later. Pompey’s habit of, “frequently neglecting and ignoring public business in order to gratify his wives,” provides a rare insight into the relationship between Roman spouses.24 Indeed, love best explains Pompey’s valuation of familial ambition above political. Although marriages among the Roman elite functioned primarily as a means of forming political alliances, this does not negate the 19 Plutarch Pompey 22. 20 Aulus Gellius Noctes Atticae 14.7; Seneca Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales 11.4. 21 Plutarch Pompey 21. 22 Plutarch Crassus 12. 23 Plutarch Pompey 23. 24 Plutarch Pompey 2. 6 possibility of love. 25 Cicero’s letters to Terentia from his exile provide insight into the doting relationship that could develop between a Roman husband and his wife, “If these misfortunes are permanent, I truly desire to see you, light of my life, as soon as possible and for you to remain in my embrace, since neither the gods whom you have cultivated so virtuously nor the men whom I assiduously served have rendered us our proper return,” (Cicero fam.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Fall of the Roman Republic
    The Fall of the Roman Republic Paul Waring November 6, 2017 Introduction In 44 BC,1 the assassination of Julius Caesar at the hands of a group of disgruntled senators resulted in a power vacuum at the heart of the Roman Republic. Two men, Antony and Octavian, looked set to grasp the mantle of power, and initially they worked closely together to divide up the republic. The arrangement eventually failed though, and plunged Rome into yet another conflict. In this discussion we will be focusing on the lives of Antony and Octavian (later Augustus) and their role in the fall of the Roman Republic, and its transition into an Empire run by one man instead of the Senate. We will examine their early lives and rise to power separately, and then join the two stories together at the point of the Second Triumvirate, an official arrangement between the two men to work together and divide up Rome’s possessions. From there we will take the narrative up until the point of the Second Settlement of Augustus (23), at which point Augustus was secure as the first emperor of Rome, although he was careful not to use that title. The intensity of activity during the period under discussion (c. 44 - 23) and the volume of surviving literary and archaeological material means that we will either mention briefly or skip altogether some of the events which occurred and the people involved. A substantial amount of further reading, both in ancient sources and modern texts, is provided for those who wish to examine the period in more detail.
    [Show full text]
  • The Roman Province of Judea: a Historical Overview
    BYU Studies Quarterly Volume 36 Issue 3 Article 23 7-1-1996 The Roman Province of Judea: A Historical Overview John F. Hall Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/byusq Part of the Mormon Studies Commons, and the Religious Education Commons Recommended Citation Hall, John F. (1996) "The Roman Province of Judea: A Historical Overview," BYU Studies Quarterly: Vol. 36 : Iss. 3 , Article 23. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/byusq/vol36/iss3/23 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in BYU Studies Quarterly by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hall: The Roman Province of Judea: A Historical Overview p d tffieffiAinelixnealxAIX romansixulalealliki glnfin ns i u1uaihiihlanilni judeatairstfsuuctfa Published by BYU ScholarsArchive, 1996 1 BYU Studies Quarterly, Vol. 36, Iss. 3 [1996], Art. 23 the roman province judeaofiudeaofofjudea A historical overview john E hall the comingcoining of rome to judea romes acquisition ofofjudeajudea and subsequent involvement in the affairs of that long troubled area came about in largely indirect fashion for centuries judea had been under the control of the hel- lenilenisticstic greek monarchy centered in syria and known as the seleu- cid empire one of the successor states to the far greater empire of alexander the great who conquered the vast reaches of the persian empire toward the end of the fourth century
    [Show full text]
  • 295 Emanuela Borgia (Rome) CILICIA and the ROMAN EMPIRE
    EMANUELA BORGIA, CILICIA AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE STUDIA EUROPAEA GNESNENSIA 16/2017 ISSN 2082-5951 DOI 10.14746/seg.2017.16.15 Emanuela Borgia (Rome) CILICIA AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE: REFLECTIONS ON PROVINCIA CILICIA AND ITS ROMANISATION Abstract This paper aims at the study of the Roman province of Cilicia, whose formation process was quite long (from the 1st century BC to 72 AD) and complicated by various events. Firstly, it will focus on a more precise determination of the geographic limits of the region, which are not clear and quite ambiguous in the ancient sources. Secondly, the author will thoroughly analyze the formation of the province itself and its progressive Romanization. Finally, political organization of Cilicia within the Roman empire in its different forms throughout time will be taken into account. Key words Cilicia, provincia Cilicia, Roman empire, Romanization, client kings 295 STUDIA EUROPAEA GNESNENSIA 16/2017 · ROME AND THE PROVINCES Quos timuit superat, quos superavit amat (Rut. Nam., De Reditu suo, I, 72) This paper attempts a systematic approach to the study of the Roman province of Cilicia, whose formation process was quite long and characterized by a complicated sequence of historical and political events. The main question is formulated drawing on – though in a different geographic context – the words of G. Alföldy1: can we consider Cilicia a „typical” province of the Roman empire and how can we determine the peculiarities of this province? Moreover, always recalling a point emphasized by G. Alföldy, we have to take into account that, in order to understand the characteristics of a province, it is fundamental to appreciate its level of Romanization and its importance within the empire from the economic, political, military and cultural points of view2.
    [Show full text]
  • Augustus Go to and Log in Using Your School’S Log in Details
    Timelines – Augustus Go to www.worldbookonline.com and log in using your school’s log in details: Log-in ID: Password: Click on Advanced Type in Augustus in Search box Click the article titled Augustus Read the article and answer the questions below. 1. What date was Octavian (Augustus) born? ___________________________________________________________________________ 2. In which year did Octavian take the name Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus? ___________________________________________________________________________ 3. Octavian defeated Mark Antony, who had taken control of Rome following Caesar’s death, in which year? ___________________________________________________________________________ 4. Octavian and Mark Antony formed a political alliance, known as the Second Triumvirate, with Markus Aemilius Lepidus (chief priest of Rome). In which year were Marcus Junius Brutus and Gaius Cassius Longinus, Caesar’s chief assassins, defeated at Philippi in Macedonia? ___________________________________________________________________________ 5. What year was another threat, Sextus Pompey (son of Pompey the Great), defeated by Antony and Octavian? ___________________________________________________________________________ 6. In what year did the Triumvirate disintegrate? ___________________________________________________________________________ 7. In what year did Mark Antony and Cleopatra (Queen of Egypt) become lovers? ___________________________________________________________________________ 8. In what year did Octavian go to war against
    [Show full text]
  • Piracy, Illicit Trade, and the Construction of Commercial
    Navigating the Atlantic World: Piracy, Illicit Trade, and the Construction of Commercial Networks, 1650-1791 Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University by Jamie LeAnne Goodall, M.A. Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2016 Dissertation Committee: Margaret Newell, Advisor John Brooke David Staley Copyright by Jamie LeAnne Goodall 2016 Abstract This dissertation seeks to move pirates and their economic relationships from the social and legal margins of the Atlantic world to the center of it and integrate them into the broader history of early modern colonization and commerce. In doing so, I examine piracy and illicit activities such as smuggling and shipwrecking through a new lens. They act as a form of economic engagement that could not only be used by empires and colonies as tools of competitive international trade, but also as activities that served to fuel the developing Caribbean-Atlantic economy, in many ways allowing the plantation economy of several Caribbean-Atlantic islands to flourish. Ultimately, in places like Jamaica and Barbados, the success of the plantation economy would eventually displace the opportunistic market of piracy and related activities. Plantations rarely eradicated these economies of opportunity, though, as these islands still served as important commercial hubs: ports loaded, unloaded, and repaired ships, taverns attracted a variety of visitors, and shipwrecking became a regulated form of employment. In places like Tortuga and the Bahamas where agricultural production was not as successful, illicit activities managed to maintain a foothold much longer.
    [Show full text]
  • Wars and Battles of Ancient Rome
    Wars and Battles of Ancient Rome Battle summaries are from Harbottle's Dictionary of Battles, published by Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1904. Rise of Rome—753 to 3911 B.C. The rise of Rome from a small Latin city to the dominant power in Italy Battle of Description Sabines According to legend, a year after the Romans kidnapped their wives from the neighboring Sabines, the (Kingdom) tribes returned to take vengeance. The fighting however, was stopped by the young wives who ran in B.C. 750 between the warring parties and begged that their fathers, brothers and husbands cease making war upon each other. The Sabine and Roman tribes were henceforth united. Alba Longa After a long siege, Alba was finally taken by strategm. With the fall of Alba, its father-city, Rome was (Kingdom) the undisputed leading city of the Latins. The inhabitants of Alba were resettled in Rome on the caelian B.C. 650 Hill. Sublican Lars Porsenna, king of Clusium was marching toward Rome, planning to restore the exiled Tarquins to Bridge the Roman throne. As his army descended on Rome from the opposite side of the Tiber, roman soldiers (Tarquinii) worked furiously to destroy the wooden bridge. Horatius and two other soldiers single-handedly fended B.C. 509 off Porsenna's army until the bridge could be destroyed. Lake Regillus Fought B.C. 497, the first authentic date in the history of Rome. The details handed down, however, (Tarquinii) belong to the domain of legend rather than to that of history. According to the chroniclers, this was the B.C.
    [Show full text]
  • THE CASE of CICERO and TERENTIA Available in Published Form in Phoenix 50
    DOCUMENTS OF A CRUMBLING MARRIAGE: THE CASE OF CICERO AND TERENTIA Available in published form in Phoenix 50. 3-4 (1996), 208-232 Jo-Marie Claassen, University of Stellenbosch Why did Cicero divorce his wife after more than thirty years? Is Plutarch right when he implies that she was dishonest and ill-treated her daughter? What was the nature of Roman marriage and family life? Was the Cicero family life ever ‘happy’, judged by modern standards? Can the resources of modern sociology apply, and will such application lead to an alternative interpretation of the known facts? INTRODUCTION Cicero’s private life as evidenced in his correspondence cannot be separated from his political life: at times each part seems to work as a sort of counter-irritant to troubles in the other half. While his marriage was still intact, it sometimes seemed to be all that saved the beleaguered consular’s sanity. His divorce of Terentia, his wife of over thirty years, and subsequent marriage to his young ward Publilia in late 47 or early 46 B.C. (at a time when Cicero’s political career seemed at an impasse) has never been satisfactorily accounted for. Cicero divorced this second wife soon after his daughter Tullia’s death in 45, ‘because she seemed pleased about it’ (Plut. Cic. 41.8).1 This divorce, too, seems odd, at the very least. The purpose of this paper is threefold. First it will review the usually cited evidence for the disintegration of the marriage of Cicero and Terentia, starting with Plutarch, with a view to reinterpretation of aspects that appear to have been misconstrued by the ancient biographer and followed by moderns.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Aspects of the Concept of Virtus in Roman Literature Until Livy
    STUDIA PHILOLOGICA JYV ASKYLAENSIA 16 JUHANI SARSILA SOME ASPECTS OF THE CONCEPT OF VIRTUS IN ROMAN LITERATURE UNTIL LIVY ACADEMIC DISSERTATION TO THE PUBLICLY DISCUSSED, BY PERMISSION OF THE FACULTY OF HUMANITIES, OF THE UNIVERSITY OF JYVASKYLA, IN AUDITORIUM S 212, ON APRIL 7, 1982, AT 12 O'CLOCK NOON UNIVERSITY OF ]YVASKYLA, JYVASKYLA 1982 SOME ASPECTS OF THE CONCEPT OF VIRTUS IN ROMAN LITERATURE UNTIL LIVY STUDIA PHILOLOGICA JYVASKYLAENSIA 16 JUHANI SARSILA SOME ASPECTS OF THE CONCEPT OF VIRTUS IN ROMAN LITERATURE UNTIL LIVY UNIVERSITY OF JYVASKYLA, JYVASKYLA 1982 URN:ISBN:978-951-39-8309-3 ISBN 978-951-39-8309-3 (PDF) ISSN 0585-5462 lSBN 951-678-661-8 ISSN 0585-5462 COPYRIGHT © 1982, by University of Jyvliskylli Jyvliskyllin yliopisto monistuskeskus Kirjapaino Oy Sisa-Suomi. Jyvliskylli 1982 ABSTRACT Sarsila, Juhani, Some Aspects of the Concept of Virtus in Roman Literature until Livy / Juhani Sarsila. - Jyvaskyla Jyvaskylan yliopisto, 1981. - 153 s. - (Studia Philologica Jyvaskylaensia, ISSN 0585-5462; 16) ISBN 951-678-661-8 Diss. This study is an interpretation of some essential occurrences of virtus in the Roman literature from the beginnings until Livy. The method can be characterized as philological, more precisely compara­ tive-diachronical. Despite the great variety of literary genres, virtus remains rather similar from one author to another. The fact that the Romans repeatedly emphasized the importance of virtus goes to show the fundamental significance of this concept for their so­ ciety. Originally the conception of virtus was quite narrow consisting in the readiness of the agrarian and militant community to wage war and to endure hard toil.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cultural Creation of Fulvia Flacca Bambula
    University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 5-2017 The cultural creation of Fulvia Flacca Bambula. Erin Leigh Wotring University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, History of Gender Commons, Intellectual History Commons, Political History Commons, Social History Commons, and the Women's History Commons Recommended Citation Wotring, Erin Leigh, "The cultural creation of Fulvia Flacca Bambula." (2017). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 2691. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/2691 This Master's Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE CULTURAL CREATION OF FULVIA FLACCA BAMBULA By Erin Leigh Wotring A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of the University of Louisville In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts in History Department of History University of Louisville Louisville, KY May, 2017 Copyright 2017 by Erin Leigh Wotring All rights reserved THE CULTURAL CREATION OF FULVIA FLACCA BAMBULA By Erin Leigh Wotring A Thesis Approved on April 14, 2017 by the following Thesis Committee: Dr. Jennifer Westerfeld, Director Dr. Blake Beattie Dr. Carmen Hardin ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Catullus, Memmius, and Bithynia
    Catullus, Memmius, and Bithynia Gaius Memmius was the son-in-law of Sulla, an orator who won backhanded praise from Cicero (Brut. 247), seducer of the wife of Marcus Lucullus (Cic. Att. 1. 18. 3) and a fierce adversary of his brother (Plut. Cat. Mi. 29. 5-8), a poet whose immodesty impressed Ovid (Tr. 2. 433), a praetor (Cic. Q. fr. 1. 2. 16), a candidate for the consulship, a disgraced exile, the probable but imperfect patron of Lucretius, and a perfect villain for Catullus, and a successful military commander, hailed by his troops as “Imperator.” The last is evidenced by a denarius (427 Crawford). The obverse presents the head of Ceres, facing right, with C∙ MEMMI C ∙ F ∙ reading downwards. On the reverse is a trophy and a kneeling captive with hands tied behind his back; reading downwards on the left is the title IMPERATOR and on the right C ∙ MEMMIUS. To my knowledge this remarkable coin is never brought up in discussions of Catullus, despite the fact that Catullus would have been serving in the cohors of Memmius at the time he was acclaimed imperator. Crawford and others date the coin to 56, following the consensus that Memmius was governor of Bithynia in 57. This presents a problem, for it seems unlikely that Memmius could have engaged in any significant military campaign nine years after the province had been pacified (Cic. Agr. 2. 47) and a full five years after Pompey’s settlement of the East. It is much more likely that Memmius’ victory was earlier, at a time when there was still potential unrest in the area of Bithynia following Mithradates’ resurgence in 67.
    [Show full text]
  • West Asian Geopolitics and the Roman Triumph A
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Parading Persia: West Asian Geopolitics and the Roman Triumph A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History by Carly Maris September 2019 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Michele Salzman, Chairperson Dr. Denver Graninger Dr. Thomas Scanlon Copyright by Carly Maris 2019 The Dissertation of Carly Maris is approved: Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside Acknowledgements Thank you so much to the following people for your continued support: Dan (my love), Mom, Dad, the Bellums, Michele, Denver, Tom, Vanessa, Elizabeth, and the rest of my friends and family. I’d also like to thank the following entities for bringing me joy during my time in grad school: The Atomic Cherry Bombs, my cats Beowulf and Oberon, all the TV shows I watched and fandoms I joined, and my Twitter community. iv ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Parading Persia: West Asian Geopolitics and The Roman Triumph by Carly Maris Doctor of Philosophy, Graduate Program in History University of California, Riverside, September 2019 Dr. Michele Salzman, Chairperson Parading Persia: West Asian Geopolitics and the Roman Triumph is an investigation into East-West tensions during the first 500 years of Roman expansion into West Asia. The dissertation is divided into three case studies that: (1) look at local inscriptions and historical accounts to explore how three individual Roman generals warring with the dominant Asian-Persian empires for control over the region negotiated
    [Show full text]
  • Pirate Treasure? SCOTUS Unanimously Rules States Are Immune from Copyright Infringement Suits in Blackbeard Case
    March 25, 2020 Pirate treasure? SCOTUS unanimously rules states are immune from copyright infringement suits in Blackbeard case By Jennette Psihoules and Jason Kunze “Arrr, matey… the crown bested me again. Me buried treasure is awash without remedy.” Perhaps Blackbeard would utter this upon learning that the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously ruled that states are immune from copyright infringement actions. Specifically, on Monday, March 23, 2020, the Supreme Court held that the Copyright Remedy Clarification Act of 1990 (the “CRCA”) abolishing states’ sovereign immunity against copyright infringement suits is invalid.1 The story begins over three hundred years ago off the coast of Beaufort, North Carolina, where Edward Teach, more well known as the infamous pirate Blackbeard, ran into unfortunate luck, when his vessel, Queen Anne’s Revenge, ran aground on a sand bar near shore and sank. Queen Anne’s Revenge remained untouched underwater for centuries until 1996, when Intersal, Inc. (“Intersal”) discovered her wreck. While according to federal and state law, the wreck belongs to the State of North Carolina, North Carolina engaged Intersal to excavate the ship. Intersal hired Frederick Allen (“Allen”) to record the excavation. Allen captured videos and photos relating to the unearthing of Queen Anne’s Revenge and registered copyrights in these works. North Carolina subsequently published many of the works despite Allen’s objections, in what Justice Kagan referred to as “a modern form of piracy.”2 As a result, Allen filed a complaint in Federal District Court alleging copyright infringement against the State of North Carolina. North Carolina moved to dismiss the suit on the grounds of sovereign immunity under the Eleventh Amendment.
    [Show full text]